tions and arrests, have furnished an eloquent object lesson which has taught the toilers of 'free' America the duty they owe to themselves and their families. It has caused them to study the labor problem as they never studied it before, and as a result they now realize that unless they combine to protect themselves they are likely to lose not only their wages and opportunities, but their rights and liberties as well. · "They now seem to comprehend the fact that, with few exceptions, the industries of the country are in the control of enormously wealthy combinations, which have grown so powerful that they can determine the amount of wages that shall be doled out to their employes, and, as events have proved, can also, to an alarming extent, control and direct in their own interests the legislative, judicial and military powers of the government. Under such a condition of things it is idle to preach about the right of individuals to say what wages they shall work for.' Against such formidable opposition working people individually are powerless and must accept whatever wages are offered or starve. Only by a thorough and aggressive organization can labor hope to successfully oppose the combinations which control production and fix wages. That this fact is understood by the workers everywhere is shown by their manifest intention to enter zealously upon the work of organizing their forces on a more extensive scale than ever before, and on lines which will enable them to conform to changed conditions of employment and improved methods of production. They have been taught by experience that the day has gone by when a number of separate organizations in any industry can hope to succeed, and that the imperative demand of the times is for the organization of each trade into local unions, these into national bodies, and all the national bodies into one grand federation which can defend the individual and collective interests of those who compose it. .. 'Organization is the watchword of the hour among wage workers everywhere, and it will no doubt be admitted that in no one occupation is its power and benefit more to be desired than in the trade of boot and shoe making. Probably in no other trade are there so many divisions and sub-divisions of labor, and, under the present system of employment in the factories, each of these divisions might almost be considered a separate trade in itself. For a number of years there have existed separate organizations which represented but one, or at most but few, of these divisions, each organization striving for the benefit of its own members exclusively, nearly all acting with a different object in view and none established on a substantial or permanent business basis. Thus divided among themselves, and subject to the ever-increasing competition of labor-displacing machinery, the shoemakers could not protect their interests as they now realize they might have done had they all been banded together for mutual support. They now see that being but poorly organized, in a number of separate bodies, they could not induce the large number of unorganized shoemakers to become members, and that the compe · tition between the organized and the unorganized afforded opportunities which the manufacturers were not slow to take advantage of, and, as a natural consequence, they have the long hours, low wages and contract systems' which prevail in the trade to-day. "The lesson of experience has been a costly one to the shoemakers, but if they profit by it, as they now seem inclined to do, it will be of great value to them; for in the greater and better organization of the craft, which is sure to be effected in the near future, it will enable them to avoid the mistakes which have injured them in the past and will guide them in the work of improving their present condition and wages. No stronger argument in favor of an organization on a broader plan is needed by the shoemakers than that afforded by the failure of so many of the strikės in which their separate organizations have been engaged, and by the humiliating conditions which manufacturers are striving to force upon those who are involved in the numerous lockouts now in progress. In every quarter, but more especially in those places where strikes and lockouts have occurred, a general desire for such an organization is apparent, and agitation in its behalf has already begun. It is evident, however, that before it can be properly instituted some preliminary work is necessary. Open meetings should be held at which operatives in every department of the trade may be given opportunity to express their views concerning the plan on which the organization should be founded, what its general policy should be, and the manner in which its business affairs should be conducted. In the discussions that have been held on the subject the central idea has everywhere been that the organization should be so constructed, and its affairs so administered, that question of wages in any one department of a factory should be decided by those who represent the operatives in that department, and that the combined strength of all the departments should be brought to bear when necessary to resist attack to enforce just claims. After the subject has been fully considered at the mass meetings, and a concensus of opinion ascertained, the next step will be to select from each department of the trade, in the different sections of the