serious nature. This was an assembly of those members of the legislature that had lately been of the convention. The design of this meeting was previously to agree what measures to propose, and in what manner to carry them through the two houses, or coun. cils, as they were denominated. This meeting now became the receptacle of all the discontented and disappointed members of the le. gislative body; and being composed of the most numerous part of the legislature, occasioned much perplexity to the directory, which, they plainly perceived, was inclin. ed to moderate measures, and more desirous to please the public than to gratify any party. The chief agents and conductors of this meeting were exactly those who had go. verned the late convention. The head of the moderate party, and the new-elected third, never apppeared in this meeting, which they justly Jooked upon as an assemblage of factious men, who met together to concert how to perpetuate the principles of their party, and enforce the practice of them. A. the publications daily coming out were not favourable to them, and mapifested a decided predilection for the moderate party and the new third, this meeting came to a resolution to curtail the liberty of the press, by means that should place it under their own direction. But here a division took place in the meeting itself. This liberty was so clearly the great bulwark of all other liberty, that when the motion to shackle it was brought forward, not only the moderates and the new third strenuously op. posed it, but when the votes were collected, a majority of the whole

legislature was found to concur with them.

This was a matter of no small surprize to the faction, that had hitherto so constantly carried every question it had thought proper to propose; but it was a subject of the highest satisfaction to the public at large. It showed that the spirit of terrorism was evaporating even among its former abettors, and that upon questions of essential importance, a majority for just and reasonable measures might be expected. What rendered this matter the more remarkable, the restriction was proposed by two public writers, Chenier and Lou. vet, both, the first especially, men of abilities. Private rancour, however, against persons who had taken up the pen in opposition to them, was well known to have prompted them, and it was chiefly for that reason their proposal met with a negative.

This precedent, in the mean time, opened an agreeable pros. pect to the nation. The dread of the terrorists began to abate, and people flattered themselves, that, between the directory and the moderates, an union of sentiments would be formed, of sufficient weight to counterpoise that odious faction, and to prevent its re gaining that ascendancy of which it appeared so desirous, doubtless, in the general opinion, for the very worst purposes. But the faction itself, looking upon this discomfiture as of little importance, and affecting only a couple of indivi. duals, for whom they entertained but a small regard, persisted bold. ly in its endeavours to domineer over their opponents in the legis. lative body, and to frustate the spirited spirited and incessant efforts of these to resist their tyranny. Conscious that these opponents were viewed by the nation as its only true re. presentatives, and themselves as in, truders, they laboured to asperse them as false to the republican cause, and elected for that reason by its enemies; but the injurious epithets they bestowed upon the moderate party, being proofless, fell to the ground, while the charge of des. potism and usurpation were retorted upon them with undeniable propriety.

Nor were the moderates defi, cient in counteracting their enemies by the same methods that were used by these to effect their purposes. The crowds that resorted to the galleries, consisted usually of those classes remarkable for their ferocity and violence. They were naturally the partisans of the terrorists, and seldom failed to support them by clamours and vociferations levelled at their opposers. The directory, consulting its own dignity, and strongly abetted as well as applaud. ed by the moderate party, deprived their antagonists of these long-tried and staunch auxiliaries, by reducing the galleries for the admission of spectators to a space not containing more than three hundred.

Experience also soon proved the utility of dividing the legislature into separate and independent bodies. The upper house, or council of elders, consisting of two hundred and fifty members, soon conceived ideas of their importance, that led them to act with a reserve and de. Jiberation suitable to the superiority assigned to them. The lower house, or council of five hundred, entertained so just a sense of their discretion, that at the very outset, as

it were, of the new constitution, not daring to trust them with a fair and reasonable choice of persons for the directory; and, being deter. mined to have that option them. selves, they contrived, by a remark. able artifice, to confine them to the choice of five out of six. The method of electing the directory, as prescribed by the constitution, was that each member of the lower house should give in the names of fifty persons; out of the numbers thus named, those fifty who had, on serutiny, most voters, were notified by a written list to the council of ancients; who, out of these fifty, nominated, by election, the five directors. The majority in the lower house, influenced by their rulers, gave in the names of six persons whom these were desirous to pro. mote, adding to them forty-four. other names of persons so insignifi. cant and obscure, that the council of ancients 'could not stoop to pay them attention, and were in fact restrained to the choice of six ; but this artifice, mean as it was, evinced the opinion of the council of five hundred, and that they considered the council of ancients as too regardful of their own consequence to follow inconsiderately the impulse of the lower house, and to become obsequiously the passive instruments of any party.

