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THIS issue commences the second volume of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST. Its success during the past year was encouraging, owing in great part to the large and varied interests it represented, in part to the able and efficient management of ex-President Gompers, whose untiring work reflected credit not only on the magazine but on himself, and in part to the ability of the several writers who contributed to its success. Should Volume No. 2 increase in ratio to the demand for Volume No. 1, the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST will be accorded its rightful position, viz., the leading magazine in America.

THE PRESIDENT'S SICKNESS. President McBride has been ordered by his medical advisers to take a vacation, and go to Hot Springs, Ark., for the benefit of his health. His illness commenced early last October by an `attack of nicotine poisoning, which prostrated him for about seventeen weeks. He then began to recover, and soon assumed his duties, but about the middle of February he had a slight relapse, which was somewhat intensified by an additional ailment in the nature of the grippe. These two troubles conjointly got the best of his otherwise robust nature, hence his trip to the Hot Springs for rest, health and recuperation. He expects to return to Indianapolis again about the latter part of March. During his absence from headquarters his place is being filled by Second Vice-President Duncan. PRESIDENT MCBRIDE'S ACCUSERS.

Since last issue of this magazine considerable advertisement has been given by the capitalistic press to an alleged charge of bribery preferred against President McBribe during the labor troubles of last year. This charge was answered by the United Coal Miners in convention at Columbus, Ohio, last month, but the miners' answer did not receive the same publicity as did the charges in the above mentioned press.

Following is the action taken by the delegates composing the Miners' Convention:

After full discussion and examination of witnesses, the committee on investigation presented the following resolution:

Resolved, That your committee appointed to investigate the charge of corruption against John McBride by Mark Wild, after full investigation and hearing both sides, find John McBride not guilty.

This was signed by P. Dolan, chairman; T. L. Lewis, secretary; G. W. Purcell, John Neal, Miles Dougherty, J. W. Reynolds, Bernard Rae, James Carter, Wm. C. Warburton, W. J. Guymon, David Baughman, Jerry Meade, Henry Stephenson, Joseph Allen, J. W. Cox.

On motion the committee's report was concurred in by a vote of 122 for and 4 against. The following was then offered:

WHEREAS, The charges against the officials of our organization were without any foundation whatever, and the charges made by Mark Wild against ex-President McBride were but the mouthings of a demagogue, who should not be permitted to enter a convention of honest

men,

Resolved, That we are satisfied that our officers have been honest and earnest in their work for the miners of this country, and we express our utmost confidence

in them.

Resolved, That Mark Wild be not permitted to enter this convention while it is in session.

Adopted by a vote of 226 for and 73% against. This action by the Miners' Convention will, no

doubt, satisfy the minds of all workingmen that the charges made against John McBride were false, but, in order to satisfy the public, President McBride will, as soon as his condition will permit, prepare a personal statement for publication of the whole circumstances, together with proofs from eye-witnesses, which statement will cover the whole ground claimed by Mark Wild in his so-called charges.

GLAD TIDINGS.

In another place in this magazine will be found the glad tidings that the Committee on Seamen's Bills, appointed by the Denver A. F. of L. Convention, have well performed the arduous task allotted to them. This favorable action by congress will have a good effect on all coastwise seamen. Their organization has. received an impetus in the passage of the Maguire bill which will enable that much abused craft to again attain the high standard of organization which a few years ago was so characteristic of them, especially on the Pacific coast. The passage of this bill is a nibble for organized labor, and a credit to the American Federation of Labor. It shows the humanitarian side of this vast body of toilers, and emphasizes the adage that an injury to one organization is the concern of all. The enactment of this measure is one of the most pleasant of the few meritorious things done in the closing scenes of the late congress.

COMPULSORY EDUCATION.

Now that congress is "off our hands," and with the fact staring us in the face that "a legal eight-hour work day" has not the same inspiration among economic reformers as used to be its portion, there is not a declaration among the number acted upon in the Denver convention that can secure the support of so many, and the opposition of so few, as that of compulsory education. Too long has this important reform been neglected, for upon it, to a great extent, depends the adoption and retention of all other reforms, political or economic.

