point, we will venture cursorily to note a few of these incidents.

We are inclined to believe, that the number of individuals in New Spain, in holy orders, has been generally misconceived, and that, giving easy credit to the hasty and vague assertions of occasional travellers, an extravagant estimate of their power has been made. Humboldt states the clergy of Mexico to amount to ten thousand individuals, exclusive of four thousand lay brothers and sisters, a computation probably at that time correct. The report of the last year, by Don Miguel Ramos Arispe, affords the following minute statement:

1194 parishes, averaging each two churches.

3677 secular clergy, of whom 1240 are occupied as curates, the remainder in the "seminarios," as chaplains to the armies, &c.

1918 monks, and 150 monasteries.

307 monks, occupied in missions.

60 priests, of San Felipe Neri, and San Camilo.

1931 nuns.

7893, total number.

Estimating the population of the republic 8,000,000, this gives only one actual curate to every 6500, and but one individual, in holy orders, to every thousand. The latest enumeration of the clergy in Old Spain, gives a total of no less than 156,000, (the number of the monks exceeding that of the secular clergy by 16,000,) being one to every 744. This is a result, which, to many, who have rarely taken the trouble to examine, may afford matter of astonishment.

By article 110 of the Constitution, the President is invested with the power of arresting, or putting into execution, all decrees of councils-bulls, briefs, or rescripts of the Pope, either on his own responsibility, or with the advice of Senate, Council of Government, or Supreme Court, according to the circumstances of the case. Of the briefs, and rescripts submitted in 1826, a considerable number have been suspended; and one, in particular, respecting the general jubilee, has not been approved, as containing, says the Secretary of Ecclesiastical Affairs, "doctrines irreconcilable with the sovereignty of nations, and recognising the principles of absolute monarchy, as identified with those of the church." The celebrated letter, of the 24th September, 1826, in which the Court of Rome exhorted the Americans to return to their allegiance, will operate effectually to retard, if not prevent, the establishment of any intimate or direct relations with the Apostolic See; and the regulation of the Patronate has afforded a theme for ample discussion, in the course of which free principles have necessarily been elicited, and bold opinions fearlessly ex

pressed, that can never be retracted. In the report made to Congress, on the instructions given to the envoy to Rome, the Committee take the decided stand of opposition to the Apostolic Court; and, whilst they cautiously express the deepest reverence for the Pope himself, they assert that he has become the dupe of intriguing and ambitious advisers-that abuses have crept into the administration of the church, which it will confer immortal honour on the New World to remedy-that the appointment of the minor clergy, with some restriction, belongs to the metropolitan-that the regulation of church discipline is not a prerogative of the Pope; and, at the same time that they profess implicit obedience on points of faith, they distinctly recommend a refusal to be guided by the decrees of councils, on points of internal government. They finally propose the convocation of a general council, to meet every ten years, and urge the offer of $100,000 annually, to the Court of Rome, as a voluntary gift.. The agitation of these subjects has not been confined to the Federal Legislature; the different state Congresses have expressed decided opinions in relation to them, and evinced their hostility to the celebration of a concordat: those of Zacatecas and Durango, within a short time, addressed the most energetic memorials to government, recommending the assumption of the Patronate; and that of Jaliseo, by a decree, since approved by Congress, went so far as to take the collection and administration of tithes out of the hands of the clergy, and vest it in a Junta of four, of whom but one was an ecclesiastic. The great accumulation of business at the last session, prevented Congress from attending directly to these matters, and delayed the passage of several laws, which would have been productive of the most beneficial consequences, particularly one regulating the Patronate, and a Mortmain statute, forbidding all bequests to ecclesiastical corporations, the institution of new churches, or the further endowment of those already in existence. Such enactments, in our humble opinion, deserve quite as much attention as legislative expressions of sympathy for royal calamities in Europe, or funeral honours to the memory of an English heir presumptive.

Beside these facts of a public nature, we might, did time allow us, refer to others, of less authority, but of equal consequence in developing opinion on this point:-the freedom of the press, when treating of ecclesiastical abuses; the open recommendation of the abolition of many of the senseless ceremonies that still exist; the comparative neglect of religious festivals, on which momentous subject the Mexican Congress, not long since, thought fit to legislate; the dramatic representations, that have not merely been tolerated, but enthusiastically applauded,-all show what advance is making, and what improvement has taken place, in a community, where, till but lately, inquiry on such topics would

have been checked by a spiritual injunction, and resistance quelled by a Dominican warrant.

We do not, however, wish to be understood, as intimating, that superstition has yet entirely relaxed her control, or that her sway is no longer felt. Improvement is a relative term; and if language could convey an adequate idea, of the former degraded condition of the Spanish colonies and of their abject subjection to clerical authority, surprise that the new order of things had effected so much, would be the predominant sentiment, on observing even these slight developments of mental vigour. The process of reform must be gradual, and will be characterized by intellectual revolutions, that will affect the whole frame of society, and modify the views and opinions, not only of individuals and of particular classes, but of the whole body of the people. To bigotry succeeds freethinking-to freethinking, fanaticism, but of a nature widely different from the original disease; and this process, which has from the earliest ages been uniform in its operation, is now going on in Mexico; the reformers are almost universally freethinkers; and that middle course between the two extremes, in which religion and moral restraint are convertible terms, and unfair influence never exercised, has unfortunately but few followers. French literature, French morals, French politics, are in the highest vogue; and by a natural consequence, the French religion of the last century has not a few disciples; the Mexican market is glutted with the works of Voltaire, Rousseau, and Diderot; their statesmen quote them as models of intellectual excellence, or unerring guides in the intricacies of politics or religion; and the Mexican libraries, (few though there be,) filled with the brilliant but noxious masterpieces of French genius, are enough to make even the moderately orthodox shrink from contamination. When the period shall arrive, when the next change takes place, we may see a John Knox in every village, breaking the images in pieces, and bringing to light the holy treasures that have escaped the less scrutinizing eyes of those who have gone before.

