it is that we should press forward with the intention to make a better showing in the year to come than that indicated in the year that has passed. Surely we have cause for encouragement and there can be little doubt but that success will be ours while we continue to climb steadily upward with "Excelsior" as our motto.

The unjust treatment of the courts directed at President Gompers, John Mitchell, and Frank Morrison, is an attack upon every man and woman who works with his hands. They have been charged as law-breakers, but we who have been with them and of them as well as the fair-minded people generally, recognize them as law-makers whose lives have been devoted to the creation and fulfillment of laws calculated to promote the common weal, and as men who have lived lives of sacrifice to the end that the toiler might be protected and benefited. The unjust treatment of these leaders will serve to spur us on to greater exertion and is simply another evidence that we must continue onward and onward, with never faltering steps, until our successes have been completed and our honored leaders vindicated. Let me convey the hope and desire that the coming year will be productive of even better results in the field of labor than has yet been recorded, and that we may be all able to assist in the further promotion of Labor's triumph.

THE UPRISING OF THE TEXTILE
WORKERS.

By JOHN GOLDEN, President,
United Textile Workers of America.

That considerable unrest has prevailed among all branches of the textile industry during the current year is plainly evident by the many strikes in various parts of the country. These strikes have been the means of calling public attention to the fact that in one of the most highly protected industries in the country, the smallest wages were being paid to a very large proportion of its employes. Conditions have been exposed that have startled the whole country, showing that men had been struggling for years to provide for a family on a bare existence wage.

Let it not be supposed for a moment that textile workers have as a rule been either silent or submissive to the conditions under which they have been compelled to labor. The protest of the textile workers has been heard on more than one occasion in no uncertain terms. Away back in 1872 in Fall River, Mass., the scene of many a grand battle waged by the organized textile workers, a strike was inaugurated which was the forerunner of many a later struggle for the uplift of the textile worker. The majority of these workers were underpaid and overworked. Their numbers were increased by thousands of men, women, and children from the non-English speaking countries of Europe, most of whom, belonging to the peasant class, could neither read nor write even in their own language; some of them came here voluntarily, filled with hope and ambition; many others were lured by false pictures of the great land beyond the sea, where the textile factory and the savings bank were synonymous terms.

Battling against these tremendous odds the organized textile workers have neither faltered

nor shirked the fight for better conditions and a better life. Many a hard, long, and bitter fight have they waged, as a glance at past history will show-1872, 1875, and 1879 witnessed emphatic protests of the textile workers; 1874 and 1887 saw two more struggles of many months duration; then came the strike of 1894 and 1898, and finally the great Fall River strike of 1904-1905. Fall River, New Bedford, Lawrence, Lowell, and many other places in the north were the scenes of battle. In 1879 the textile workers of Fall River were asked to sign an agreement, known as the "ironclad document" wherein they should agree never again to belong to a trade union movement. Some signed it. Two years afterwards the trade unions in Fall River were stronger than ever before in their history.

The great strike of 1904 in Fall River is still fresh in the minds of most people. Battling against a further reduction in wages the operatives, twentysix thousand in number, comprising fifteen nationalities battled for twenty-six weeks with not a single act of violence, not a single arrest. From the balmy month of July to the cold, dreary month of January the battle waged. Finally the representatives of the employers and the organized workers adopted a wage agreement, which after a fair trial proved unsatisfactory and was finally abandoned. Nevertheless the agitation for the uplift still went on. These efforts have not been in vain by any means. Wherever the workers saw the wisdom of organization, the work of bettering their conditions was successful--wages were raised, hours of labor have been reduced, factory inspection enforced. Thousands of women and minors in almost every State in the Union where textile mills exist, are today enjoying a shorter workday, better sanitary conditions and higher wages as a result of the untiring efforts of the men and women identified with the United Textile Workers of America.

An organization was formed in 1901, affiliating all national unions of textile workers which formerly were organized on craft lines only. Its constitution provided an open door to all textile workers engaged in the manufacture of cotton, silk, woolen, flax and jute, irrespective of creed, nationality

or

craft, and granted the unskilled worker equal recognition and equal consideration with the highest skilled workers. This united organization of textile workers has overcome many obstacles both from within and without; until today it takes its rightful place among the international unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, which has at all times and in all places stood ready and willing to lend its moral and financial assistance and help in the effort to bring about the uplift of the textile worker. Many a time when the hour seemed the darkest, and hope was waning, has the American Federation of Labor come to the rescue, as it did on that memorable occasion at the San Francisco Convention, when in the midst of the great textile strike in Fall River, the delegates to the convention of the American Federation of Labor vied with each other in pledging the financial support of their international and national unions to the 26,000 textile workers who were at that time waging a splendid battle in the far off Massachusetts city-Fall River.

