Books. HISTORY OF THE United STATES FROM THE COMpromise oF 1850. By James Ford Rhodes. 2 Volumes, 8vo. Vol. I., pp. 506, 1850-1854; Vol. II., pp. 541, 1854-1860. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1893. [If Mr. Rhodes lives to complete this history according to the programme he has laid down and on the same scale as the two volumes here given to the world, it will be a voluminous work, the result of great labor. The author proposes to continue the history to the inauguration of President Cleveland in 1885. The events of ten years occupy two octavos, containing a thousand pages. At the same rate, to narrate the events of the succeeding twenty-five years, will require five more volumes of the same size, even if the events of the Civil War can he got into a single volume, which seems hardly possible. If, however, the remaining portions of the history are as entertaining and vivaciously written as this instalment, the work will be none too long. Mr. Rhodes has evidently taken great pains to weigh fairly the men and incidents which figure in his narrative. In a long and carefully written chapter on Slavery he puts in bold relief the worst features of that institution and its baneful effects on the slave-owners, yet does not hesitate to admit the virtues of the social system of the South before the War, as will be seen from the extract below. The historian's pen-portraits of the chief actors in the stirring political contest before 1860 are elaborate and many-sided. In them, also, he endeavors to be fair. As to whether he has always succeeded in his endeavor, some opinion may be formed from the characterization of Chief-Justice Taney, a portion of which will be found hereunder, Besides we reproduce the estimate of John Brown.] N giving the South credit for producing able politicians, I have not of the of her social system. The little aristocracy, whose nucleus was less than eight thousand large slave-holders, had another excellence that deserves high esteem. While in the North their manners were often aggressive, in their own homes they displayed good breeding, refined manners, and dignified deportment. And these were more than outside show; the Southern gentleman was to the manner born. In society and conversation, he appeared to the best advantage. He had self-assurance, an easy bearing, and to woman a chivalrous courtesy; he was stately but condescending, haughty but jovial." Underneath all were physical courage, a habit of command, a keen sense of honor, and a generous disposition. The Southerners were fast friends, and they dispensed hospitality with an open hand. They fitted themselves for society, and looked upon conversation as an art. They knew how to draw out the best from their guests; and with all their high self-appreciation at home, they did not often indulge in distasteful egotism. They amused themselves with literature, art, and science; for such knowledge they deemed indispensable for prolonging an interesting conversation. They were cultured, educated men of the world, who would meet their visitors on their own favorite ground. If we reckon by numbers, there were certainly more well-bred people at the North than at the South; but when we compare the cream of society in both sections, the palm must be awarded to the slave-holding community. The testimony of English gentlemen and ladies, few of whom have any sympathy with slavery, is almost unanimous in this respect. They bear witness to the aristocratic bearing of their generous hosts. Between the titled English visitors and the Southern gentlemen there was, indeed, a fellow-feeling, which grew up between the two aristocracies separated by the sea. There was the concord of sentiments. The Southern lord, like his English prototype, believed that the cultivation of the soil was the finest and noblest pursuit. But nearly all educated Englishmen, whether belonging to the aristocracy or not, enjoyed their intercourse with Southerners more than they did the contact with the best society of the North, on account of the high value which they placed on good manners. The men and women who composed the Brook Farm Community, and the choice spirits whom they attracted, were certainly more interesting and admirable than any set of people one could meet in Richmond, Charleston, or New Orleans; but society, properly so called, is not made up of women with missions and men who aim to reform the world. The little knot of literary people who lived in Boston, Cambridge, and vicinity were a fellowship by whom it was an honor to be received; but these were men of learning and wisdom; they were “inaccessible, solitary, impatient of interruptions, fenced by etiquette"; and few of them had the desire, leisure, or money to take part in the festive entertainments which are a necessary accompaniment of society. in a judicial decision. As the North grew faster than the South, as freedom was stronger than slavery, it was the only tenable theory on which slavery could be extended. It is a striking historical fact that in but thirteen years of our history, from 1847 to 1860, could such an opinion have been delivered from