The "Anti-Trust Law," a title that begets favor wherever spoken or written, is a covert name for a national enactment of "conspiracy laws," which would prohibit the continuance of any labor organization where the law applied. This name was given to the proposed legislation to hoodwink the toilers, who were supposed to not have education sufficient to discover the full scope of the measure, and for a while the promoters of the iniquitous act saw their day dream being heralded throughout the land as a laudable procedure; but some of the toilers, who had not been deprived of early education, even by lack of legislation on the point,

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found the "snake" in the bill, and gave alarm. This is but an illustration of many such transactions.

Apart from the many benefits which directly follow compulsory education, and analagous thereto, are to be found a full solution of the child labor question, and a quasi-solution of the sweat shop system. Compulsory education virtually eliminates child labor, because if the child, male or female, is sent to school until he or she is fourteen years of age or thereby, anti-child labor laws are unnecessary, and it is questionable if the same energy that is displayed for the enactment of anti-child labor laws would not secure the passage of an act for compulsory education. The same reason applies to the sweat-shops. Put a child to school until his or her fourteenth birthday, and me thinks the aroma of a sweat-shop would not be congenial to his or her olfactory nerves, nor the price now offered for a business man's coat speculative enough for Young America's value of his or her labor. We say value of labor." Here enters another avenue of thought. It is on education that the value of labor depends. The higher education goes, the value of labor rises in proportion; and it is on the value of labor that all our business transactions, commercial, financial, legislative, executive or maritime, are built. Leaders of unions may well take a cue from the advanced position in which the Denver convention placed compulsory education among its declarations, the first declaration, and have organized labor assist in the passage of a law where none such now exists, to the end that having entered the wedge at the proper place, although somewhat belated, it will require but a few well directed blows to drive it to the position from whence must eminate all our prosperity.

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PROGRESS.

The labor movement of the United States is at the present time passing through a severe test. When the clouds shall have cleared away the great good of organization among the wage earners of our country, and the manner in which it has operated to prevent a wholesale reduction of wages, will be more manifest than ever before. In looking over the field the central labor organizations will be found to have fully acted their part. Their value as auxiliaries to the great national unions is being better recognized, as through them the most of the great economic reforms are commenced. Nor is this feeling and work confined to our own country alone. Our brothers in Great Britain have gone us "one better" on this deal, as can be shown by the action of the Battersea Labor League (John Burns' home). This league, besides preventing a reduction of wages, has in many instances

been able to secure an increase. It has been the means of effecting a reduction of hours of labor in several instances, and in addition has been an active factor in local affairs, in many instances having control of legislative boards. In 1889 John Burns was the only representative of labor the Battersea people elected, but in 1894. the progressive action of the Labor League increased the number as follows:

In Parliament and on the London county council:--An engineer.

On the London school board:-The nominee of the National Union of elementary teachers.

On the board of guardians:—One barge builder, one engine driver, one mason, one navvy and the wife of an artisan.

On the vestry or parochial board:-Nine laborers, nine clerks, six bricklayers, five house painters, four carpenters, four plasterers, four schoolmasters, three engineers, three plumbers, three masons, two fitters, one barge builder, one carpet planner, one coal porter, one compositor, one felt hatter, one harness maker, one instrument maker, one itinerant china dealer, one machinist, one plumber's mate, one polisher, one railway porter, one teacher and one warehouseman, making a total of 66 labor men out of 120 elected members. On the baths commission:-One brass worker. On the libraries commission:-One carpenter. On the burial board:-One clerk, one fitter and one house painter.

This is a proverbial showing, and while it may not be possible to duplicate it in our central bodies for some years, it is at least worthy of emulation.

At the end of dull times, such as we have experienced, any national organization that has not retrogressed may well be said to have progressed, and with the prospect of a revival of business all over the country, organization of the toilers will come out of the ordeal in a refined condition, and after mending some gaps in its fences, will present a front, both economical and otherwise, that will put to shame its erstwhile defamers.

A MODEL UNION.

