"Our employer, who has plenty, has denied our request. He has misused the law to help him to crush us, but we appeal to you, our Father, and to your laws, which are stronger than the laws made by man.

"O Christ, thou who waited through the long night in the Garden of Gethsemane for one of your followers, who was to betray you, who in agony for us didst say to your disciples, 'Will you not watch one hour with me?' give strength to those who are now on picket duty, not to feel too bitterly when those who promised to stand with us in our struggles betray us.

"O God, we pray you to give to the fathers and mothers of our strikers a chance to bring up their helpless little ones.

"You who let Lot and his family escape from the wicked city of Sodom, save the girls now on strike. Help us to get a living wage.

"O Lord, who knowest the sparrow's fall, help us to resist when the modern devil takes advantage of our poverty to lead us astray. O Lord, it is hard. Hunger and cold are terrible and make us weak. We want to do right. Help us to be strong.

"O God, we have appealed to the ministers we, have appealed to the public, and we have appealed to the press. But if all these fail us in our need we know that you will not fail us.

"Grant that we may win this strike, and that the union may be strong, so that we may not need to cry so often, 'Lord, deliver us from temptation.'

"We ask this, Lord, for the sake of the little children, helpless and suffering; for the girls who may sometime be mothers of children, and for those girls who despise sin, but are forced into it through poverty.

"O Christ, who didst die on the cross, we will try to ask you to forgive those who would crush us, for perhaps they do not know what they do.

"All this we ask in the name of the lowly Carpenter's Son. Amen."

Through the two months of law-abiding protest against grave injustice, the helpless women received no encouragement from the "pillars of society” and no sign of compromise from their former employers, who were ruthlessly endeavoring to fill their places, leaving them no choice but to return to work under the former wages or to migrate from their home to unfriendly cities, then to confront other industrial injustices. Innocent girls, ignorant of the bad conditions and of the existence of a strike, were brought in from other States as strike-breakers, lured by deceptive advertisements and brought by conscienceless agents, one of whom turned out later to be connected indirectly with the white slave trade. Yet the strikers were not free to tell them of the true situation, and, as already stated, by reason of the injunction, mothers were prohibited from advising their daughters against accepting employment in the company despite the

moral dangers they would encounter under the old conditions.

At length members of a sister union in the town decided to come to the assistance of their fellow unionists. They took up peaceful picketing, tried to inform the "scabs" and persuade them to refuse to be used by the company to win the fight against a living wage. The members of this sister organization, the United Garment Workers' Union, however, had scarcely begun the task of picketing when they also were served with injunction writs.

At last, the women workers' union realized the failure of all other means to bring hope of redress for their grievances and therefore resolved, in spite of the injunction, to exercise their constitutional rights and thus to test the validity of the one-man-made law which upheld the factory authorities in the stand against the economic, moral, and physical welfare of helpless working girls. Deliberately and solemnly, at a formal meeting, the women and girls on strike passed resolutions to break their seven weeks' prayerful silence and to resume the efforts to peacefully persuade nonunionists to join their organization for American standards in industry. This step was bravely taken, with full appreciation of the probable consequences. The leaders, in other words, had deliberately faced martyrdom in the spirit of John Brown, for the purpose of arousing workers of the State of Michigan to rally for their freemen's rights and place upon the statute books a law distinctly prohibiting “government by injunction."

"We have no ballot, ourselves," said the women of this "hen town," "and we are not responsible for this kind of law and this kind of judge; but what we can do to arouse the workingmen of the State from their abject slavery under such government and stir them to perform their duty and abolish such so-called laws and such judges, this we will do, cost us what it may!"

Very promptly, the officers of the union and their beloved leader, the international organizer, were arrested and locked up in the county jail with common drunks, housebreakers, and madmen, although there was no charge of violence or threat of violence. This jailing of their twelve martyrs to the cause of unionism had the effect which the leaders had foreseen and which might have been easily foreseen by a less blind employer and less obsequious judge. Instantly the wage-earners of the entire town rose in their wrath, surrounded the jail and courthouse, demanding the release of the prisoners. Other leaders diverted them from a threatening mob rage by leading them to a great mass meeting where it was resolved to make up a substitute picket line of hundreds, daily, union by union, until the victims of cupidity and stupidity should be released from prison to continue their own fight for justice. And day after day this large body of sympathizers was true to their pledge, surrounding the factory peacefully, at closing time, to demonstrate that the public opinion of the workers of the town was with the cause of the strikers. Meanwhile the union prisoners were showered with attentions. A procession marched solemnly around the jail with uncovered heads as a tribute of respect and grief, on the day of their sentence to punishment. Resolutions of approval and support were sent from organizations in cities throughout the State. Flowers and dainties were sent daily to the jail. The bakers' union contributed pies and cakes enough for a small army. The waiters furnished turkey dinners and lobster suppers. Other groups of workers, non-union as well as union, constantly racked their brains, and found ever new ways of expressing sympathy and admiration.

