1858.]

A KANSAS SEARCH-WARRANT.

103

increasing the Pro-slavery vote five hundred. Several Lawrence officers, with a volunteer posse, overtook and stopped a stage coach in which he was escaping eastward, near Westport, Missouri. As they had no legal authority in that State, Henderson drew his revolver and threatened resistance. But Providence favored the strongest battalions, and they brought him a prisoner to Lawrence. The evidence against him was not altogether convincing, and after a few days' confinement he escaped.

Nine years later Colonel William A. Phillips met the former fugitive on Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington. shook hands, the ex-Tribune-correspondent remarked:

As they

'When I last saw you, you were clerk of the Lecompton convention.'

'Yes,' replied Henderson; 'but do you see that leg?'

Phillips glanced at the shortened limb, maimed by a rebel bullet, and answered:

'I have nothing more to say; your apology is ample!'

In this respect Henderson stood not alone. Hundreds of men who took part with the Border Ruffians during the Kansas troubles, brought forth fruits meet for repentance by fighting in the Union armies during our great war.

The legislature appointed a commission to investigate the election frauds. To do this understandingly the members needed the poll-books and returns. L. A. McLean, chief clerk of John Calhoun, (president of the Lecompton convention,) was brought before them and swore that the returns were not in Kansas-that he had sent them to Calhoun in Missouri. This was believed to be false; and a search-warrant was placed in the hands of Sheriff Samuel Walker. Armed with this document, and with a posse of eight men, Walker visited McLean's office in Lecompton.

'Search wherever you like,' said McLean; 'you will find nothing. I sent the returns into Missouri a week ago.

'We shall see,' persisted Walker: 'Boys, just pitch into that woodpile outside the door.'

McLean's cheek blanched as he answered:

'I forbid it, until I can call a lawyer to examine this warrant.' 'Call your lawyer responded the sheriff; 'but, meanwhile to save time, we will go on with the search.'

104

HISTORY OF THE MINNEOLA SCHEME.

[1858. Under the wood-pile, buried in the earth, was discovered a box bearing McLean's name, and labeled 'candles.' Within it were the election returns, and they aided materially in ferreting out the frauds. McLean escaped punishment by flight, but the 'candlebox' achieved a notoriety that never candle-box won before; and its contents were so luminous that they prevented Congress from carrying out Buchanan's recommendation to admit Kansas under the Lecompton constitution.

A year later, after the strife was ended, I was present at a Free State jubilee, in Atchison county, which closed its ceremonies by burying the Lecompton constitution in a candle-box, under a woodpile. But the Kansans will hardly re-enact the farce annually for two hundred years, as the English repeat the drama of Guy Fawkes upon each anniversary.

This winter, for the first time, the legislature was composed of Free State men. They proved faithful politically but not pecuniarily. They laid out a town twenty miles south of Lawrence, call. ing it Minneola; passed a charter enabling the company to hold two thousand acres of land; and then enacted a law making Minneola the Territorial capital. The members owned the town, and by making it the seat of government hoped to make their fortunes likewise.

The people emphatically disapproved of the project. The bogus legislature had located the capital at Lecompton in precisely the same way; and the Free State men had always denounced that proceeding as a shameless fraud.

The journalists in Lawrence held a secret evening meeting to consider the movement. The entire Free State press of the Territory and nearly all leading journals of the East were represented. An informal vote showed that every one present was hostile to the Minneola project. A consultation followed as to the most effective method of breaking it up. The men of the quill agreed to expose its true character; arranged a line of attack; studied the most vulnerable points of the scheme, and determined to keep their own counsel. A large amount of Minneola stock had been set aside for members of the press. A representative offered to present me with a share, but I declined it on the ground that I was opposed to the whole movement. He assured me that

1858.]

'MIGHTIER THAN THE SWORD.'

105

its acceptance would involve no pledge either direct or implied; and I received an elaborate certificate which in flaming colors and imposing typography declared me the owner of 'eight lots in the town of Minneola, the capital of Kansas Territory, said lots not being subject to taxation by the Minneola company.' As I received the document he remarked:

'We are going to make a great thing out of the town; in six months this share will be worth five hundred dollars. You don't believe it? How much do you owe me on our last account?'