In another part of this magazine will be found an item of news appertaining to the financial business of the Cigar Makers International Union that even does great credit to that organization. Financially considered, this vast body of organized workmen is a model in more ways than one. Its social benefits are a feature that bind the members together in a way that perhaps could not be found in any other system. Especially is this true of its out-of-work benefits, which, in such a season as the past winter, have been a boon to many of this craft who could not find employment.

COAL MINERS' GRIT.

The coal miners in the Pittsburg district are still in the ring, and show remarkable grit in again making a stand for a living wage. The troublesome experience of last year has served to show the need of better organization in their craft, and from information it appears that these men 'have profited by the lesson, and are better organized now than ever before. Their demand seems so reasonable, and even necessary, that all success to their demand is the public wish.

TO PURIFY OUR COURTS.

The greatest menace to organized labor at the present time is the corruption of our courts of justice(?). Their overreaching power and injustice to the "great unwashed" is so manifest that it is unnecessary to cite any one case, yet it will be found, by slight investigation, that to change or reform our judicial proceedure may be a greater undertaking than the reformation of any part of our governmental system.

When a poor man goes to court he goes handicapped, by being financially unable to provide himself a first-class attorney. When his trial is called up he finds some scion of aristocracy appointed by the court to defend him, whose only title to such appointment is that his father and the judge know each other in a business way, and for his senior's "pull" the judge gets him a case. Being a business transaction, the state's attorney makes the best of it, and durance vile receives a victim.

During these proceedings the accused finds the state, of which he is a part, arrayed against him in such a manner as to make him for the time being an outlaw-State vs. Toiler. Thus commences the corruption of courts. A remedy to this may be found in the creation of an office of "state defender," whose duty it would be to bring the prestige of state for acquittal into each case, in some such manner as the state prosecutor may operate to secure a verdict of guilty. A man accused of theft, perhaps, has the same right to have the state, of which he is a part, protect him as the state has to prosecute him, and by having the state thus hung in balance, the judge has no chance to connive with the prosecuting attorney, because the defending attorney is as near to him as a state officer as is the prosecuting lawyer. There may be some theoretical objections to this, but we are dealing with the practical side of the question; not with people as they ought to be, but as we find them. Justice (?) at the present time is onesided. How can it be otherwise? Judges give the benefit of the doubt to the prosecuting attorney, and in "summing up" usually instruct a jury in such language as conveys to them

that the state's attorney has told the truth. The judge and the state's attorney are both state officers, between whom as such there is a fellow feeling, and until such conditions are rent asunder justice will remain one-sided. For this reason it appears that some consideration might be given this question as affecting organized labor, for judging by the light (or darkness) of past events, courts are to have something to do with solving the labor question, whether the toilers like it or not. It may be said that both the attorneys and judge under this system might connive. That is scarcely possible, as a defender would want to make his way in the world as well as the prosecutor, and would watch his laurels as sacredly as possible, so that promotion might speedily fall his way. Whether this change of proceedure would be a panacea for the many complaints against our judiciary decisions a practical application only would show, but that it would be a great advantage over the present system must be apparent to most students of the question. We take it that a man appearing in court charged with some offense, would feel his position was in a fairer way by having the prestige of state, to which he'is a contributor, and of which he is a part, equally strong for his release as for his conviction, than to being placed, as at present, before a court with all the prestige of state against him. Besides, the former is the humane method, and no judge could divide injustice under it to workingmen and women in the wholesale manner now in use.

The question of cost may be raised. If it is, the person raising it does so at the cost of justice and fair dealing. Why should the state pay a man to devote the best part of his life to convict part of the state of felony? It would be more humane, more in the line of fair dealing for the state, if it bear the cost of but one side, to pay a lawyer to protect or defend one of its citizens from state punishment, and appoint one of its political scions to prosecute, but the terms being thus reversed may raise an objection, and such objection shows the iniquity and injustice of the present system. If our law court proceedings were fair there could be no objection to the terms being reversed, hence the mere mention of the matter shows that our system is wrong, and being wrong, operates only against the aforesaid "great unwashed," because the other fellow can jingle his gold-bug gods in his pocket as encouragement to his attorney to push the suit for all it is worth.