One of the great results of the persistent and determined efforts of the organized textile work-ers, backed up by the whole labor movement, has been to limit the hours of labor for the thousands of women and minors employed in this industry. In at least two of the principal States where textile - manufacturing is carried on upon a large scalenamely, Massachusetts and New York-the hours - of labor have been cut down to fifty-four per week, which is one hour and a half less than the schedule - obtaining in England, in spite of their longer ex-perience-a gain of their fifty years in agitation,

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and of nearly 100 years in establishing the manufacture of textile fabrics. Notwithstanding the

- opposition of the employer who may not look with favor on the trade union idea, irrespective of the attack of those who, posing as the saviour of the wage-worker, endeavor to undermine our efforts and our work, because we refuse to stray from the course laid down in the - principles enunciated and outlined in the constitution of the American Federation of Labor, and who try to nullify our work because we prefer to - appeal to the intelligence of the textile worker rather than to arouse in his breast class hatrednotwithstanding these, this work for the emancipation of all those engaged in our textile industry will go on. In spite of all opposition the United Textile Workers still continue to grow in strength and numbers, in determination to continue its work to lighten the burden of all those who come into our fold. We look with pride upon the past; we view the future with hope, and with a firm determination to adhere to the principles and policies of our - trade union movement.

races drafted principally from Southern Europe. Knowing nothing regarding the traditions and customs of our country because reared in environments entirely foreign to the spirit of our American institutions, it could hardly be expected they would know anything regarding the principles for which the American trade union movement stands. Entirely ignorant of the real value of the labor they perform, they accept what is paid them by their employers without explanation or protest, which in turn directly results in intelligence being ostracised and the standard of wages reduced.

The work of organization in our large iron and steel mills is made difficult not alone by the cosmopolitan character of those employed therein, but also by the perfect system of espionage that has been established. The spy system is so thorough that any little indiscretion is reported, and every attempt to organize is frustrated by a chain of communication that runs through the works as invisibly as an electric current flashes through a copper wire. Added to the spy system is the fear of the blacklist. That it exists is as sure as the wheels of industry revolve to grind out the golden dollars at the cost of the victims of the system. There is, however, a silver lining to every dark cloud, and the silver lining in the industrial chaos as it pertains to the iron and steel industry lies in the education of these oppressed people, who are surely but slowly beginning to realize that the only way by which they can obtain that which is fair and just is through the means of organization. When the truth dawns upon them in all its fullness we will again see a flood of organization that will compel the recognition of organized effort.

T

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TRUST TACTICS.

By JOHN WILLIAMS, President, Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers of North America. Notwithstanding the harassing litigation to which labor has been subjected the trade union movement is gaining strength day by day, its humanitarian work is being recognized more and more, not only by those directly connected with the movement but by those engaged in professional, educational, and business pursuits. Never was there a greater interest manifested in the principles for which the trade union movement stands, a sure indication that we are about to reap a well-merited reward in return for the sacrifice that has been made for oppressed humanity. The fight has been courageously maintained, though the leaders of the movement have from time to time been misrepresented and abused, their position misunderstood.

In no trades have greater difficulties been encountered than in the iron and steel industry. These resulted principally from the formation of the large combinations which now control this branch of American industries. In contrast, labor conditions in the iron and steel industries as compared with those in existence even ten years ago show a remarkable change in the class of labor employed, also in the remuneration received by - the employes for service rendered. In nearly all the large steel plants, English-speaking labor has been displaced by the Syrian, Pole, Bohemian, Croatian, Hungarian, Italian, Slav, and other

OUR SLOGAN-"NO SURRENDER "

By J. W. KLINE, President, International Brotherhood of

Blacksmiths.

Who can predict the conditions of the American workingman in 1920? The writer has tried to figure it out. It seems as though the money trust is trying to block the progress of the labor movement and wreak vengeance upon their leaders. No welladvised American citizen can deny the fact that every conceivable means has been brought to play against wage advances. To secure the maximum output, in our modern factories and railway shops, the latest up to-date machinery is being installed; accompanied by attempts on the part of the large employers, as well as the Federal Government, to establish the Taylor System, the Emerson System, and various other devices, such as premium bonus and gain sharing systems, together with the determination by many employers to maintain the ten hour day. By so doing, the output is increased to such an extent that they can close the main shops, sometimes a week or ten days in a month, while the employe walks the street.