country, representatives who will meet in convention and enact laws for the government of the body. When this has been done the work of enrolling members and building up the organization may be rapidly and systematically carried on. The time for such an organization is ripe, the necessity urgent. It remains for the shoemakers themselves to say when it shall be an accomplished fact. If they act promptly and wisely they may, through combined effort, be soon in position to command for their toil the full measure of compensation to which, as intelligent and skillful mechanics, they are justly entitled. If they neglect their opportunity, or permit any local or sectional sentiment, or prejudice, to stand in the way of complete and successful organization, they will have no one but themselves to blame if ere long they find their wages and conditions the poorest in any of the skilled trades, for toward such a low level these wages and conditions have of late been steadily tending." The Great Miners' Strike of 1894. The following extracts from President McBride's annual address to the miners are of some interest, as showing the immense responsibility the United Mine Workers undertook in the great struggle that is now a matter of history. He said in part: 66 The past year has been a notable one in many respeots, but its chief characteristic was the powerlessness of labor organizations to stay the relentless tide of misfortune which engulfed the industries of the country and carried ruin and disaster into the homes of thousands of wage workers in every known trade and calling. That the financial panic of 1893 was but the prelude to the industrial paralysis of 1894 is now fully understood by all who follow the trend of such events, but at the time of our last convention, when prices and conditions in some of our leading districts were in a chaotic state, we did not know, but only apprehended, that calamitous results would follow in the wake of threatened disaster to our craft's interests; and it was upon this apprehension, and with a desire to stop reductions in mining rates where threatened, and to raise them in localities where they had been lowered, that we declared in favor of a general suspension of mining upon April 21, 1894. 'By a joint agreement between miners and operators of the Pittsburg district, May 1, 1893, the price per ton for mining was fixed at 79 cents, but the financial stringency during the months of August and September following the agreement, and the disorganized and demoralized condition of the miners of that district, led to the ignoring of the agreement by operators and miners, and as a result the recognized price in that field, at the time of our last annual convention, was 60 cents per ton, while in some places 55 and as low as 43 cents was being paid. The situation was extremely critical, and I recognized that ordinary methods would not effect a cure, hence in my last annual address I advised that a general suspension of mining be tried as a means of securing and maintaining a living standard of wages for mining coal. When advising such a movement I comprehended that if it were decided upon it would be an experiment of that character, the success of which meant great gains to mine workers, whereas a failure could not make matters worse than they were at the time the advice was given. The convention decided that no coal should be mined for any purpose after noon on April 21, 1894, until prices had been restored to where they were on May 1, 1893. Like "a drowning man grasping at a straw" to save himself, the United Mine Workers' organization decided upon taking desperate chances when they declared for the general suspension. "At the time the convention met we had only 13,000 paid up members, and a good standing membership of only 24,000; and to make the suspension of mining general it was necessary for 193,000 bituminous miners to stop work, and we had no assurance that we could depend upon any but our own members. In addition to our small membership, we were practically without money. After the car fare of delegates had been paid there was only $2,600 in our treasury, and out of that we were expected to meet the ordinary running expenses of the organization, and the extraordinary expenses connected with the sending of dozens of extra organizers into unorganized fields to induce unorganized miners to co-operate with our membership, and thus increase the chances for success. The preparatory work assigned your officials in connection with the suspension was such as to make the strongest hearted of them doubt its accomplishment, and it is safe to say that we would have failed had we not been aided by that desperate enthusiasm which so often springs from despair growing out of deferred hopes. "At the hour fixed upon for the suspension 125,000 mine workers dropped their tools, and the number increased from day to day until 180,000 were idle at the time of the Cleveland convention. It was at the time of the Cleveland meeting that the movement for better prices was at its best, and it was a keen disappointment to me that the small representation on part of operators prevented a settlement at that time. The failure to settle at Cleveland appeared to not only have disappointed, but rendered desperate many of our craftsmen, and aroused into life and aggressive hostility many operators who, up to that time, had quietly waited for developments and hoped for