This was farther confirmed by the rejection of a decree, passed in the council of five hundred, by which the parents of emigrants were, during the life of these, to divide their property with the nation. The injustice and inhumanity of this decree struck so forcibly the house of elders, that they refused their assent, to the great satisfaction not only of the persons interested,

but

but of the public, which now looked up to the council of ancients as an effectual check on the inconsiderate precipitation with which the other council se med liable to adopt the proposals of its leaders, and to be actuated by faction. The modera. tion displayed on several occasions of this nature by the council of elders, and the impartiality inva. riably observed by the directory, in its conduct towards all parties, pro, cured them such attachment and respect, that the ruling members in the lower house began to apprehend that their credit would thereby suf. fer a considerable diminution: here. in they were not deceived. The popular voice of applause was manifestly in favour of the two former branches of the government; and the most discerning part of the pub. lic did not hesitate to affirm, that unless the lower house regulated its conduct by other maxims than those with which it had begun, it would lose all esteem and confi. dence, and the people no longer look upon them as their protec. tors but their tyrants, and transfer their affection, and possibly their allegiance, to those who by their humanity and discretion had shewn them to be more deserving of it. Discourses and surmises of this kind were not unfrequent; they produced a good effect: the principal members of the council of five hundred, who were men of too much perception not to foresee the tendency of these ideas, saw the necessity of removing their causes, by an alteration of the system that exposed them to so much censure. Thus by degrees the reign of terror subsided, and the nation cast off that gloom which continual apprehen. sions had introduced.

While these flattering prospects of better days were reviving the spirits of the public, the directory resolved to signalize their entrance into power, and the settlement of the new constitution, by one of those establishments, that give a durable fame to their founders, by being calculated for national honour and utility. This was, the celebrated institution for the progress and en. courage nent of arts and sciences, It consisted of one hundred and forty-four members, among whom were some of the most illustrious names in France, and indeed in Europe. Not to appear inferior in the respect which Lewis XIV. had paid to men of eminence in these departments, by assigning them a place in his palace, the directory gave orders that they should be put in possession of apartments in the Louvre, formerly the royal resi. dences of the kings of France; they were installed with great solemnity in the ancient hall of the academy of sciences. In order, at the same time, to procure a general diffusion of learning, in every part of the republic, a central school or college was established, in each department, for the instruction of youth, in languages, polite literature, and philosophy. The professors were allowed ample salaries, but to accept of no gratification from their scholars, whose education was to be entirely gratuitous. Thus, from the highest to the lowest classes of society, a communication was formed, during their early years, on a foot ing of perfect equality, and wherein no sort of distinction was allowed but that which arose from a supe riority of parts and merit. No system could certainly certa conduce more effectually to obliterate all impres. sions of respect or deference, on account of family or of opulence, than this promiscuous mixture of youth of all descriptions, subjected to regulations and treatment common to all, and carefully taught to value nothing in each other, but personal worth and talents.

The attention paid by the directory to the public peace and wel. fare, and the lenity of its conduct upon all occasions, induced the mul. titudes, who adhered to the ancient forms of religion, to avail themselves of the liberty of opinions, and of worship, established by the new constitution: they now claimed and enjoyed whatever had been decreed in their favour; and, excepting the ecclesiastical grandeur of their former ceremonials, nothing was wanting to satisfy their reasonable ex. pectations; but their zeal for the restoration of the pontifical authori. ty in France would not permit them to rest contented. The go. vernment had even, under the pri. mary constitution, and with a mos narch at its head, dissolved the con. nexion with the see of Rome; but The bigotry of its votaries prompted them to form public assemblies, with the professed design of renewing it. But this proved too audacious an attempt to meet with the least countenance from government; the pope was justly considered as a de. cided enemy to the French republic, both in a spiritual and po. litical light: it had not only cast off all submission to his authority, in church matters, but had also seized his dominions, and annexed them to France, notwithstanding the undisturbed possession of them by num'bers of his predecessors, during many centuries. To re-establish a correspondence with the court of