the Supreme Court. Only on the conviction that slavery was being pushed to the wall, in conjunction with subtle reasoning like that of Calhoun, who tried to obstruct the onward march of the century by a fine-spun theory, could a sentiment have been created which found expression in the opinion of Taney, outraging, as it did, precedent, history, and justice. That Taney committed a grievous fault is certain. He is not to be blamed for embracing the political notions of John C. Calhoun, his environment gave that shape to his thoughts; but he does deserve censure because he allowed himself to make a politcal argument, when only a judicial decision was called for. The history of the case shows that there was no necessity of passing on the two questions the Chief-Justice undertook to decide. These were: (1) Could a negro whose ancestors had been sold as slaves become a citizen of one of the States of the Union? (2) Was the Missouri Compromise constitutional? Nothing but an imperative need should have led judges, by their training and position presumably conservative, to unsettle a question that had so long been acquiesced in. The strength of a constitutional government lies in the respect paid to settled questions. For the judiciary to undermine that respect undermines the very foundations of the State. As Douglas sinned as a statesman, so Taney sinned as judge; and while patriotism and not self-seeking impelled him, the higher motive does not excuse the Chief-Justice; for much is demanded from the man who fills that high office. Posterity must condemn Taney as unqualifiedly as Douglas. When John Brown's attack on Harper's Ferry ended in arrest and imprisonment, his dream of many years had been shattered. The result was what any man of judgment would have foreseen. In the light of common-sense, the plan was folly; from a military point of view it was absurd. The natural configuration of the ground, the accessibility of Harper's Ferry to Washington and Baltimore, doomed him in any event to destruction. To attack with eighteen men a village of fourteen hundred people, the State of Virginia, and the United States Government seems the work of a madman. Only by taking into account his unquestioning faith in the literal truth of the Bible can any explanation of his actions be suggested, for Brown was in ordinary affairs as sane a man as ever lived, and of no mean ability as a leader in guerilla war. To Emerson he seemed " transparent," a pure idealist." Gerrit Smith thought of all men in the world John Brown was 66 most truly a Christian," and that he did not doubt " the truth of one line of the Bible." Like the Puritans of two centuries before, he drew his most impressive lessons from the Old Testament; he loved to dwell upon the wonders God had wrought for Joshua and for Gideon. His plan seemed no greater folly than was the attempt of Joshua to take a walled city by the blowing of trumpets, and by shouts of the people; nor was he more foolish than Gideon, who went out to encounter a great army with three hundred men, bearing only trumpets and lamps and pitchers. Yet the walls of Jericho had fallen flat at noise, and Gideon had put to flight, amidst great confusion, Midianites and Amalekites, who were like the grasshoppers for multitude. As the old Puritan was doing God's work, he felt that God would not forsake him. A century may pass, perchance, before an historical estimate acceptable to all lovers of liberty and justice can be made of John Brown. What infinite variety of opinions must exist of a man who, on the one hand, is compared to Socrates and Christ, and, on the other hand, to Orsini and Wilkes Booth! The likeness drawn between the old Puritan and these men who did the work of assassination revolts the muse of history; yet the comparison to Socrates and Christ strikes a discordant note. The apostle of truth and the Apostle of Peace are immeasurably remote from the man whose work of reform consisted in shedding blood; the Teacher who gave the injunction, "Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's," and the philosopher whose long life was one of strict obedience to the laws, are a silent rebuke to the man whose renown was gained by the breach of laws deemed 'sacred by his country. As time went on, Emerson modified his first exuberant judgment, and, when printing, ten years later, his lecture on "Courage," omitted the expressions here cited as his opinion of the old Puritan. GENERAL TAYLOR. By Oliver Otis Howard, Major-General U. S. Army. With portrait and maps, 12m0, pp. 386. New York: D. Appleton & Company. 1892. COLONEL [In this second of the Appleton Series of Great Commanders we are afforded an insight into the political and military history of the United States over all the period extending from the opening of the War of 1812 down to the outbreak of the Civil War. The sketch is primarily biographical, but it is the biography of a man conspicuous throughout the whole course of a career in which, by distinction in arms, and wisdom in council, he attained the dignity of the Presidential Chair.] 