The wage-earners in their fight for the eighthour day and a fair day's wage, have had many clashes with the employer, and will have many more, for we do not propose to submit to these catchy schemes without a struggle. The wageearners are well aware that the moneyed interests are after them, though they do not know what schemes may be adopted in the future.

Labor needs more big men, clean men, men of character, men who will face the future without a flinch, for perilous times are in sight.

The slump in the industrial conditions of the past year has given our opponents a chance to advance their forces, which they have not failed to take advantage of. For the past two or three years the Harriman interests have been conducting a silent campaign against unions on their railroad lines. Nine months ago they made an attack on their federated railway employes, hoping that by making this attack at this time, they would clean up the unions before the rush of the 1915 Exposition in San Francisco. The strike was forced on the federation, and the International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers has felt the iron hand of tyranny with the rest. For nine months the federation has fought a desperate battle with but few desertions, and if the Harriman managers think they are going to win the battle, let them think again, for we have adopted the slogan ‘“No surrender.”

The blacksmiths and helpers' organization has held its own the past year with a slight gain, numerically and financially. We have no complaints to make; but, on the contrary, we are in the battle for trade union perfection and industrial freedom. Detective Burns may swear his soul away, and Justice Wright may thunder his decisions at organized labor, but the battle goes merrily on, and we are in the game to the finish.

SUCCESS DESPITE DIFFICULTIES.

By S. E. HEBERLING, President, Switchmen's Union of North America.

The Switchmen's Union of North America was born a child of necessity. In 1894 the Switchmen's Mutual Aid Association went out of business principally on account of the A. RU. strike of that year. During the history of that organization there never was a time that the wages of switchmen were reduced where the organization controlled. It made steady advances in establishing standard pay in many parts of the country. At the death of that organization it was resolved by a number of the railroad managers that the switchmen should never be permitted to reorganize. The Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen was given the yard agreements on many of the systems and the protection of the workers in yard service was given over to their care by the railroad managements. Conditions became worse from year to year while the present Switchmen's Union was rebuilding and rising from the ashes of the old S. M. A. A. On many railroads it was a dischargeable offense to be a member of the Switchmen's Union. Under adverse circumstances the switchmen quietly built up their union. For a period of eight years, from 1894 until 1902, there was no general increase in wages granted upon any of the railroads in the United States. In 1902 this union became strong enough to obtain recognition and started a wage movement that brought an increase of wages to all the yardmen in the western country. In 1906 the union set a new scale of wages for the yardmen. In 1910 arbitration of the wage question brought the last increase in wages of three cents an hour to practically all the switchmen of the country.

In seven years, under the régime of this union, the wages of switchmen were increased in all standard pay yards 40 per cent while in some of the lower paid yards wages were increased as much as 100 per cent.

This union has been engaged in numerous strikes, fighting for justice for the men in yard service. This present union has never accepted or received a reduction of pay on any line. Wages have been reduced on the Grand Trunk in train service on forty-seven branch and mixed runs, approximately 21 per cent, commencing April 1, 1912. These men, or a major portion of them, are under the jurisdiction of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen that has steadily opposed this union since its inception and has denied the right of the switchmen to organize for themselves ever since the lockout on the 14th day of May, in 1891, on the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad. At the time this occurred there was a national federation consisting of a number of the organizations in train service, the trainmen and the switchmen being a part of this federation, and the antagonism on the part of the trainmen so destroyed the confidence of men in the transportation departments of railroads that there never has been a successful federation of those crafts organized since that time.

Considering these obstacles this union has done fairly well. Up to date we have paid out in death and total disability claims in the last ten years $1,538,604. In addition to this we have donated $50,000 in benevolent claims. We have made better working conditions and the organization is building up in new territory. In the past twelve months we have organized in eighteen cities and the arguments that are used by some of the general managers and their allies are that this organization is too radical, and that it should not be affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, but should be "sane and conservative," which means the accepting of reduced wages whenever the corporations desire to make a reduction. These arguments are not well founded according to the ethics of organized labor.

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I will attempt to give the readers some insight into the conditions confronting those who earn a living as mechanics in the harness and saddlery industry. While other crafts are experiencing many difficulties of like nature, the public generally knows little or nothing of the actual conflict we are forced to continue in the protection of the interests of our members. While protecting ourselves we also protect the interests of the nonunion workmen.

I do not impute all the faults to the employers or credit organized labor with all the virtues. In fact the workers are primarily to blame for the continuation of undesirable conditions due to the disorganized condition in our craft. The responsibility rests upon both the organized and unorganized workmen. Upon the organized because of passive, inactive members of the union; upon the unorganized because of their failure to join the union, which makes successful combat doubly difficult.