The young woman 'agitator' whose remarkable leadership brought upon her the special enmity of the company, had long since become a heroine in the eyes of workers throughout the United States. The devotion to this beautiful, brave young Irish girl among the workers in the town

and vicinity amounted almost to adoration and was only intensified by her sentence to twenty days in jail. Though of frail constitution and made seriously ill by her incarceration, she had refused to recognize the constitutionality of the injunction, even by accepting bail pending her trial, and was confined seventeen days before her sentence of twenty more days in prison.

After the conviction of their leaders, the strikers took up the fight on broader lines, aided by officers and members of various city and State federations of labor. Huge mass meetings were arranged in the principal Michigan cities. Influential and publicspirited citizens volunteered their services to help arouse public opinion in the State and to organize a campaign to place upon the statute books a law prohibiting the granting of injunctions which violate a citizen's rights to free speech, free assembly, and trial by jury. And this campaign is now in progress.

In the now famed town the strike is still on and the spirit of trade unionism has caught fire from trade to trade. The "white-livered, six-dollar-per-week suckers" referred to by the previously quoted business agent is no longer content to "thank God and the boss for a job and enough insurance to pay for a bargain burial lot." Waked up at last to the fact that the Lord helps those who help themselves, they are standing together for American standards of living. Realization of the power of the ballot has been brought home to them by women who have no vote. The recall of judges is in their platform now, as well as the extension of the ballot to women. That town in Michigan is no longer classed by national organizers as a "Hen Town."

N THE AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST for March, 1912, under the general title, "Live Labor Topics of the Day," I took - occasion to establish, by letters received from - responsible officers of the several State Federations of Labor and other writers, that - the enactment of the Child Labor laws in existence in the several States had been obtained, in many cases, solely, and in all cases, primarily, through the efforts of the members of the organizations of labor. Due credit was invariably given to the assistance

= rendered to organized labor by sympathetic associations of good citizens, in restricting child labor by legal enactment.

Since that article appeared several other - replies have been received, the essential - parts of which are herewith reproduced. - It will be noted that the authors of these letters unhesitatingly acknowledge, in the most generous manner, the assistance that - has been given to organized labor in behalf of this most worthy cause-the protection = of the child.

It is doubtful whether any more con= temptible acts could have been committed by the agents provocateurs of money-mad - men, than those told so clearly and straight= forwardly by the Secretaries of their re- spective State Federations of Labor, Messrs.

Davison, of Richmond, Va., and McKinstry, = of Cheyenne, Wyo., in relating their experiences during their struggles to secure humanitarian legislation for the protection of the child. It should be stated here that letters and excerpts are printed in their alphabetical order, rather than in the order of their importance.

This trom:

Alabama.

BIRMINGHAM, ALA., May 18, 1912. The laws regulating Child Labor in the State of Alabama are very poor, owing to the fact that at the time the law was passed by the Legislature, the Governor of the State was a large cotton mill

owner, and therefore the amendment to the law enacted in 1911 was passed to suit him and not the people. It is inoperative, as it carries with it no penalty for violation. The "supposed-to-be" factory inspector is also the jail and prison inspector; therefore, the most of his time is given to inspecting the home of the criminals instead of trying to improve the condition of the children.

The women have done much to have better laws passed for the protection of women and children in the mills of our State. They have readily cooperated with organized working people in securing better laws. We believe more stringent laws would have been passed at the last session of the Legislature had the liquor question been eliminated, as our representatives thought that they were elected to pass liquor laws only and that was about all that was done, notwithstanding the fact that the State Federation of Labor was working very earnestly for the enactment of several measures affecting the interests of the laboring men of the State.

A great lesson for the laboring man was learned from the representatives to the last Assembly. He has found out that he will have to look to his own class to secure better conditions. The Alabama State Federation of Labor expended several hundred dollars in maintaining representatives of that body at the last session of the Legislature, practically in the interest of Child Labor laws, and expects to do more at the next session. Fraternally yours,

L. BOWEN, Secretary, Alabama State Federation of Labor.

Arizona.

PHENIX, ARIZ., May 16, 1912.

Some eighteen months ago at our State convention of labor, held in Phœnix, one of the main features of that gathering was the question of Child Labor. Bro. J. C. Provost introduced the subject. Since that time the church and school authorities have also been active along this line and cooperated with us. At our State convention of labor held in Phoenix, on January 20, 1912, one of the first matters we dealt with was the Child Labor question, and eventually a bill, written by myself, was approved by the convention and ordered introduced in the Senate and House of Representatives of Arizona. When the General Assembly convened, this bill formed the foundation work of one of the best Child Labor bills ever considered in the United States; at least, this was the consensus of opinion by properly informed people. Whether the entire bill now before the Legislature will be passed we will not know until the Legislature adjourns, but we are going to do our best to secure its enactment. Fraternally yours, W. G. GRIFFIN, Secretary-Treasurer, Arizona State Federation of Labor.

