strength, and thereby quiet those fears, with which uneasy borderers and discontented neighbours usually inspire each other. Recent transactions tell us that the influence of Spain in Barbary is not contemptible. When time shall have cast a thicker veil over the memory of past and long continued hostilities; when the convenience of Spanish money and Spanish favours shall become better known, and more felt at Fez, Algiers, &c. it is more than probable that those powers will be little inclined to disoblige a nation, whose arms have given them much trouble, and from whose gratuities they derive more wealth and advantages than they have ever been able to reap from depredations and from plunder often hardly gained. The influence which the catholick king will and must have, in greater or lesser degrees in Italy, with several of whose sovereigns he is allied by blood, as well as by treaties, merits some consideration. The trade of the Mediterranean deserves our notice; and Spain has convenient ports in that sea. In various ways, therefore, may Spain promote or oppose our political interests with several other countries; and we shall, I think, either find her in America a very convenient neighbour, or a very troublesome one. They who are acquainted with the commerce of that country, can be at no loss in perceiving or estimating its value. It is well known that they consume more than they export, and consequently that the balance of trade is and must be against them. Hence it is that the mil : lions they yearly bring from the mines of America, so soon disappear, flying out of Spain by every road and port in it. Details would be tedious, and considering where I am, unnecessary. It is sufficient to observe, that there is scarcely a single production of this country but what may be advantageously exchanged in the Spanish European ports for gold and silver. These advantages, however, must depend on a treaty; for Spain, like other nations, may admit foreigners to trade with her or not, and on such terms only as she may think proper. The conclusion I draw from what has been said is, that on general principles of policy and commerce, it is the interest of the United States to be on the best terms with Spain. This conclusion would be greatly strengthened by a review of our present local and other circumstances; but they are well known, and their language is strong and intelligible. Sir, I do really believe that Spain is at present sincerely disposed to make friends of us. I believe this not because they have repeatedly told us so; for in my opinion little reliance is to be made on the professions of courts or courtiers; they will say what they may think convenient, but they will act according to what they may think their interest. It appears to me that the independence, situation, temper, resources and other circumstances of the United States, lead the court of Spain to regard them with much attention, and I may add with jealousy and apprehension. Their conduct induces "me to think that their present policy and design is, to cultivate our friendship, and ensure the continuance of it, by such advantages in a treaty as may prevent its becoming our interest to break with them. To this cause I ascribe the civilities shown to the United States, by the release of their citizens at the Havana, and by the interposition of his catholick majesty in their favour at Morocco, &c. To the same cause I ascribe the very liberal and beneficial articles which their plenipotentiary here is willing to have inserted in the treaty I am now negotiating with him, and which are specified in the following notes of them, viz. 1. That all commercial regulations affecting each other shall be founded in perfect reciprocity. Spanish merchants shall enjoy all the commercial privileges of native merchants in the United States, and American merchants shall enjoy all the commercial privileges of native merchants in the kingdom of Spain and in the Canaries and other islands belonging and adjacent thereto. The same privileges shall extend to their respective vessels, and merchandise consisting of the manufac tures and productions of their respective countries. 2. Each party may establish consuls in the countries of the other (excepting such provinces in Spain, into which none have heretofore been admitted, viz. Bilboa and Guipusea) with such powers and privileges as shall be ascertained by a particular convention. 3. That the bona fide manufactures and productions of the United States (tobacco only excepted, which shall continue under its present regulations) may be imported in American or Spanish vessels, into any parts of his majesty's European dominions and islands aforesaid, in like manner as if they were the productions of Spain. And on the other hand that the bona fide manufactures and productions of his majesty's dominions may be imported into the United States, in Spanish or American vessels, in like manner as if they were the manufactures and productions of the said States. And further, that all such duties and imposts as may mutually be thought necessary to lay on them by either party, shall be ascertained and regulated on principles of exact reciprocity, by a tariff to be formed by a convention for that purpose, to be negotiated and made within one year after the exchange of the ratification of this treaty; and in the mean time, that no other duties or imposts shall be exacted from each others merchants and ships than such as may be payable by natives in like cases. 4. That inasmuch as the United States, from not having mines of gold and silver, may often want supplies of specie for a circulating medium, his catholick majesty, as a proof of his good will, agrees to order the masts and timber which may from time to time be wanted for his royal navy, to be purchased, and paid for in specie, in the United States; provided the said masts and timber shall be of equal quality, and, when brought to Spain, shall not cost more than the like may there be had from other countries. 5. It is agreed that the articles commonly inserted in other treaties of commerce for mutual and reciprocal convenience, shall be inserted in this, and that this treaty and every article and stipulation therein years to be com shall continue in full force for These articles need no comment. It is easy to perceive that by them we gain much, and sacrifice or give up nothing. They will not indeed permit our tobacco to be vended in their country; but that prohibition now exists, and will probably continue, whether we do or do not make a treaty with Spain. It is also certain that by means of the Canaries, our flour and other commodities will find the way to Spanish America; and the supply of that market, even by a circuitous route, cannot fail of affording a very lucrative vent for those articles. Mr. Gardoqui is not personally averse to our visiting the Philippines, but his instructions do not reach that point. I have hopes that this may be carried; and in that case it is obvious we shall be the better for the Acapulco trade. I forbear to dwell minutely on these commercial subjects, because nothing I could say respecting them would be new. My attention is chiefly fixed on two obstacles, which at present divide us, viz. the navigation of the Mississippi, and the territorial limits between them and us. My letters written from Spain, when our affairs were the least promising, evince my opinion respecting the Mississippi, and oppose every idea of our relinquishing our right to navigate it. I entertain the same sentiments of that right, and of the importance of retaining it, which I then did. Mr. Gardoqui strongly insists on our relinquishing it. We have had many conferences and much reason |