an amicable settlement. "A long personal experience in mining affairs taught me that violence in connection with any of our strikes ended in our defeat, and it was with a view of obviating the danger to our suspension movement from such a cause that I asked the convention to adopt, and it did, the following: 666 WHEREAS, We believe that the interests of our organization can best be subserved, and the purposes we seek to accomplish through a general suspension of mining more easily obtained, by a full and complete observance of law, the maintenance of peace and protection of property. Resolved, That we pledge ourselves and call upon our members to enforce the suspension of mining by peaceful and law-abiding methods, and should it be necessary at any time, we promise to voluntarily assist in the work of protecting life and property wherever threatened.' T "As long as the miners engaged in the suspension observed this policy of peace and order there was no doubt of their ultimate triumph.. There has been at no time, nor indeed can there be, any reason for setting law and lawful authorities at defiance and indulging in violent demonstrations to remove supposed obstacles or to redress imaginary wrongs. That violence has been committed there is no doubt, but that our men have been so outrageously lawless as the press reports indicate we deny. Any violation of law, however small, supplemented by the maliciously exaggerated press reports, proved sufficient to change and turn against us a public opinion never too friendly toward the laboring men when in conflict with corporate greed, but powerful for or against any movement sufficiently large to attract attention. Hence, when our men began to commit deeds of violence, interfering with property rights in stopping trains and resisting regularly organized authorities of law, and this in persistent defiance of the officers of the organization and direct violation of the policy agreed on in national convention, the public thought and sympathy which had been ours in the struggle, readily turned against us. Our friends became fewer and less ardent in our defense, while our enemies were furnished an excuse for an assumed righteous indignation. Your president, recognizing these facts, and believing that the danger line had been reached, called a meeting of the national executive board and district presidents, in accordance with instructions given at the last national convention. "After each member of the committee had expressed his views upon the situation and the chances of our winning, the following was adopted without a dissenting vote: 666 WHEREAS, It is evident that a national convention of operators and miners can not be had for the purpose of effecting a general settlement of the present differences between them over mining rates to be paid for the next year; WHEREAS, Operators in nearly all districts have expressed a willingness to meet within their respective districts the representatives of the miners, for the purpose of adjusting said price; "Resolved, That we, the members of the national executive board and district presidents, to whom was delegated the power to act for the miners by the last convention of the United Mine Workers of America, declare our willingness to meet with the operators of mines in the various districts, to attempt, and if possible effect, a settlement of mining prices; "Resolved, That the conferences of representatives of miners and operators of different districts be arranged and held not later than Saturday, June 9.' In changing our policy from the holding of a national to that of separate district conferences, it was necessary to determine upon prices, and, without a dissenting voice, it was decided that 69 cents should be the price for the Pittsburg district, 60 cents for the Ohio districts, and corresponding prices for other dis terms of settlement there were no hopes of winning the price demanded in the eastern bituminous district, because all of the mines in Virginia, a large part of those in West Virginia and two or three large mines in Maryland were at work, and were supplying all the coal needed in the seaboard markets, and in addition were able to send some into the Ohio and Illinois markets, and under such conditions central Pennsylvania miners were fighting a hopeless fight, with defeat certain unless a compromise could be effected. The truth of this statement has since been emphasized by the defeat of the central Pennsylvania district and their return to work at the price prevailing at the time of our last national convention. 66 There was no hope of winning 79 cents in the Pittsburg district, because of the determined opposition of all of the operators, and the apparent weakness of our own forces. That this statement is true is evidenced by the fact that two large companies refused to pay the compromise price of 69 cents, and in spite of our efforts, and a protracted fight by the miners employed by these two companies, our forces were compelled to surrender, and, as a result, instead of the 69-cent price being paid, coal is now mined at 45 and 55 cents per ton. Very few miners or operators now recognize the 69-cent vote. "Your National Executive Board and the district presidents were charged with a great and grave responsibility by the convention referring the whole matter connected with the settlement of the suspension into their hands. That they exercised their honest judgment, and were prompted to action by pure motives and clear convictions of what was right and best for our craft's interests, is clearly demonstrated by the unanimity of their vote in agreeing to the compromise · price for mining, and by the further fact that only one member out of the twenty-four upon the national committee has been known to declare that the decision was reached through dishonest means. 