the latter was Mr. Eltweed Pomeroy, of Newark, N. J., whose labors for the Initiative and Referendum during fifteen years were untiring and effective. Mr. Pomeroy, as traveler for a manufacturing firm, of which he was the chief partner, enjoyed exceptional opportunites for propaganda. He formed in many places groups of League members, who constituted the leaven from which the movement spread. When the issue of the Record became a tax overburdensome to Mr. Sullivan, Mr. Pomeroy undertook the task of publishing it, assisted by his acquaintances in various cities. While Mr. Pomeroy was at the time a follower of Edward Bellamy and a member of the Nationalist party, and Mr. Sullivan an extremely radical individualist, they appreciated each other's work for the Initiative and Referendum and have pulled together in its support ever since. In a speech before the convention of the American Federation of Labor, at New York City, in 1895, Mr. Pomeroy said: "So it is a matter of course that years ago, when direct legislation was unknown, a workingman who has served in your unions, who is today in your ranks working at his trade, should have carefully investigated it and made himself a past master in knowledge of it, and even coined the name by which it is now known, until today J. W. Sullivan, member of the Typographical Union, is recognized as the father of the direct legislation movement in this country." Mr. W. S. U'Ren, of Oregon, two years ago wrote Mr. Sullivan that the origin of the Referendum movement in Oregon was a result of the latter's book, a statement he has since repeated to me in Portland, Oregon, on the occasion of my visit there in August, 1911, and to writers and publishers of various magazines. Mr. U'Ren sat up an entire night to read the book and in it found a solid beginning for the great work he has accomplished in Oregon. By 1895, Mr. Sullivan had decided that, in this big country, it was impossible to foresee where the Initiative and Referendum would take root, and that writing for it might be more effective than platform work. Since that time he has therefore mostly confined his support of the movement to sending articles to the labor and social reform press, feeling that if a sufficient number of convinced and instructed trade union men could be induced to labor for the reform, they would be backed by union members, the legislators in the various States could be influenced, and the movement thus promoted. It is a fact beyond doubt that the rapid spread of the system in recent years has been due mainly to its support in the American Federation of Labor. On this point, the words of Mr. George H. Shibley, who for a dozen years has been an enthusiastic advocate of the movement, rendering to it invaluable services, are as follows: "It is my firm conviction that the work of the American Federation of Labor during the years 1901 to 1908, through the questioning of candidates for the people's rule by means of the Initiative and Referendum, has been the principal means whereby the progressive movement was carried forward within the two leading parties, overcoming the rule of the few and machine politics. The successful use of this non-partisan program obviated the necessity of building a great third party and it quickly developed the people's movement to a point where it is largely in control in many States, in full control in the National House of Representatives, and nearly so in the United States Senate." It is not my purpose to claim any credit for work done in this or any other field of activity, but recently one of the most active life-long advocates and workers for the Initiative and Referendum wrote to another friend, and, because of the credit he gives to the American Federation of Labor through my efforts, I quote him as follows: "From the beginning, as already intimated, President Gompers bas led in forwarding the Initiative and Referendum. Never has he failed in any one of his annual messages to the American Federation of Labor conventions to review its progress and to rally organized labor to its support. He has made innumerable addresses favoring it. His advice as to when it might with success be introduced into legislative bodies, constitutional conventions, and city charter commissions has frequently been followed with a fortunate outcome. Under his guidance, it may be said without fear of confutation, the American Federation of Labor has made a change in the political situation in the United States that far outdistances anything done by the noisy political parties, which, from their support of office-seekers instead of measures, attract the attention of a press that affects to believe that the good of the country depends upon the personal fortunes of politicians instead, as is the fact, on the legislation that establishes democracy and the open way to justice, as followed by democracy. In his constant efforts to promote the Initiative and Referendum, President Gompers has had the unflagging support of a group of unselfish trade union leaders, both those of the old days and those of the present time. Among the veteran supporters, he learned to depend upon J. W. Sullivan as historian and commentator of the movement, who, subsequently, was three years ago re-appointed General Lecturer on the question for the だい American Federation of Labor, the position, as be- In 1909 Mr. Sullivan was about to make "WASHINGTON, D. C., May 19, 1909. "To Whom it May Concern: "This is to certify that in October, 1905, I, Samuel Gompers, on being informed that J. W. Sullivan had been appointed one of the two labor investigators of the Civic Federation Commission on municipal ownership, wrote him as follows: "I felt that no man in my wide circle of acquaintances was better fitted than you to undertake a thorough, dispassionate, and impartial investigation and to report results as you found them.' "In addition thereto I desire to say that I have had no cause for changing my opinion. "In volume 2, page 202, January, 1896, issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST, under the heading 'A Matter of Course,' Eltweed Pomeroy, President of the Direct Legislation League, in referring to Mr. J. W. Sullivan, says: "So it is a matter of course that years ago, when direct legislation was unknown, a working man who has served in your unions, who is today in your ranks, working at his trade, should have carefully