'OLONEL RICHARD TAYLOR, the father of our subject, won his laurels in the War of the Revolution, and then, like Cincinnatus, retired to his farm; first to Orange County, Virginia, where Zachary, the subject of our sketch, was born. But before Zachary was a year old the family made the long, hard march to the banks of the Ohio, and settled in what is now Louisville, Ky. Here in a thinly peopled neighborhood where the settlers were often engaged in offensive or defensive skirmishes with the Indians, Zachary passed his boyhood. Colonel Taylor prepared his eldest son, William, for the army, but designed Zachary for the farm. The boy had, however, received a good education under a private tutor, and it is said that he was an alumnus of William and Mary College. His tastes inclined him strongly to an army life, and perhaps the influence of James Madison and other friends would have secured the father's sanction in any case; but while they were pressing Zachary's claims, the elder brother, William, who was lery, died; and so, it is said, without further objection, President Jefferson commissioned him a first lieutenant in the Seventh Infantry. His commission was dated May 3, 1808, and two years later, June 18, 1810, he was married to Miss Margaret Smith, of Maryland. In the fall of the same year his friend, James Madison, was made President; but there was nothing phenomenal about young Taylor's promotion. He did his duty nobly in the Indian campaigns of the day and retired with the rank of Major at the peace of 1815. A year later he reëntered the service; and when the Mexican war commenced, he held the rank of brigadier-general. His sterling qualities were now recalled and published, and a fair field offered for their display. His aptitude for war, which had steadily developed in remote places, like that of Von Moltke, began to manifest itself in Texas, and was more apparent as soon as he reached the Rio Grande. battles of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, and Buena Vista surprised his countrymen, and much more so his enemies. He was uniformly victorious over the Mexican forces, although they exceeded his own in numbers and were well commanded. THIS MR. RUDYARD KIPLING. The 'HIS is not a tale. It is a conversation which I had with a complete stranger. If you asked me why I talked to him, I have no very good reason to give. I would simply tell you to spend three hours of solitude in that same compartment on that same line. You may not know the line, which is neither your loss nor the company's gain. I do, and I had spent three hours alone on it. And at the end of three hours I longed for human converse. I was prepared to talk Persian poetry to an assistant commissioner; I was ready to talk to anyone about anything; I would have talked to a pariah dog; talked kindly, too. churches. second lieutenant of artil The Towards the close of the war he was asked if he would allow himself to be nominated for President and replied, "that, even if an aspirant for the Presidential office (which is not the case), I could not, while the country is involved in war, and while my duty calls me to take part in the operations against the enemy, acknowledge any ambition beyond that of bestowing all my best exertions towards obtaining an adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico." This was in April, 1847. The following December he had joined his family at Baton Rouge, La., and saw himself marked out as the man of the hour. General Taylor felt that submission to the will of the nation was his highest duty, but Mrs. Taylor, like other unambitious army women, had been looking forward to a happy period of rest for herself and husband after years of almost unending change, and she frankly warned him to keep out of political life. She regarded the proposal as a dark conspiracy to carry them into new and untried ways of thinking and living, for which they had not been fitted by education and previous habits. But, seeing that his country's wishes were dearer to him than life, the noble woman gave up her own objection, and carried out his wishes with no substantial show of opposition. He died in office, and the following tribute to his character, pronounced by his political rival, Daniel Webster, will afford a reliable estimate of his sterling worth: I suppose that no case ever happened in the very best days of the Roman Republic when a man found himself clothed with the highest authority in the State, under circumstances more repelling all suspicion of personal application, of pursuing any crooked path in politics, or of having been actuated by sinister views and purposes, than in the case of this worthy, and distinguished, and good man. By General Taylor's integrity and unswerving patriotism, the great conflict which was to afflict, winnow, and purify the whole people was postponed for more than a decade. When he became President, had the rebellion come, and he been leading it, the Republic would The Lord be praised that he was incorprobably have perished. ruptible, that he was a generous friend of the American Union! All honor under a guiding Providence to the memory of the genuine American nobleman, ZACHARY TAYLOR. MR. JOHN