Rome, in these circumstances, was an attempt so inimical to the republic, that it was immediately pro. hibited, and the synods, that had been appointed by the Romish party for the accomplishment of this purpose, were strictly forbidden to assemble. No resentment, how. ever, was shewn beyond this simple prohibition; but as religious ran. cour has the fatal tendency to render men irreconciteable, the firmness exercised, on this occasion, by the government, raised them nu. merous enemies, in the superstitious multitudes they had offended, by refusing to comply with demands evidently unseasonable. The libe. ral minded beheld with grief the obstinacy of those unhappy pre. judices, that peculiarly distinguish the Romish persuasion, and that render is so inimical to every other set of Christianity.

While these great alterations had been taking place in the internal government of France, a variety of transactions with foreign powers had happened, conducive to the end which French politics had principally in view. This was, to dimi. nish the number of their foreign enemies, in order to employ additional exertions against those that remained. Exclusively of the pacification with the two great powers of Spain and of Prussia, other amicable treaties had been concluded. Early in the month of February, negotiations had been opened with the grand duke of Tuscany. The successes of the French armies on the borders of Italy, during the preceding campaign, and their apprehended approximation to that prince's territories, had excited so much alarm; and the naval preparations, making in the ports on the

Méditerranean, were so contiguous to his own harbours, that, thinking it more advisable to put himself out of danger than to encounter it, with. out any visible motive of interest, he determined to detach himself from the coalition, and to negotiate a peace with France: the terms were readily agreed to on both sides. The French administration was glad of an opportunity to con. vince their people, that the war in which they were engaged, was purely defensive, and that they were ready to put an end to it, by em. bracing any reasonable offers on the part of their enemies. The grand duke was not a formidable one; but being the first in the coalition that formally expressed a de. sire to treat: to accept of his proffer, which was the only one that had been made, would be the first step towards breaking up the confederacy. The articles were few: the duke engaged, on his side, to relinquish his alliance with the coalesced powers; and the French, on theirs, to a renewal of the peace and good understanding heretofore subsisting between France and Tus. cany; which was to remain on a footing of perfect neutrality.

Not long after the conclusion of this treaty, the ministry of Sweden, in April following, resolved to de. lay no longer the recognition of the French republic: the intrigues of Russia had hitherto prevented it, but the prudence of the regent dictated the propriety of being on a cordial footing with a state which, whether under a monarchical or a republican government, would always, from motives of interest, prové a faithful ally to Sweden. Baron Stael was appointed, by the Swedish court, to VOL. XXXVII.

perform the ceremony of the ac knowledgment: the address to the convention, in that monarch's name, was conceived in terms of great friendship; but the enemies to the republic remarked, on this occasion, that Sweden had long before distinguished itself by acknowledging and paying court to usurpers: it had, in the last century, paid the same honour to Oliver Cromwell, the murderer of his sovereign, and the usurper of his throne. But these invectives fell to the ground, when it was recollected that neither France nor Spain, nor any of the European powers, had dared to act otherwise. This formal acknowledgment by a crowned head, though not of the first importance, yet of considerable weight, was highly acceptable to the French, as, together with the recognition on the part of Tuscany, it formed a species of counterpoise to the refusals of other powers to acknowledge the republic; but the chief difficulties of this sort being at length removed, by the two treaties with Prussia and Spain, other states became less un. willing to open negotiations. The cantons of Switzerland had been noticed, ever since the commencement of the revolution, for their aversionto those who had effeted and supported it; they had explicitly espoused the royal cause, and adhered firmly to it; even after the dethronement of the king, the meeting of the con. vention, the abolition of the mo. narchy, and the erection of the republic, all these events, that fol. lowed each other so rapidly, had not been able to alter their deter. minations: they still continued in. imicad to French maxims and po. litics, though they cautiously ab. [K] stained