the common law implied were unfair to the employe. Congress, in the exercise of its control over interstate commerce, has re-formed the contract to be implied and has made it more favorable to the employe. Indeed, a more radical bill, which I fully approve, has passed the Senate and is now pending in the House which requires interstate railways in effect to insure the lives of their employes and to make provision for prompt settlement of the amount due under the law after death or injury has occurred. "In the ultimate analysis, I fear, the equal opportunity which those seek who proclaim the coming of so-called social justice involves a forced division of property, and that means socialism. "Again, the Democratic party in Congress and convention shows its desire to weaken the courts by forbidding the use of the writ of injunction to protect a lawful business against the destructive effect of a secondary boycott and by interposing a jury in contempt proceedings brought to enforce its order and decrees. These provisions are really class legislation designed to secure immunity for lawlessness in labor disputes on the part of the laborers, but operating much more widely to paralyze the arm of the court in cases which do not involve labor disputes at all." The portions of Governor Wilson's speech of acceptance which bear upon the same subjects are as follows: "What is there to do? It is hard to sum the great task up, but apparently this is the sum of the matter: There are two great things to do. 'One is to set up the rule of justice and of right in such matters as the tariff, the regulation of the trusts and the prevention of monopoly, the adaptation of our bankirg and currency laws to the varied uses to which our people must put them, the treatment of those who do the daily labor in our factories and mines and throughout all our great industrial and commercial undertakings, and the political life of the people of the Philippines, for whom we hold governmental power in trust, for their service, not our own. "The other, the additional duty, is the great task of protecting our people and our resources and of keeping open to the whole people the doors of opportunity through which they must, generation by generation, pass if they are to make conquest of their fortunes in health, in freedom, in peace, and in contentment. In the performance of this second great duty we are face to face with questions of conservation and of development, questions of forests and water powers and mines and water ways, of the building of an adequate merchant marine, and the opening of every highway and facility and the setting up of every safeguard needed by a great, industrious, expanding nation. "If I am right about this, it is going to be easier to act in accordance with the rule of right and justice in dealing with the labor question. The so-called labor question is a question only because we have not yet found the rule of right in adjusting the interests of labor and capital. The welfare, the happiness, the energy, and spirit of the men and women who do daily work in our mines and factories, on our railroads, in our offices and marts of trade, on our farms and on the sea, is of the essence of our national life. There can be nothing wholesome unless their life is wholesome; there can be no contentment unless they are contented. Their physical welfare affects the soundness of the whole nation. We shall never get very far in the settlement of these vital matters so long as we regard everything done for the workingman, by law or by private agreement, as a concession yielded to keep him from agitation and a disturbance of our peace. Here, again, the sense of universal partnership must come into play if we are to act like statesmen, as those who serve, not a class, but a nation. "The working people of America if they must be distinguished from the minority that constitutes the rest of it-are, of course, the backbone of the nation. No law that safeguards their life, that improves the physical and moral conditions under which they live, that makes their hours of labor rational and tolerable, that gives them freedom to act in their own interest, and that protects them where they can not protect themselves, can properly be regarded as class legislation or as anything but as a measure taken in the interest of the whole people, whose partnership in right action we are trying to establish and make real and practical. It is in this spirit that we shall act if we are genuine spokesmen of the whole country." The Progressive party, which has recently been organized in Chicago, adopted the following labor planks as part of its platform: "We believe that the issuance of injunctions in cases arising out of labor disputes should be prohibited when such injunctions would not apply when no labor disputes existed. "We also believe that a person cited for contempt in labor disputes, except when such contempt was committed in the actual presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere with the proper administration of justice, should have a right to trial by jury. "The supreme duty of the nation is the conservation of human resources through an enlightened measure of social and industrial justice. We pledge ourselves to work unceasingly in State and nation for: Effective legislation, looking to the prevention of industrial accidents, occupational diseases, overwork, involuntary unemployment, and other injurious effects, incident to modern industry. "The fixing of minimum safety and health standards for the various occupations, and the exercise of the public authority of State and nation, including the Federal control over interstate commerce, and the taxing power, to maintain such standards. "The prohibition of child labor. "Minimum wage standards for working women, to provide a 'living wage' in all industrial occupations. "The general prohibition