'A hundred and fifteen dollars.'

'Well, assign this certificate over to me and I will give you a receipt in full.'

I declined the offer; bidding my interlocutor not to be over sanguine but to wait for developments. In a few days the news papers began to be heard from. Minneola was assailed with unsparing ridicule and execration. The company not knowing whence they originated had to fight in the dark. They made a spirited contest, however; built great hotels and legislative halls in the embryo city; plausibly defended their conduct, and fancied that hostilities would soon abate. But they did not; and the schemers were nearly all ruined politically and pecuniarily. The thirtynine representatives and their chief clerk received the appellation of the 'Forty Thieves.' The governor refused to recognize the law. Subsequent constitutional conventions and legislatures did the same, and the enterprise ended in total failure. Three or four of the company sold out during the first excitement and pocketed a handsome profit. But the next year I gladly disposed of my share for fifteen dollars; and at present Minneola consists of several excellent farms.

How history repeats itself even in petty details! In 1795 the Georgia legislature passed a law selling forty million acres of public lands for five hundred thousand dollars. The event proved that the members with one solitary exception were interested in the purchase: every one receiving money or land for his vote. The next legislature, chosen solely on that issue, declared the law null and void; ordered it to be expunged from the records and burned by the common hangman. Nearly every grand jury in the State presented the statute as a robbery and a

106

GENERAL LANE RECEIVES HIS FRIENDS. [1858.

fraud. In Congress years later, strenuous efforts were made to re-imburse the companies which had since purchased the lands, on the ground that they were innocent third parties. The postmaster-general of the United States who had bought a large interest, was at the head of one of these organizations; but the effort was defeated by a majority in the House, headed by John Randolph, who opposed the scheme in some of his most bitter speeches.

During this session of the Kansas legislature, General Lane whom President Buchanan had denounced by proclamation as 'a dangerous and turbulent military leader,' sold a piece of land, and came in possession of some money. Lucre was a novelty to the grim chieftain, and made him uncomfortable. So he issued cards informing his dear five hundred friends' that General Lane would 'receive' that evening at the representative hall.

Eight o'clock found the room densely crowded. Hail storms of oysters were followed by showers of champagne. On that far frontier these unwonted luxuries ripened into their legitimate American fruits-enthusiastic toasts and endless speeches. No ladies were present, and at last the hilarity became very boisterous. At its greatest hight Lane leaped upon a table, and in stentorian tones which penetrated that whole pandemonium, announced that Judge Arny had just arrived from Washington and would address the meeting. (Enthusiastic and tumultuous applause.) The expectant orator, a well-known citizen who bore the formidable initials 'W. F. M.,' was profanely entitled 'Alphabetical Arny.' He was a harmless gentleman, with a genius for getting his name into print, and a hallucination that he was a candidate for the United States Senate. Ordinarily public meetings voted him tedious, but the Lecompton constitution was pending; railways and telegraphs were as yet unknown, and there was deep anxiety to hear the latest news from Washington.

Arny came forward intensely gratified at his enthusiastic reception. Just as he uttered 'Fellow Citizens,' an inebriate auditor within three feet of him shouted in unearthly tones: 'Arny!'

Again he essayed to speak, and again that voice thundered 'Arny !

Meanwhile the audience had attained the perfection of confusion. Some lay upon the floor; some were stretched upon

1858.]

A SPEECH NIPPED IN THE BUD.

107

tables; others lounged over the backs of chairs, and were hurling champagne bottles at each other's heads.

At last through Lane's persuasion comparative order was restored. Arny was full of a very eloquent speech which probably he had been rehearsing all the way from Washington. Unfortunately it was hardly adapted to the occasion, for he commenced very solemnly:

MY FELLOW CITIZENS: After spending many months among other and differert surroundings, it does my heart good to look once more upon a scene like this !'

The assembly had just intelligence enough left to appreciate the absurdity of such an exordium. Shouts upon shouts of laughter followed, bursting forth afresh whenever the speaker attempted to go on. At last he indignantly retired; and his sonorous oration remains unfinished to this day.

On the eve of adjournment the legislature passed the following, with only two or three dissenting voices: