Cassell's history of the war between France and Germany, 1870-1871, 2. sējums;176. sējums1871 |
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Bieži izmantoti vārdi un frāzes
afterwards appeared armistice arms arrested arrived artillery attack barricades battalions batteries battle Bavarians bombardment Bordeaux Bourbaki cannon cavalry Chanzy citizens Cluseret command Committee Commune Communists Corps correspondent Count Bismarck d'Aurelles de Paladines December declared decree defence Delegate despatch division elections Emperor Empire enemy evacuated Faidherbe favour Félix Pyat fighting fire force fortress forts France Francs-tireurs French Gambetta Government Grand Duke guns hands Havre honour Hôtel Hôtel de Ville houses infantry insurgents January Jules Favre killed King large number letter Loigny Loire March Marshal MacMahon ment military Minister morning Napoleon National Assembly National Guards night o'clock occupied officers Orleans Paris Parisian Paschal Grousset peace Place Vendôme position prisoners Prussians railway regiments replied Republic retreat Rossel Rouen sent shells shot side siege soldiers sortie Thiers tion took town Trochu troops Vendôme Versailles Versaillese Vésinier village Vinoy wounded
Populāri fragmenti
297. lappuse - The use of this feigned history hath been to give some shadow of satisfaction to the mind of man in those points wherein the nature of things doth deny it, the world being in proportion inferior to the soul ; by reason whereof there is agreeable to the spirit of man, a more ample greatness, a more exact goodness, and a more absolute variety, than can be found in the nature of things.
488. lappuse - After the news of the renunciation of the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern had been officially communicated to the imperial government of France by the royal government of Spain, the French ambassador at Ems further demanded of His Majesty the King that he would...
290. lappuse - That the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves ; that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class rule...
297. lappuse - And therefore it was ever thought to have some participation of divineness, because it doth raise and erect the mind, by submitting the shews of things to the desires of the mind; whereas reason doth buckle and bow the mind unto the nature of things.
297. lappuse - It is a nation, would I answer Plato, that hath no kinde of traffike, no knowledge of Letters, no intelligence of numbers, no name of magistrate...
297. lappuse - Plato had it not: for me seemeth that what in those nations we see by experience doth not only exceed all the pictures wherewith licentious poesy hath proudly embellished the golden age, and all her quaint inventions to feign a happy condition of man, but also the conception and desire of philosophy.
290. lappuse - That the economical emancipation of the working classes is therefore the great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means...
290. lappuse - That all efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from the want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labour in each country, and from the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the working classes of different countries; That the emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and theoretical, of the most advanced countries...
366. lappuse - Our enemies deceive themselves or deceive the country when they accuse Paris of desiring to impose its will and supremacy upon the rest of the nation, and to aspire to a Dictatorship which would be a veritable attempt to overthrow the independence and sovereignty of other Communes. They deceive themselves when they accuse Paris of seeking the destruction of French unity established by the Revolution.
488. lappuse - Due de Gramont were not made, the Prussian Government would be obliged to seek explanations from France. It was impossible, added his Excellency, that Prussia could tamely and quietly sit under the affront offered to the King and to the nation by the menacing language of the French Government. I could not, said his Excellency, hold communication with the French Ambassador after the language held to Prussia by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs in the face of Europe.