investigated it (Initiative and Referendum) and made himself a past master in knowledge of it, and even coined the name by which it is now known, until today J. W. Sullivan, member of the Typographical Union, is recognized as the father of the Direct Legislation movement in this country.' "Just twenty years ago, in the spring of 1889, Mr. J. W. Sullivan returned from Switzerland and begun writing and lecturing upon the subject of the Initiative and Referendum. The movement was taken up and put on the way to success by the American Federation of Labor and Mr. Sullivan was thereafter appointed General Lecturer of the American Federation of Labor upon this subject. "The Referendum has made greater strides in the United States than has any other political reform. It is in accord with the practical methods followed by the American Federation of Labor. "All of these matters being well known to the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, at its recent meeting, Mr. J. W. Sullivan was appointed as General Lecturer on the subject and principles of the Initiative and Referendum system of Government. "Brother J. W. Sullivan is commended to the SAMUEL GOMPERS, President, Whether the fact counts for or against the people of this country, no purely direct legislation organization, whether local, State, or national, has ever been able to attract a large body of members or to remain continuously in existence outside of the American labor movement. No such body has ever had a secretary, or other official, paid by the membership. All the men, without exception, who restricted their efforts to the movement, or, as promoters of other movements, paid the Initiative and Referendum their chief attention, have given time and money to the cause and drawn nothing in salaries. A dozen writers, most of them overcautious "intellectuals," who mistrusted the ability of the people to legislate for themselves, begun publishing books. Their theories on the subject were in strong contrast to Mr. Sullivan's practical attitude. In the same spirit of practical work, the trade unions took the teachings of the book, the facts of the book, as a basis for hard work, for the making of history, and went at its realization "hammer and tongs" and not with tiresome word-splitting or too much balancing of pros against cons. The unions proved to be the agent which could really carry out the innovation of the Referendum, on a large scale, in their own organizations. Its supporters in the unions worked for it without price. Neither of the old political parties would give any pap to a league bent on breaking up the party machines. The progressive political organizations were engaged in revolutionizing political methods. Social workers were being paid for palliatives to economic hurts. The place of least resistance in our social fabric to the Initiative and Referendum was in the trade unions, which also were the mediums furnishing the most adherents. No paid secretaries were necessary to the movement among trade unionists, who are accustomed to do altruistic work without pay. So it developed that the unions furnished the most fruitful field for propaganda and results. In order to obtain an accurate history of the efforts made and the successes attained in behalf of the establishment of the direct primaries, commission form of government, Initiative, Referendum, and Recall, before the most important incidents have passed from the minds of the chief actors in the States as to their activities, the following letters are herewith published as part of a collection in response to a circular recently issued: WASHINGTON, D. C., April 20, 1912. DEAR SIR And Brother: In the March, 1912, issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST you will note the article entitled, "The A. F. of L.'s Successful Fight for Child Labor laws." This article is a valuable contribution to the history of the child labor movement as indicating what labor and labor organizations have actually done to secure the enactment of child labor laws. As a matter of record, and for historical reference, I desire to compile and publish as full and complete a history as possible of what labor organizations have done in the movement for the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. I am, therefore, writing to request that you, at your earliest convenience, should give me the fullest information possible as to what has been actually done in your State or your city, and give the names of the men and organizations that have taken a prominent part in this work. Then, I would also desire to have copies of declarations and resolutions of conventions or of the meetings of any of the local bodies on the subject of the Initiative, Referendum and Recall, of the work done on the political field to secure the enactment of laws for direct primaries, commission form of government, Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. I would like you to give as definite and succinct information as possible upon all phases of this subject, the official declarations to secure any or all of these reforms, the names of the men who took active part in this movement, the positions they occupy in the labor world in their respective localities or States. While I say succinct, yet if necessary to make the report comprehensive, give it in as much detail as may be essential. I want to get the fullest possible report of the really great services which the men in the labor movement have performed in securing these reforms, and you can be of great assistance to me by giving me the fullest possible history of the movement in your own particular organization. What I want are the facts of the case, and it will be unnecessary to make any argument in favor of the question. We want to show to the world in the present and for the future what have been the real forces at work to secure these great reforms for the democratization of the government of our country, our States, and our municipalities. Thanking you in advance for your co-operation and assistance, and trusting I may hear from you at your earliest convenience, I am, Fraternally yours, SAMUEL GOMPERS, President. It will be noted that the following replies are temperate and generous. Nevertheless, there is a tone of confidence running through each and all establishing the truthfulness of the record that the people of the United States are primarily and almost solely