From the combined operation of these circumstances, and of others of secondary importance, which our limits will not permit us to notice, has resulted a constitution of character and society in all respects peculiar. In civilization and intellectual improvement far behind the rest of the world, yet with the most dilated ideas of their own capacity and general intelligence, the Mexicans, whilst really in a state of dependence and debility, imagine themselves gifted with superior energy, and readily conceive themselves the objects of universal envy and admiration--" statim sapiunt, statim sciunt omnia, neminem verentur, imitantur neminem; atque ipsi sibi exempla sunt." The consequence is, that the influence of foreign intercourse is slowly felt, and the charac

ter and habits they have inherited remain in a great measure unaltered. These peculiarities, and their present moral and intellectual condition, it would require able hands to delineate; and beside being unsuccessful, it might be an ungracious task were we to attempt it: a cold heartless distrust, that prevents all cordial exchange of attentions or civilities an extreme servility, whose object seems to be to secure affection and esteem by promises which mean nothing-a grovelling malignity, that vents itself in dark attempts to injure-an habitual disregard of the obligations of virtue and common honesty, if not of common decency -an obstinate attachment to barbarous amusements, which the civilized world unites in reprobating-a bigoted contempt for all religious persuasions, without a ratiopal attachment to their own -these are distinct traits, which disfigure the scene, but which, having resulted from ages of intellectual prostration, seem rather objects of pity than resentment. If they merely affected the common intercourse of life, their influence would be comparatively unfelt, and it would matter little to any save those whose hard fate it might be to be compelled to mingle with them; but higher interests are involved, which force us to regard the subject with deeper solicitude, and anxiously to look forward to that distant period, when a material improvement will take place. As our immediate neighbour, as the power with whom we are most liable to be brought into collision, with whom our citizens are in the habit of very intimate commercial intercourse; and, most of all, as that power which, having established a form of government corresponding to our own, seems alone, of all the newly erected republics, able to maintain it, we have a right to scrutinize with impartiality, and perform a duty in stating our conclusions with freedom.

Our existing connexions with Mexico are of such a nature, that it is highly important that the character of its citizens, and their capacity to partake in the intercourse of civilized man, should be known; and it is time that the truth should be plainly spoken. We are prepared to be charged with hostility to the cause of Spanish American Liberty, an accusation, which a proud consciousness indignantly repels, having in common with the rest of our countrymen, heartily sympathized in all their sufferings and endurances; having breathed fervent aspirations for their success whilst it was doubtful, and indulged in heartfelt gratitude when the triumph was consummated; now that the struggle is at an end, and the new communities appear on the great theatre of the world to mingle in the common intercouse, we think it can scarcely be called unkind to state opinions freely, even though unfavourable. Cotemporary periodical writers, who have cursorily but ably touched upon the subject of the peculiarities of Spanish American character, have said that their opinions of the

ultimate success of the new republics have fluctuated, and they have sometimes doubted, whether ancient habits were not too inveterate, and whether it was within their capacity to govern themselves. Recent occurrences seem to confirm these fears; and the disappointment which the public mind has suffered in a distinguished individual of the South, has damped the hopes of the friends of liberty. We have no such dread. The defection of individuals is now of little consequence; the tendency of free institutions is to indulge that competition of virtue and talent, which prevents the loss of any one being felt; and unfavourable as our estimates of Spanish American character undoubtedly are, we have too great faith in the influence of the systems they have adopted, to doubt of their success. We all know whence these defects and peculiarities have proceeded-from ages of cruel unrelenting slavery; and knowing that the causes have ceased to operate, we look forward with confidence to the time when the effects will also have disappeared. That there will be convulsions, perhaps revolutions, is not only within the range of possibility, but we will readily say highly probable; but that there will be such a revulsion as either to restore the ancient dominion, or create new monarchical establishments, not even the Archbishop of Toledo can seriously anticipate. Colombia, Bolivia, Central America, and Peru, are now all suffering the process of revolution, or are just recovering from its effects. Mexico, enjoying a preeminence of which her ministers make most honourable mention, cannot be regarded as firmly organized: the troubles of the past year-the alarm that pervaded the country on the breaking out of the insurrection in Tejas, and various other incidents, indicate that there is none of that consciousness of security, which would inspire contempt for such circumstances; and when the time arrives at which the demands of the military cannot be met, and the failure to pay the interest on their foreign debt startles the credulity of European money lenders, the moment will be critical. Still we have no fears as to the result.

We cannot leave this subject without an earnest caution to our fellow-citizens. It is said, that agents are at this moment actively employed, in most of our commercial cities, in promoting the formation of companies to work the Mexican mines, and offering inducements, not merely to the investment of capital, but to the emigration of artisans and labourers. The most sanguine expectations are encouraged, and the authority of names of undoubted respectability adduced to promote the scheme. We trust it may be attended with utter failure. We deprecate the introduction of a gambling, speculating spirit, like this, into our country, attended not merely with ruinous consequences in a pecuniary point of view, but calculated to affect the high moral character of the people. We beg the calm, reflecting capitalists, who are the prin