of night work for women, and the establishment of an eight-hour day for women and young persons. "One day's rest in seven for all wage-workers. "The eight-hour day in continuous twenty-four-hour industries. "Substituting a system of prison production for governmental consumption only. families. "Publicity as to wages, hours, and conditions of labor. "Full reports upon industrial accidents and diseases, and the opening to public inspection of all tallies, weights, measures and check systems on labor products. "We pledge our party to establish a Department of Labor, with a seat in the Cabinet and with wide jurisdiction over matters affecting the conditions of labor and living. "The Progressive party, believing that no people can justly claim to be a true democracy which denies political rights on account of sex, pledges itself to the task of securing equal suffrage to men and women alike." These declarations of the representatives of the two old parties and the principles avowed by the Progressive party, the workers and the thinking citizens of our republic must study and ponder. They must be considered in their relation to previous declarations and manifest policies of action. This is a time for most careful and earnest scrutiny of statement and evidences of good faith. The decision of the voters in November will largely determine the nature of legislative policies and action during the next four years. Upon the workingmen of the country will devolve the responsibility, of deciding whether we shall reach higher levels industrially, socially, and politically, or whether we shall be hindered in attaining the realization of greater ideals. Organized labor must see to it that trade union men are nominated and elected to municipal, county, and State offices; that trade union men represent its interests in the State Legislatures, and in Congress. Let organized labor's slogan live in its deeds Stand faithfully by our friends, Oppose and defeat our enemies, whether they be Candidates for President, For Congress or other offices, whether Get Busy! Stand True! The long anticipated report of the Stanley Committee, which has investigated the affairs of the United States Steel Corporation, THE STEEL was submitted to the House of Representatives August 2. WORKER. In addition to Chairman Stanley, the report was signed by Representatives Bartlett of Georgia, Littleton of New York, McGillicuddy of Maine, Beall of Texas. Representatives Gardiner of Massachusetts, Danforth of New York, Young of Michigan, Sterling of Illinois, made a minority report. In regard to the attitude of the Steel Corporation toward organized labor, the report cites that six weeks after the organization of the Steel Corporation, Mr. Charles Steele, in a meeting of the executive committee, brought forward the following resolution which the records show was finally voted upon and conveyed to the presidents of the subsidiary companies: "That we are unalterably opposed to any extension of union labor and advise subsidiary companies to take firm position when these questions come up and say that they are not going to recognize it, that is, any extension of unions in mills where they do not now exist; that great care should be used to prevent trouble and that they promptly report and confer with this corporation." As to whether the policy was carried out, the Stanley House Committee reached the following conclusion: "Following that declaration, the evidence clearly shows how American laborers felt. Justly or unjustly they considered themselves persona non grata in the work of the United States Steel Corporation. Thereafter the great bulk of American union laboring men in the iron and steel industry understood that they were not wanted at the works of the United States Steel Corporation. The process of filling the places of these union laborers is interesting and important to observe. American laborers loyal to their unions could not be had. Something had to be done to get laborers. Southern Europe was appealed to. Hordes of laborers from Southern Europe poured into the United States. They were almost entirely from the agricultural classes, knew nothing about iron and steel manufacture, but were sufficient to fight the labor unions. "The result is that about 80 per cent of the unskilled laborers in the steel and iron business are foreigners of these classes. With the benefit of a skilled American foreman such a crew can work out results in unskilled labor production. The profits of this system of production go to the Steel Corporation, while the displaced American workman shifted as best he could." The report states that during May, 1910, the period covered by the investigation, 50,000 persons or 20 per cent of the employes, worked eightyfour hours or more a week, which means a twelve-hour day, seven days a week. As to housing conditions and daily living, the testimony shows them to be undesirable and far below American stardards. "Some of the details are revolting, both as to sanitary and moral conditions." The report of the Stanley House Committee substantiates the statement and evidence which the American Federation of Labor presented to the President of the United States in support of the charges made against the United States Steel Corporation which we printed in the February, 1910, issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST. It was positive knowledge of these conditions and of the fixed policy of the Steel Corporation to disrupt all labor organizations, that caused the American Federation of Labor to direct public and official attention to existing evils. In addition to performing that duty, the American Federation of Labor has undertaken to protect the rights and interests of American workingmen and to uplift, educate, and nationalize the strangers within our gates. To do this, and at the same time to protect the workers from the