Arkansas.

LITTLE ROCK, ARK., May 24, 1912. During the session of the Legislature in 1904, solely through the efforts of the United Mine Workers, the first Anti-Child Labor law was placed upon the statute books of Arkansas, prohibiting the labor of children under the age of 14 in any mine of the State, and further prohibiting any child under the age of 16 from working in the mine, unless able to read and write.

In the Legislature of 1907, act No. 456, covering the employment of children in manufacturing establishments, etc., was passed, making twelve years the age limit. This act also carried with it a compulsory school attendance provision. In the legislative session of 1909, act No. 234, covering the employment of children and school attendance, was passed, and in the legislative session of 1911, act No. 231 was passed, amending and strengthening the previous acts. The progress achieved in this direction was due to the persistent agitation and the awakening of the public spirit by the organizations of labor affiliated with the Arkansas State Federation of Labor. Fraternally yours,

G. E. MIKEL, President,

L. H. MOORE, Secretary-Treasurer,
Arkansas State Federation of Labor.

California.

FRESNO, CAL., April•29, 1912. During the fight for the passage of the Women and Children's Eight-Hour law, by our last Legislature, both the Fresno Labor Council and the Fresno County Building Trades Council indorsed a strong set of resolutions to the Senator and Assemblymen from this district urging the passage of what is now a law. Undoubtedly the reports you have received from other localities throughout the State will reveal the fact that they all did likewise. To offset the pressure being brought to bear on the members of the Thirty-ninth session of the State Legislature by the labor organizations throughout the State, the Chambers of Commerce of California from Eureka on the north to San Diego on the south, wired in a flood of protests against the passage of this meritorious bill. The Fresno Chamber of Commerce held a "star chamber" session composed of local fruit packers and unbeknown to their general membership, they wired to the members of the Legislature instructions to "kill the bill." To demonstrate beyond a shadow of a doubt that the labor movement of California is responsible for the passage of the Eight-Hour law for Women and Children, I herewith reproduce a letter addressed to Thomas F. Griffin, the man who drafted the bill, and his reply is, I think, self-explanatory.

INQUIRY.

FRESNO, CAL., May 28, 1911.

Mr. THOMAS F. GRIFFIN, Modesto, Cal. DEAR SIR: I would deem it a favor if you would inform me, under your signature, what, in your opinion, wielded the greatest influence with the

members of the thirty-ninth session of the California Legislature relative to the passage of the Eight-Hour law for Women, of which you are the father.

Thanking you for an immediate reply, I am, yours truly,

F. P. LAMOREUX, Secretary,
Fresno Labor Council.

REPLY.

MODESTO, CAL., May 30, 1911.

Mr. F. P. LAMOREUX, Fresno, California: Your kind favor of the 28th instant received and contents carefully noted.

I am inclosing to you a statement which I think answers your question quite fully. At least, it is the most logical answer that I can conceive of. I am not of that kind who are inclined to indulge in fulsome flattery concerning men or organizations, and believe only in giving credit where credit is due.

Trusting that the inclosed statement will prove a satisfactory answer to your interrogatories, I remain, yours most sincerely,

THOMAS F. GRIFFIN.

Statement from Mr. Griffin to which reference is above made:

A LABOR VICTORY.

"There were many causes that contributed to the passage of the Women's Eight-Hour law without amendment, but the one most powerful influence was that exercised by the labor unions of the State through their representatives. This is particularly true of the Senate, where the great fight took place.

"The selfish business interests centered all their force on the Senate. Arrayed against the bill were all the business interests of the State-organized greed-and but for the union sympathizers in the Senate the bill would have been emasculated.

"Of great significance is also the fact that the State Senators from the southern part of the State, where unionism is weak, opposed the bill. Political 'reformers,' like Gates and Roseberry, and reactionaries, like Wright, Hurd, and others, all from the southern counties, led the fight against the bill. Gates and Roseberry, who had so often shouted in praise of the 'people,' denied the right of the State to limit the hours of labor of women, voted for every insidious amendment offered by the interests, and, after all these amendments had been defeated, voted for the bill under protest.

"We have always agreed with Gladstone that the labor unions are the bulwarks of democracy, and have always believed that the cause of unionism is the cause of humanity. The valiant fight of the representatives of labor, and of the members of the Legislature elected by union men, for the Eight Hour law was a significant verification of the correctness of this belief.

"A better demonstration of the high ethics of unionism is not needed.