'Without stopping to criticise our critics I shall ask them, and the representatives from central Pennsylvania, if it were possible for that field to have won what they demanded so long as Virginia, West Virginia and part of the Maryland miners continued at work, even though the miners of every other district in the country had remained idle until the present time? "Are there any of our critics, or even representatives of the Pittsburg district, that believe, in the light of past and present events and conditions within that field, that the 79-cent rate could have been secured by a continuation of the suspension in other districts? "I would like the representatives of the Ohio miners say whether or not they could have secured and held 70 cents and their trade regardless of prices and conditions in the Pittsburg district? to "In the face of the failure of the independent movement on the part of the Indiana and Illinois miners, I would ask whether they do not now consider that the suspension by increasing the Ohio and Pittsburg district prices prevented a greater reduction than would have been forced upon them had the prices in the last named fields remained where they were before the suspension? In other words, if the Indiana and Illinois miners could not by their own efforts prevent a reduction of 10 cents per ton, when their markets were suffering for coal, how could they have prevented a 20cent reduction had Ohio and Pittsburg prices not been increased? I also ask the general question, if a continuation of the suspension would not accomplish the things named in my other questions, and was sure to lead to greater demoralization and disaster to craft interests, do you not think your national committee acted wisely, and in line with your best interests? "I believe the members of the national committee, with one exception, were prompted by honest convictions; at least, speaking for myself, I have performed my duty as I understood it, and have no regrets to offer, and no apology to make for my official work, either before, during or since the suspension. The suspension demonstrated, among other things, that such a movement has accomplished its end whenever the markets are cleared of all surplus coal, and an attempt to prolong a suspension beyond that point, for the purpose of securing a general settlement of all districts, simply means an overreaching of its legitimate work, and not only courts but insures failure. A general settlement of the price question in all districts at the same time is neither feasible nor practical, until organization has been so completed as to admit of strict discipline in our ranks, and the application of restriction, by a series of suspensions, that will make you masters of the situation. It also evidenced the power which mine workers possess when acting in concert, and indicated the great achievements in the way of reforms that are possible if our forces were united and ready to act whenever circumstances warranted, or our interests demanded action. In our partially organized state the miners risk too much on one effort, and failing to succeed in that, lose hope and give up the fight, whereas if thoroughly organized a series of movements would win in the end. It is not by one hard fight, but by a number of them, that craft conditions will be improved, if improvement be possible. The suffering and hardships so apparent in our coal fields among our craftsmen is not due entirely to the small rate per ton paid for mining, but rather is it due to the fact that miners are not required to produce the ordinary tonnage to meet the demands of the trade. The condition of the coal trade is a deplorable one, and promises little relief to our suffering craftsmen for some months to come, and under present conditions the discussion of the price question is but a waste of time; an increase or decrease of io cents per ton will neither furnish a feast nor bring on a famine. Our miners are starving now in many places, and a less price can not materially injure them, nor would a larger price relieve their distress unless a largely increased tonnage was required from them. "The situation is critical in the extreme, and in times like the present there is danger from too much legislation by a national convention of our craft, because our people are too prone to allow their wants and their de sires to bring forward experimental schemes for relief of conditions which only business changes can effect. Suffering men scarcely ever reason with business sagacity, but rather jump at conclusions, and, whether right or wrong, everything and every one that runs counter to their desires is considered as unfriendly and hostile to their interests, and as often wrongfully condemned. It is to this spirit of unrest, born of suffering and sorrow, that much of the agitation against officials is due." The Coast Seamen's Bill. The following paper is contributed by A. Furuseth, of the Seamen's Union, on Hon. James G. Maguire's bill, No. 5603, for the relief of coast seamen : The bill, which