In computing a system of fair play no better test can be applied as to fairness than by reversing the chief actors in the scene, and, if the result is satisfactory, fairness is established. Let us now reverse the present modus operandi

of trying a poor man in court by having the judge appoint as prosecutor an inexperienced young man of doubtful ability and the defending attorney an experienced man of known ability. What would be the result? Doubtless it would be an indignant howl of indignation by the body politic against the innovation. We have, therefore, established the injustice of the present system, and, while only dealing with the case of a poor man, the system being wrong, needs changing all the way through from the lowest to the highest court in the land. This fact is also apparent by the manner in which judges are appointed to place, for it is the rule for a president to appoint-even for judges of the United States supreme court -men of his own party.

A Creditable Record.

The annual financial report of the Cigar Makers' International union has been completed. The report shows that during the year 1894 the union paid out in strike benefits, $44,966.75; sick benefits, $106,758.37; death benefits, $62, 158.77; traveling benefits, $42,154.17; out-of-work benefits, $174,517.25, making a total for the year of $430,555.32. During the last fifteen years the International union has paid out in benefits of various kinds $2,522,378.40. In commenting upon the report President George W. Perkins, of the international organization, says, in the official journal: "In addition to the payment of this amount of benefits the International union has successfully protected the rate of wages during one of the greatest industrial depressions that has ever visited this or any other country. The report will show that the actual membership on January I was 27,828. This does not include the members on the road, which is always larger at this time of the year. However, despite the depression, this shows an actual increase of 1,040 members during the year."

Not a Financier.

It's kinder curious, Molly, an' it's hard to see it plainThe way they run the government in sunshine an' in rain;

How they give away the honey and keep the empty comb,

Fer they're shippin' gold to Europe while we're starvin' here at home.

I say it's kinder curious-the way they run the thing; The goldbugs jest a-buzzing when we're twenty mile from spring;

They're powerful out of season, but they've struck the White House home,

An' they're shippin' gold to Europe, while we're starvin' here at home.

It's hard to understand it, an' I wish they'd make it

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NOTES

But very few, if any, lines of industry have experienced the march of invention equally with the art preservative. From the old hand press of Benjamin Franklin, on exhibition in the old State House, Boston, to the complicated Hoe now in use by the large dailies, is a mechanical revolution, the suggestion of which might have been Greek to the editor of the Courant himself. The former capable of producing, with hard labor, 500 copies per hour, the latter 40,000 copies, and sixteen times as large. But even this marvellous work of inventive genius has had to take second place of late to a still more wonderful piece of mechanism in the composing room-that which has been told, discussed and sneered at by the compositor since time immemorial. Not until the offices were supplied, and the typos found themselves on the outside with the door locked, did it at last dawn on them that the type-setting machine was a potent factor, come to stay. It is estimated that about 30 per cent. ot the printers have been displaced in offices where machines have been introduced.

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It has been stated in certain places that the typographical unions opposed the introduction of machines, but this is not so. They did, however, insist on a fair wage, with the fewest hours possible, and this, no doubt, gave credence to the above impression. And happy are we to chronicle that they succeededanother evidence, if needed, of the efficacy and absolute necessity of labor organizations. The glorious battles that the printers fought and won on this issue went unpublished, and probably will remain so for obvious reasons. The number of hours worked is seven in some cities and eight in others, while one or two work six, with wages averaging about 50 cents per hour in the larger cities.

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What of the unemployed? Assessments were levied for their support, and are still running in some places. The various unions have done all that could be done single handed, without receiving or asking outside assistance, not even from the only class benefited by the machines-the manufacturers thereof and the newspaper corporations.

The only class benefited? Yes. Ordinarily the community as a whole receives a portion-a small one, of the increase of production due to invention. After the money lender, the patentee and the employer receive the lion's share, the residue is distributed among the millions. But in this case we do not believe their was any residue. Our daily paper costs the same, and advertising, their main revenue, is no less. A machine can set (average) 4,500 ems per hour, a compositor (average) 1,200. Composition then, allowing for the actual labor cost of the machine, ought to be reduced in that proportion. But has any one heard of new papers starting up here and there because of cheap composition?