penalties the iron and steel corporations are accustomed to inflict upon all employes who seek to better their conditions, is the problem which we are to solve. The circular published in this issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST explains the situation and our plan. The circular is printed in five languages-English, Polish, Slavic, Lithuanian, and Italian. The circulars will be distributed throughout the various centers of the steel industry by representatives of organized labor speaking these various languages. The Steel Corporation has had warnings, but so secure did it feel in the power of its wealth and vested privileges, the voice of no Jeremiah was able to penetrate to its conscience. We are reminded of a discussion upon "The Effect of Industrial Combinations on Labor Conditions,'' before the American Academy of Political and Social Science, meeting in Philadelphia last March. In replying to statements made by the counsel for the United States Steel Corporation, we felt impelled to make the following warning: "Today the United States Steel Corporation is practically free from any 'inconvenience' from the organized labor movement. It has 'peace' in its plant. It is the sort of peace that the Czar of Russia proclaimed when he said, 'Peace reigns in Warsaw.' The United States Steel Corporation, and all of the other corporations which have either by direction or indirection in the same or less degree succeeded in crushing out labor organization, are lulling themselves into a fancied security, but one morning or other they will wake up and find it was either a dream or a nightmare. They have crushed out the organizations of labor in many plants. They have, by direct or indirect methods, opened up a channel of immigration to their plants, and American workers no longer are there to any appreciable extent. The managers think-in a way know that their immigrant employes are docile. They do their bosses' bidding without murmur, they go along patiently carrying their burdens, and the heads of the corporations feel safe. So did the proprietors of the textile mills of Lawrence. The effect of all schemes put in operation by these corporations has been to degrade their workmen, to tie them to their work, to take away from them the opportunity of protest. But some day they will protest." Now is the time for that protest. The workers in the steel and iron industry will be organized, their life and liberty will be secured, and they will take their stand side by side with the organized workers of our country in the great work of human uplift. AFTER TWO "Men were born free and equal, but everywhere are in chains." One hundred and fifty years ago this slogan rang out upon a world steeped in conventions and artificiality, upon a society bound and hampered by the survivals of feudal institutions and customs, upon a middle class prosperous and cultured, awakening to their potential powers and rightful position in government and society. Jean Jacques Rousseau, social outcast and child of the people, yet by the keenness of his emotional perception and the power of his genius, a natural leader among men, champion of the Italian musical school against the French, antagonist of the great Voltaire, was made to feel keenly his mental superiority as contrasted with the social inferiority accorded him. All of the forces of his personality revolted, broke forth in his terrific arraignments of customs and society-a great revolutionary rallying cry, calling men back to nature, love, and passion, rousing them to free themselves from bondage and demand for themselves an equal share in government, life, and enjoyment. This plea, “back to nature," fell upon the listless ears of a severely intellectual France, and the volatile adaptability of France transformed it into a cult. In Emile, Rousseau pointed out the pathetic incongruities in child life and education, and took a stand for pedagogic naturalism. At a time when the world sorely needed sentiment he made a mighty appeal that natural emotions be allowed fair play, that the sensual beauty of the world be recognized, that life be taken as a pleasure and enjoyment. Then came his compelling, inchoate, fascinating political treatise, Contrat Social, a work destined to gain for Rousseau a claim to the title of Spiritual Father of the American Constitution and the French Revolution. With an a priori theory of a "state of nature" before government was, and of certain "natural rights," the author describes that first political gathering in the misty, primeval forest, when men entered into a social compact establishing government in return for whose benefits they sacrificed certain of their natural rights. So government came into existence only by consent of the governed, all of the governed, concludes Rousseau. “Consequently when the government fails to retain this consent, the people must employ their rightful weapon-revolution." Obviously the ghost of extreme individualism, anarchy, arises; by a dextrous phrase or two, Rousseau establishes a working majority, contradictory to his first thesis and difficult of administration. No matter, the man's message was greater than the man; more farreaching than his wildest dreams, and meeting a need in the world's history. There are times when the propagandist's cry is needed to stir the depths of emotion-the stimulus to volition. Rousseau aided the child to come into its rightful heritage-development of individuality, mentally and physically-though he left his own children to foundling and orphan asylums. He set men afire with spiritual and emotional aspirations, though he misused his own friends and lovers. He had genius, with weakness as its affinity. His keen emotional perceptions and sympathy enabled him to feel that the times were out of joint, and his persuasive ability roused a public waiting for such a message. He had the |