Nature has endowed the human family with acquisitive instincts which cultivated in the competitive life, result in selfishness inconsiderate of the welfare of the fellow-man. Many employers in the manufacture of harness and saddlery goods, in order to promote their own interests, have combined in an effort to disrupt the union of mechanics in the trade, hoping to defeat the employes in their effort to gain the shorter workday, increased wages, and improved sanitary conditions.

In order to accomplish this purpose many of the combined manufacturers exact of applicants for employment that they sign sign articles not to belong to a lawful organization of their craft, as a condition of getting or retaining employment at their trade. It is true the workmen are free to sign or not sign away their lawful right as it is likewise true they are free to starve or not. Starvation is more honorable than coercive methods depriving men of their advantages of collective bargaining on an equal footing with the combined employers who constitute the principal market for skilled labor in the trade. Some of these attacks have

- been frustrated.

The Legislatures of several States have enacted measures making it unlawful to coerce employes not to belong to a labor union as a condition for re- ceiving or retaining their employment. Such a law has been declared unconstitutional in several States on the grounds of restricted freedom of contract, but =the Supreme Court of Kansas has handed down a decision, remanding for trial a case against the Ackenhausen Saddlery Company, of Leavenworth, Kan. Two years ago this firm discharged its employes, working under a signed union agreement, because of their refusal to enter into an agreement not to belong to the Brotherhood of Leather Workers on Horse Goods. The decision reverses the District

- Court of Leavenworth County declaring the law unconstitutional and relieves the members of our union in the State of Kansas from the coerceive tactics of unscrupulous employers.

The same methods are practiced by employers in our trade in other States-Missouri, Illinois, Ohio, Minnesota, and others. It is to be hoped that the personnel of the courts throughout this country, where like statutes have been enacted, will accept the precedent of the Kansas Supreme Court, and that the Legislatures of the several States having no law to meet such exigencies, will lose no time in placing a comprehensive statute therein.

TRANSITION IN THE VEHICLE INDUSTRY. By L. F. MAIRE, President, Carriage, Wagon, and Automobile Workers of North America.

History reveals no more wonderful industrial transition in so short a space of time than that in the vehicle industry during the last two decades. The staid old vehicle for both pleasure and commercial uses, developed after centuries of experimentation, has been suddenly transformed to the frenzied advance of a twentieth century efficiency, in shape of the automobile or "buzz wagon."

Space forbids more than a cursory observation at this time, hence the subject of this article will be the bearing of the change upon the industry, and its possible relations to organized labor.

Thousands of high school boys, professional men, men without trades or profession, foreigners, in fact men and boys in every walk of life, because of the inviting compensation, over-supplied the labor demand of the industry. Without any technical knowledge, or experience, they invited in every instance such forms of specialization from the management, as became unbearable in its acuteness. The once famous art of the "Carroisieur" is now an art commercialized. It is our problem of the twentieth century civilization which we must solve.

Owing to the ignorance of both the men and boss, as to the relative demands of the new industry, a badly balanced piece-price wage system was inaugurated. Its unscientific and badly adjusted schedule proved a hardship to the workers, but a source of profit to the employers.

As experience develops mal-adjustments and shows what changes should be made, the workers can through organizations secure more advantageous agreements. Every great industrial evolution or revolution entails hardships which the workers can minimize or remove by collective effort. There will be much patience needed in the work of educating this mixed army of workers, but as experience shall reveal common trade interests substantial organization should follow so that the development and welfare of the workers will keep pace with the growing prosperity of the automobile industry.

The production of automobiles for 1912 is approximately 260,900. It is not too much to expect that in a country of 90,000,000 people, the minimum of the next decade will reach a figure between 500,000 and 1,000,000. It is safe to prophecy that in the near future the carriage, wagon, and automobile workers will become a proud and mighty adjunct of its parent body, the American Federation of Labor.

AN OPPORTUNITY ON THE PACIFIC

COAST.

By J. G. BROWN, President, International Shingle Weavers' Union of America.

It seems fitting and proper that in the contemplation of the gratifying progress made by the organized labor movement since last Labor Day, we should also turn our eyes on some of the work yet to be done.

In the West particularly, the great problem confronting the working class is the organization of the men employed in the sawmills and in the woods.

Along the Pacific Coast, north of San Francisco, and including British Columbia, fully 225,000 men are employed in the lumber industry. The men are anything but well organized. Most of the organized are shingle weavers, a branch of the lumber industry employing a very large percentage of skilled men, but whose numerical strength is insignificant.