in debted to the members of organized labor for the establishment of a more genuine system of republican government by, of, and for, the people. Arizona. PHOENIX, ARIZONA, May 16, 1912. The commission form of government, so far as Phoenix is concerned, is practically an accomplished fact. Organized labor was here the first to start the agitation for this system of municipal government. Through our Federation of Labor we have established the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall as a part of our State government, and in addition, we have pledged the members of the first Legislature of Arizona to the following propositions: Shall the first Legislature of Arizona take such steps as are necessary to establish, in effective workable form First. An advisory primary by which the people may, by direct vote, recommend to the President whom they desire appointed Federal Judge? Second. An extension of the Recall by which the people, by an advisory vote, may request a Federal Judge, a United States Senator or a Congressman to resign? All Labor has now to do is to see that the principles that are established are duly and efficiently enforced. Fraternally yours, W. G. GRIFFIN, Secretary- Treasurer, LITTLE ROCK, ARK., May 2, 1912. Ever since its organization in 1904, the State Federation of Labor has been working for direct of primaries, commission form government, Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. The State Farmers' organization took up the work on the same lines later. In 1907 a bill was introduced in the State Senate to refer the Initiative and Referendum to the people to be voted upon as an amendment to the State constitution. It was defeated in the Legislature by a large majority, but it served our purpose of getting these principles before the people. In 1909 the same bill was again introduced in the Legislature, but on account of the fact that we had by this time obtained the advantage of two years' education and that we had pledged the Democratic party of the State to support the measure, the bill passed the Legislature with only two dissenting votes, and the bill providing for the Initiative and Referendum was then referred to the people in the general election as an amendment to the State constitution. Great efforts were made to defeat the measure, but it received the majority of the votes and was adopted. The Legislature of 1911 passed an enabling act. The Initiative and Referendum is now in force in this State. We did not try for the Recall at that time, knowing we would have a hard pull to secure the Initiative and Referendum, but hoped to secure the Recall later. In fact, we are now circulating a petition under the Initiative and Referendum law to have the Recall voted upon at the coming general election in September. Also a petition for a State Printing Plant and a Textbook Commission. Copies of these petitions are sent, and you will observe they are duly and officially issued by the Arkansas State Federation of Labor. I am not complying with that part of your request to give the names of our members who assisted in advocating these measures and who are largely instrumental for the success of the Initiative and Referendum as many of our members were actively engaged in the work, and for me to give the names of a few and not all would occasion ill feeling among those whose names might be overlooked. During the crisis just before election Mr. George H. Shibley, of Washington, D. C., sent us valuable assistance in the person of George Judson King. William J. Bryan also made a flying trip through the State in aid of the Initiative and Referendum. The real factors in securing the Initiative and Referendum were, first, the State Federation of Labor, and later the farmers' organizations in the State. These organizations constituted the eductional power back of the movement. Fraternally yours, L. H. MOORE, Secretary- Treasurer, California. SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., May 8, 1912. I take pleasure in sending you herewith a brief history as to what has actually been done by labor organizations in this State to bring about the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. You are, no doubt, aware of the fact that the old Federated Trades Council of San Francisco is entirely responsible for the inauguration of the Australian ballot. Over a thousand dollars was spent by the Council in San Francisco in a protracted campaign which finally secured its adoption in California in 1892. A State-wide movement for the Initiative and Referendum was begun by the trade unionists of this State at the first convention of the California State Federation of Labor, held in San Francisco, June 7-8-9, 1901. Delegate J. K. Phillips of Typographical Union No. 21, introduced the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted: "Resolved, That the Executive Committee of this State Federation be and it is hereby instructed to prepare as soon as possible after its organization, a bill or bills to provide for direct legislation, through the Initiative and Referendum, the same to be submitted to the Legislature for enactment into laws during the present session.' Our efforts to have these measures enacted into law were unsuccessful for a little over one decade, but our legislative agents and our labor press were instrumental in educating the people, and particularly the representatives of the dominant political parties, to the advantages of direct legislation which finally brought about the establishment of the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall in California. The Democratic party which has been in the minority in this State for many years was the first to incorporate in its platform a declaration for the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. The Republican party which was controlled by a reactionary element until the election of the present administration in November, 1910, did not incorporate these measures in their platform until the present progressive element became the dominant factors in that party. The thirty-ninth session of the California Legislature, which met in January, 1911, submitted to a vote of the people constitutional amendments providing for the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall. The California State Federation of Labor and the central labor councils and local unions throughout the State followed up