RUSKIN. Eat! Nay, you do not eat. I do not know why any man of us under heaven should talk about eating, We spend our money—the money of a great nation-on filthy fossils and bestial pictures; on party journals and humiliating charities, on foolish books and gas-lit And on solid, honest beef we will spend nothing unless we are driven by necessity; and even then there are some who content them with frozen mutton, the fat of which is base and inferior. I do not think there is any sadder sight in the world than a nation without appetite. COUNT LYON VON TOLSTOI. Donovich uttered two sighs, and for some time remained silent. His face had become longer and there was more of his mouth. His ears twitched. It was frightful. Two passengers who had been going on to Liverpool Street got out at Charing Cross. One of them was a young woman; she wore a green hat. It has nothing to do with the story or anything else, and that is why I mention it. I am a Russian realist and in a fair way of business. Admire and pass on. The parodies of the poets are limited to two themes-" Ride a Cock-Horse to Banbury Cross," treated variously by Spenser, Swift, and Walter Scott, and "The Poets at Tea," at which Macaulay (who brewed it), Tennyson, Swinburne, Cowper, Browning, Poe, Rosetti, Burns, and Walt Whitman, all found inspiration. We let Macaulay stand for a sample of the author's imitative capacity: Pour, varlet, pour the water. The water steaming hot! We shall not drink from amber, Whiter than snow the crystals More rich the herb of China's fields, The teapot of her sires. APPLETON'S ILLUSTRATED HAND-BOOK OF AMERICAN WINTER-RESORTS; for Tourists and Invalids, with Map, Illustrations, and Table of Railway Fares. Revised to Date of Issue. Pp. 168. New York: D. Appleton & Co. GUI UIDE-BOOKS now-a-days afford a medium for a high class of descriptive literature, and the volume under notice, edited by Mr. Marcus Benjamin, comes fully up to the standard in this respect. As a practical guide-book it covers all the usual winter-resorts in the United States, Mexico, West Indies, the Bermudas, Hawaiian Islands, etc., and, quite apart from its utility in this direction, it contains a mass of desirable information concerning the physical features, rocks, scenery, climate, and general characteristics of the places named, along with a history of every place that has a history. Indeed it may be regarded as a general compendium of useful knowledge for the Western Hemisphere. ESSAYS, NEW AND OLD. By J. B. G. (Julia Goddard). London and New York: Longmans, Green, & Co. 1892. RE EADERS of THE LITERARY DIGEST will, perhaps, remember our notice of "Fairy Tales from Other Lands" by the same writer.* In the present volume the essays are devoted to Popular songs, Klopstock and Quedlinburg, Grail Myths and the German Gral-saga, Manfred, and Some Plain Thoughts on the Athanasian Creed. In all, the subjects are well chosen, and the literary style good. "Manfred is a very fine piece of dramatic criticism, and a fine poetic vein runs through Popular Songs" and "Grail Myths.' The "Plain Thoughts on the Athanasian Creed" are thoughts to which the anthor was presumably constrained to give "plain" utterance. *Vol. V., No. 20, P. 551. The Press. POLITICAL. THE DEMOCRATS AND THE BUSINESS VIEWS OF TRADE ORGANS. The Manufacturer (Philadelphia), Dec. 24. -The money market responds quickly to a conviction which cannot be removed by the attempts of the Democratic press to supply comforting promises. Further, the impression is general that we are upon the eve of some kind of a fiscal and industrial revolution. The great party which has steered the country for thirty-two years to unparalleled prosperity is about to surrender control of the Government to a party which represents the wildest notions of finance, which has no fixed principles worthy of the name, and which came near to producing national bankruptcy when, thirty-three years ago, it had undisputed possion of the machinery of the Government. That party is pledged to permit the emission of paper money by the State banks. It carried the elections upon a promise to strike down all the protection given to domestic industry by the tariff. It will be false to its pledges if it shall not permit a flood of foreign manufactured goods to pour into this country to close our own mills and to depreciate the value of investments in industrial enterprises; and, in its efforts to readjust the revenues, it is not unlikely so to dislocate and displace existing conditions as to inflict grave harm upon important interests. The very uncertainty as to the places in which the blow will fall creates depression and distrust, and these bring with them the kind of feverishness that has of late manifested itself. The fact is that, after having peace, prosperity, and security for a generation, we are moving out towards a period in which the stupendous forces of our National Government are to be wielded by a political party that has never been constructive, but always destructive; that has never been a builder-up, but always a tearer-down. Nobody, excepting a few of its infatuated adherents, trusts it. Those of the