THOMAS F. GRIFFIN." Trusting that you will find the above statements. of value for the compilation of your historical references, I am, yours fraternally,

F. P. LAMOREUX, Secretary,
Fresno Labor Council.

Illinois.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 11, 1912.

We placed a law upon the statute books of our = State which prohibits child labor.* We have fought every amendment attempted by the opponents of the law. We have no fear that the law will be changed, unless for the better, by reason of limitation or prohibiting the employment of minors under unhealthful conditions or in occupations which might prove harmful to them.

occasio

Every session of the Legislature brings forward an effort on the part of the theatrical managers, and occasionally from other interests, to secure exceptions to the general rule. A theatrical manager named Davis, of Chicago, took a leading part in the recent campaign at the last session of the Legislature to amend the Child Labor law to permit children to perform upon the stage. He was supported by Mr. Francis Wilson and many other actors and actresses who pleaded for art, with a capital "A." Miss Jane Addams, of Chicago, and other public-minded citizens fought the proposed amendment, in co-operation with the solid delegation representing organized labor. During the discussion we uncovered a number of violations of the Child Labor law, and we made our points so telling that the proposed amendment was never reported out of committee in the Senate.

The history of previous sessions of the Legislature would be merely a repetition of the above, and would be of little historical interest, unless drawn out at considerable length. Fraternally yours, EDWIN R. WRIGHT, President,

Illinois State Federation of Labor.

Indiana.

EVANSVILLE, IND., April 28, 1912. The first Child Labor law of the State of Indiana may be found in the annotated statutes for 1894. It was passed at the instance of the organizations of labor of this State. A careful study for many years by the Indiana State Federation of Labor and its affiliated labor organizations, of the subject secured several changes and amendments which have been added, strengthening that law since its enactment.

On January 10, 1911, House Bill No. 35 was introduced in the House of Representatives by Mr. John J. Keegan, who is also an active member in the State Federation of Labor. This bill was prepared by representatives of Labor, of the women's clubs, and other representative organizations interested in the subject. Mr. Edward N. Clopper, Secretary of the Child Labor Committee of the Mississippi Valley, took part in the preliminary discussions on the bill. From the time of the introduction of the Child Labor bill in the House of Representatives until it was finally signed by the Governor, its course was one of trouble. In recent years, there have been some lobbies arrayed against measures pre sented by Labor, but it is doubtful if ever a larger or more persistent array of opponents was ever gathered together than was present to combat the

[The first statute regulating the employment of children in the State of Illinois was enacted in 1891. -Ed.]

passage of the Child Labor bill. Nor were those in opposition confined to any one locality or any one calling. Employers and lawyers were arrayed with preachers and doctors against inst the working men and working women who fought so persistently for the enactment of this measure, but we succeeded. Fraternally yours,

GEORGE J. SCHWAB, Secretary-Treasurer,

Indiana State Federation of Labor.

Maine.

AUBURN, ME., May 8, 1912.

Our Child Labor laws are very good. We are amending them at each session as we find the industrial conditions of our State warrant. The credit for all of these Child Labor laws certainly belongs to the organizations of labor, as we have had all the fighting to do for them. During the session of the Legislature in 1909-10, I was a member of the lower House and we cleaned our slate. We got every bill we introduced and killed two that we had determined to defeat. All of this work was done in spite of the fact that the Committee on Labor was eight to two against us on nearly every measure. As Chairman on the part of the House, I would prepare minority reports, which were seconded by Representative Mace of Westbrook, and in every instance we turned the unfavorable majority report of the committee down and passed our law. During that session we passed a fifty-eight-hour law for women and minors; amended the Child Labor laws to require "that no minor could work under the age of 14 in any mill or manufacturing establishment, and, between the age of 14 and 16, they must have birth certificates on file and also certificates showing that they can read and write."

Hoping this will help you in your compilation, I remain fraternally yours, CHARLES O. BEALS, President, Maine State Federation of Labor.

Maryland and Washington, D. C.

WASHINGTON, D. C., June 1, 1912. After years of endeavor the members of the Maryland State and District of Columbia Federation of Labor, in co-operation with the Legislative Committee and officials of the American Federation of Labor, secured the enactment of the first Federal Child Labor law for the District of Columbia, in May, 1908, and since the enactment of this law, have been instrumental in seeing that its provisions are properly enforced in the District.

Our State and District organization has frequently called attention to the fact that the Child Labor law of the State of Maryland is not adequate to protect the children of the Commonwealth. The Committee on Ways and Means at State conventions reported that "the Child Labor law of Maryland is a crime against humanity," and that "the legal regulations governing the employment of women and children are practically useless." Since these declarations were made, during the session of the Legislature in the year 1910, the act regulating the employment of children was amended so that it should apply to messenger boys in telegraph and telephone offices, in which the age limit was raised to 14 years for day service and 16 years for night service. At the same session