became law on February 18, contains, through Congressman Dingley's amendment to protect seamen's clothing, three features, while it originally had two. I. It abolishes penal punishment for refusing to continue to labor in the coastwise trade and to near-by countries (Canada, Bermuda, Bahama, West Indies and Mexico). Let me try to put these in such way that it may be easily understood. The mechanic (seaman) may now leave the shop (ship) and take his tools (clothing) with him whenever he shall, for any reason of his own, decline to work any longer in such shop (ship). If the seamen would thus leave before the passage of the law he would forfeit his clothing (tools) and be sent to prison for three months. It will be seen that through this law the seamen are placed on the same footing as other working people. It will further give to the seamen an opportunity of organization, which they did not before possess. It gives the opportunity of self-help. 2. This lay abolishes allotment or advance money in the same trade. In order that the " lay mind may understand the importance of this, let me again use a comparison. The shipping agent (employment agent) has an arrangement with the employer (captain), to furnish all the men for him, and he pays a certain sum per man for such right. This certain sum, along with such sum as the shipping agent really keeps, are added together, and the seaman, in order to get employment, must sign a note for the same, the amount of such to be paid by the captain, who reimburses himself from the seaman's wages when it becomes due. Thus the shipping agent and the master of the vessel, and sometimes the owner, divide part of the seaman's wages between them, and Jack gets what is left. This system is, by this act of February 18, 1895, abolished in the coastwise trade; true, it still exists in the actual foreign trade. This the seamen hope to deal with later on. 3. It protects the seaman's clothing from attachment, and this again helps Jack out of the clutches of the "crimps." Though the penal punishment remains in the foreign trade along with bad food, bad quarters, bodily punishment, etc., this law goes a long step in the right direction, and with the assistance of organized labor and such humanitarians as have already interested themselves, the seamen have hopes for the future, and most heartily thank all who assisted up to the present time. HOW TO FORM A TRADE UNION OR A FEDERAL First-Unions may be formed of persons working at any trade or calling, or they may be composed of persons working at different or varied callings. The latter are called "Federal Labor Unions," and are of infinite value in such places where there are too few persons employed to form separate unions of each trade. Second-Any person who desires to organize a Union of any trade will, by application to this office, be informed of the address of the chief officer of that trade; but should there be no general Union of that trade or calling, or should it be the intention to form a Federal Labor Union, he will be furnished with all necessary documents and information free of charge Third-Any seven wage-workers of one trade of good character, and favorable to trade unions, and not members of any body affiliated with this Federation, who will subscribe to this Constitution, shall have the power to form a local body, to be known as a "Federal Labor Union," and they shall hold regular meetings for the purpose of strengthening and advancing the Trades Union movement, and shall have the power to make their own rules in conformity with this Constitution, and shall be granted a local certificate by the President of this Federation, provided the request for a certificate be endorsed by the nearest Local or National Trades Union officials connected with this Federation. Fourth-To organize: Call a meeting and read the printed appeal (furnished on application), also these instructions Proceed at once to elect officers. Apply to the President of the American Federation of Labor for a Certificate of Affiliation and enclose $5.00 for the necessary fee, which will be returned, in full, if the application be refused. Send the fee by Postoffice Money Order. Send also a list of names and residences of the seven Charter Members of your Union. Fifth-With the Certificate of Affiliation a full working outfit for the new Union will be furnished, entitling its members to all the rights and privileges, and the Union to a voice and vote in the Annual Conventions of the American Federation of Labor. Sixth-Every Union has full charge of its own funds, and is only required to pay to the Secretary of the American Federation of Labor a per capita tax of one cent per month per member in good standing. WE DON'T PATRONIZE. Union workingmen and workingwomen and sympathizers with labor have refused to purchase articles produced by the following firms. Labor papers please copy: S. OTTENBERG & BROS.' CIGARS. GEO. EHRET'S LAGER BEER. JACKSON BREWERY, LAGER BEER. STUDEBAKER BROS. MFG. CO'S CARRIAGES & WAGONS. AMERICAN BISCUIT CO'S BISCUITS. MEYER, JONASSEN & CO., CLOAKS. WESTERN WHEEL BICYCLE CO., CHICAGO. "Blackhawk," "Crescent," "Escort," "Juno," "Rob Roy." RAND-MCNALLY PUBLISHING CO., CHICAGO. YOCUM BROS., CIGARS, READING, PA. GLENDALE FABRIC CO., EAST HAMPTON, MASS. A. F. SMITH, SHOES, LYNN, MASS. WERNER PRINTING CO., AKRON, O. DAUBE, COHEN & CO., CLOTHING, CHICAGO. CLEMENT, BANE & CO., CLOTHIERS, CHICAGO. |