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The fact is, as everybody knows, the modern daily newspaper is a monopoly. The press associations, or telegraph monopoly, composed of wealthy newspapers, and prohibiting any new accession to their ranks; the hotel and railway news companies, composed of the same parties, and allowing their own papers only to be sold on the street and steam cars, and also political influence, are some of the legs of this octopus. When a new paper ventures into the arena it is boycotted on all sides, in all ways, by the very people who declare boycotting a felony. That there is room for more and better newspapers, of all classes and schools, is evident. That those already existing could part with a portion of their "largest circulation" without encountering insolvency is also undeniable. But hydra-headed monopoly, backed by law, says otherwise.

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have been a benefit to the whole reading race. As it is, its only effect is to reduce the consuming opportunity of printers, and the producing opportunity of all others, as well as to add to the army of unemployed. If the monopolies cited were abolished there would not be enough printers to supply the demand. In no production would a cheaper supply meet with a quicker sale, because of the crying needs of the people for honest newspapers. This is especially evident when the interests of the working people are in jeopardy or when industrial strife is on, and correct reports as well as substantial aid is needed. Not infrequently is the blue pencil drawn through the writings of the reporter who tells facts.

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The ordinary effect of a new and serviceable invention, we too well know, is to displace labor and increase the privileges of those retained (or, as we often hear it expressed, our comforts are far greater than our ancestors, but we have more unemployed). Under our existing monopoly-soaked regime, invention is more of a curse than a blessing. It increases production, but not proportionate ability to demand. It decreases prices, but not hours of labor. This latter can only be done by organization. Under conditions of freedom, products would sell for the cost of labor, and reduction of labor by invention would be equally shared.

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"A Plea for the Millions," by Samuel B. Hoefgen, an Indiana farmer, is the latest addition to the growing stock of literature on finance. It proclaims for fiat money by an original plan of issue. Interest over 3 per cent. shall be prohibited, also interest on deposits (to foster circulation); banks to bear no taxes and to deposit surplus funds in national treasury, bearing 11⁄2 per cent.; the national Government to loan to States at 2 per cent., and to issue greenbacks when stringency occurred. Aside from the plan itself, the book contains facts and figures worthy of study, as well as a grasp of the industrial situation not generally expected from men of that class. Says this farmer: "Only a shanty or sod house, or log cabin on the fertile fields of the west and south can be found where fine and substantial dwellings should be. Go where you will in the country

and you will find evidences of decay. Travel a thousand miles anywhere and you have the evidence that the people are laboring under adverse circumstances. This is noticeable in the lack of buildings, in the want of paint on their houses, barns and out-buildings, and a generally dilapidated appearance of the country is continually flashing on the eye as you pass along the railroad."

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Did congress ever assemble in the hot season? Oh, yes! Once upon a time the people, or a goodly portion of them, convened. They whereased and resolved-but, first let me say, they had grown tired of supporting monopolies, land, money, patents, interest on bonds, ad infinitum. "We will," said they, "we will, at this time, strike out at land monopoly. We do not believe free land will entirely solve the problem, but it will do for a starter." And they declared, did they, that they would support no man in possession of more land than he could use. They further defined this broad declaration as to quantity, what was occupancy, and what was use. (This was at one time inconceivable and thought impossible.) Thereupon was inaugurated what was known as a rent famine," something entirely new in the famine line. The people refused to pay land rent, and a number of landless individuals immediately squatted on the best land they could find, and they were as promptly ousted, but they returned again until finally they were jailed as common disturbers. But there were more disturbers who filled their places, until finally the demand for jails exceeded the supply, and the police were unable to cope with the difficulty. Also did the people clamor loudly for the release of the prisoners, and when trials were hastily instituted no twelve jurors could be found to convict. The squatting act proceeded in greater proportion than the evicting process. There was talk of calling out the militia, but no governor dared to do it. It would cost him his position, perhaps, life, and governors, as a rule, are politicians first and patriots next. Besides, the militia was infected with the free land craze. Had not a special session--to be brief, that was the reason congress met in the trout fishing season, M.

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