the campaign for the adoption of these amendments. Our unity and determination of purpose attracted general public attention. I enclose herewith copies of the circular and dodgers* which were distributed by the California State Federation of Labor and city central labor bodies through the State among the working people and citizens generally. The result was that the election returns showed that the Initiative and Referendum carried by a majority of 116,651; and the recall of elective officials, including judges, by a majority of 124,360 (see exhibit 2 for official election returns, constitutional amendments endorsed by California State Federation of Labor). The first draft of a direct primary bill was introduced and adopted at the ninth annual convention of our State Federation of Labor, held at San Jose, October 5-9, 1908. Our legislative agents since that time have worked actively in behalf of direct primaries, which are now also established in this State and its various political subdivisions. The history of the struggle for direct legislation is the history of the California State Federation of Labor. This organization from its very inception took the leading part in the educational work so essential in bringing about our recent glorious victories for government by the people in the legislative field. Fraternally yours, PAUL SCHARRENBERG, Secretary-Treasurer, California State Federation of Labor. FRESNO, CAL., April 29, 1912. Regarding the part played by local organizations of labor toward the enactment of legislation providing for direct primaries, commission form of government, Initiative, Referendum, and Recall in California, I beg leave to inform you that other than the publicity given these measures through the local labor press there were no other efforts put forth locally. The overwhelming vote cast in California for these principles at the last election is proof evident that the laboring men of California voted as a unit. This also applies to the struggle to obtain the Women's Eight-Hour law passed by our last Legislature. The egg that gave birth to the commission form of government in California was hatched by the Vallejo Labor Council, and if the truth were known it would undoubtedly reveal the fact that Bro. J. B. Dale is the man responsible for the activities made in this State along those lines of improved municipal government. His known reluctance to assume credit for anything he does might prevent you from getting the proper name of the man who is really responsible, but regardless of that fact, he alone is the man to furnish the original reliable data from that locality. I offer this information so your appeal for data from Vallejo will not only fall into the hands of the man who will attend to it, but who is possessed of all the facts and figures. Fraternally yours, F. P. LAMOREUX, Secretary, Fresno Labor Council. *These may be published later.-S. G. (To be Continued.) INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNIONISM. Toronto, Canada, in 1912, the Example. By JAMES SIMPSON, Toronto. The Trade Union Movement Offsets the Demoralizing Effect of the Increasing Cost of Living. Does it pay to belong to the organized labor movement? This is the question that has to be answered by every labor leader, business agent, and trade union official whose duty it is to build up the trade union movement and augment its forces from the ranks of the unorganized workers. Human effort is in the direction of a better standard of living and a more substantial return for the expenditure of mental and physical power in the direction and operation of modern industry. With the forces that control and determine the cost of living thoroughly organized to resist any attacks upon their margins of profit, the unorganized workers must become the victims of a condition of life that precipitates human deterioration and national decadence, and having accepted the irrefutable truth that the increased cost of living precedes and is responsible for the demands for higher wages, the only immediate relief is through the organization of the workers on the industrial field to negotiate for, or strike for, better conditions, or, on the political field, to legislate themselves into better conditions. Standard of Living. The necessities of life are not sold to the unorganized workers at one price and to the organized workers at another price. All must exist under the same conditions, but if through organization the workers of one section receive a higher wage than those in the unorganized section, the standards of living can not be the same for both sections. When it dawns upon the mind of the unorganized worker that his standard of living is being determined by forces antago nistic to the interests of the working class and that his wages are also being fixed by the same forces, he will see more clearly the necessity of belonging to the organized labor movement and co-operating with his fellow-workers to improve his standard of living by securing a higher price for his labor power. If the employer (always anxious to maintain the highest margin of profit in the sale of the necessities of life) blames the organized labor movement for the advance in prices because of increases in wages, the unorganized workers will begin to realize that despite the false charge against organized labor by the employers it is to their interests to share in the higher wages to meet the increased cost of living. Toronto an Illustration. The force of these arguments is being acknowledged by thousands of workers in Toronto, and 1912 will be remembered as a year which strikingly illustrates the value of belonging to a trade or labor union. Never in the history of the labor movement were there so many demands for improved conditions, including higher wages, shorter hours, and recognition of other claims that are vital to the working class, and never was there such a willing disposition on the part of the employers to discuss these demands with the representatives of organized labor. In considering the gains for the year it is the purpose of this article to emphasize the wage increases with a view to increasing the appreciation of the labor union as a good place to invest a few dollars with a certain assurance that the return will not be as uncertain as mining stocks and other investments which promise well but seldom meet the expectations of the investors. |