The International Shingle Weavers' Union of America has been organized about ten years, and in that time the members of this organization have felt the iron heel of the lumber magnates.

Shingle weavers on the whole are young men. The work requires high speed and great intensity. The work is nerve racking, and seldom do men stay in the calling for more than a few years.

During the time the shingle weavers have been organized they have given a very good account of themselves and have manifested a clear determination to stay in the game. This disposition has gradually impressed itself upon those who have grown immensely rich through the barter and sale of forest products.

At this time the shingle weavers are working under favorable trade agreements with some of the largest lumbering concerns in the State of Washington.

Not only has the fighting spirit of the shingle weavers compelled respect and consideration from employers, but it has enthused the woodsmen and sawmill workers with a desire to try to better their own condition. The discontent of this class of men has this year taken shape in a wide number of spontaneous uprisings in logging camps and sawmills. While the strikers have generally succeeded in bettering their conditions by advancing wages and securing redress of many crying grievances, they have shown lack of cohesiveness, and the ability of employers to prevent this makes it easy for them to withdraw on the instalment plan the grudgingly-granted concessions forced by the workers in their associated capacity.

It now remains for these men to learn the lesson of their failure, to appreciate the need of a permanent organization to hold the advantages they have shown the strength to secure.

Sawmill working and logging does not require that a large percentage of the men be highly skilled. Those of the men who are highly skilled have been taught to believe that their interests and the interests of the common laborers are not the same. But even this sophistry is losing prestige. The old and time-honored scheme of pitting one nationality against another has been played about to its limit by the employers. The men are beginning to feel that cutting each other's throats because of linguistic differences or because of a difference in complexion has more attractions for the employers than for the men. The uprisings this spring have proven to the workers that united they are a power. The problem is how to unite them-get them into an organization that shall endure.

The majority lacking a high degree of skill, the secret of the strength of the woodsmen and sawmill workers will be in their numbers. To be the power they should, they will have to organize on a large scale, and the psychology of numbers can do wonders for the wage-workers in the lumber industry.

It is because the employers fear the power of an organization that every means is resorted to in the attempt-so far successful-to break up organizations before a foothold can be gained.

To prevent this it ought to be possible for the woodsmen and sawmill workers to organize under the banner of an organization with experience which will prevent falling into the pitfalls of designing employers. This matter has long been under consideration by the shingle weavers, but

to take so heavy a load with so small an organization might not only do the others no good but might be the means of swamping the now fairly prosperous shingle weavers.

The thing then to do is to outline a plan where the shingle weavers or some other bona fide trade union may receive the necessary support for the anticipated conflict with the owners of the large mills and sawmills and then begin actively the organization of the entire lumber industry. Being most closely associated it is probable the shingle weavers could take charge of an organization of this character better and with a greater likelihood of success than any other international union.

The inspiration that comes from the thoughts of the good that might be done for a lot of the world's workers who have been so long under the domination of the "worst trust of them all" should spur forward the best thought for the solution of this problem. The organization of the lumber industry on the Pacific Coast, would be the greatest possible step toward making it attractive to immigrants. Chambers of Commerce, Boards of Trade, Boosters' Associations and many other kindred organizations could do well to take this subject up for study with a view to co-operating with the labor bodies.

SIGNS OF PROGRESS.

By JOHN W. GREENWOOD, President, Paving Cutters' Union of United States of America.

The paving cutters' board of directors met in Albion during the month of June to revise our constitution. The principal change was the eighthour day for all our members throughout the United States and Canada. Two-thirds of our members are working the eight-hour day now and if the new constitution is ratified by the members at large it will mean that we shall have the eighthour day throughout our union.

INDUSTRIAL RECIPROCITY.

By A. MCANDREW, President, Tobacco Workers' International Union.

The question has been frequently asked whether the trade union movement believes in reciprocity in industrial lines. Assuming the right to my own opinion, I invariably answer, yes. Organized labor believes in giving a fair day's work for a fair day's pay and is always willing to do its share to bring about a better understanding between the employer and the employe. We realize the fact that there are a number of unfair employers who absolutely refuse to recognize or treat with their employes, other than as individuals, and who can see nothing but profits in the business which they conduct. They can not see the humane side of the condition of their employes who toil day by day producing untold wealth for the employer. How can you expect men and women whoare employed by such men to take any interest in the success of the employers' business? But when the fair employer is willing to treat with his employes as men and women through a trade union agreement, specifying what wages they shall receive for the labor performed and the hours which they have agreed to work, what a difference among the men and women who toil for such an employer! You will find them willingly and actively performing their duties with pleasure, and the interests of such an em