American people who have anything at stake are afraid of it, and from the manner in which American securities are pouring into the country we may infer that this fear is shared by Europeans. industry are in jeopardy, this attitude on the man who might be depended upon to assist the Chief Executive and his party to bring about a complete correction of tariff abuses. But notwithstanding these statements, there had, of late, appeared a disposition to cast a doubt on Mr. Cleveland's position. To dispose of the matter once for all, a reporter of the Times called upon the President-elect yesterManufacturers' Record (Baltimore), Dec. 23. day, in order to obtain from him if possible a -The position which we assumed was this statement for publication. Mr. Cleveland at that the incoming Democratic Administration first said that he saw no reason to make any does not contemplate any sweeping away of statement. He had not, he said, made any Protective laws which were established for the secret of his opinion on the matter. He conbenefit of American industries, and which un-sented, however, to discuss the question again, doubtedly have largely contributed to the and said: growth and prosperity of the manufacturing interests in this country. Speaking wholly apart from political influence and solely from a business point of view, we do not believe that the Democratic party, whatever may have been its utterances and promises during the campaign, contemplates the establishment of Free Trade. Our belief is based more upon the utterances of Mr. Cleveland than upon the campaign promises of his party. During his former Administration, in one of his messages to Congress on the subject of the tariff, Mr. Cleveland wrote as follows: It ought not to be necessary for me to repeat for the public what I have so often expressed to many gentlemen in private conversation. Among these have been have been prominent in the party from every part of Mr. Murphy himself, Mr. Croker, and gentlemen who the State of New York. It must not be forgotten, however, that the party has a very hard task to perform if we expect to keep the word that we have passed to the people of the country. They have given us a phenomenal majority, one showing that they expect us to do much. In doing this a great deal depends upon the State of New York and its great metropolis. The interests of the State and of the party demand, it seems to me, the selection of a Senator who can not only defend the principles of our party, but who can originate and promote policies that may be presented for considerIt is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of ation in the Senate. In order to insure this, the this taxation. It must be extensively continued as a Senator from New York should be a man not only exsource of the Government's income, and in the read-perienced in public affairs, but who has a clear conjustment of our tariff the interests of American labor ception of the vital issues with which he must deal engaged in manufacture should be carefully consid- during the next few years. ered, as well as the preservation of our manufactures. Speaking frankly, as I have already done to those The question of Free Trade is absolutely irrelevant, entitled to know my views, it does not seem to me and the persistent claim made in certain quarters that that the selection of Mr. Murphy shows a desire or all efforts to relieve the people from unjust and unnec-intention of placing in the Senate a man of such a essary taxation are schemes of so-called Free Traders type. is mischievous and far removed from any consideration of the public good. Again, in his acceptance of the nomination last Tariff reform is still our purpose. Though we op- Now, we view these This first use of our power would, I fear, cause much disappointment, not only in New York, but in the country. This the party ought not to be called upon to face when it is considered how much there is to do, and what serious difficulties have to be surmounted before it can be done. What possible ground of opposition is there to Mr. Cleveland's views on this subject? There is none but Mr. Murphy's personal desire for the "honor" of a seat in the United States Senate. What has he done to merit that honor, even allowing that it would be proper to bestow it upon any man who was not qualified for the duties of a Senator? He did his utmost to defeat the will of his party in the choice of utterances of Mr. a candidate for the Presidency, and to resist Cleveland as embodying the plan that is likely the progressive tendencies of the party in matto be followed by the incoming Administra-ters of policy. He was the zealous instrument tion. We anticipate the removal of duties of Hill in his attempt to forestall the choice of upon some of our raw materials, probably the party in this State, and was the most unreupon coal and iron ore, possibly the duty on lenting opponent of Cleveland's nomination, wool. The repeal of the sugar bounty appears even after it was demonstrated that it was to be almost an assured fact, inasmuch as the demanded by the party with unparalleled earnsugar people themselves are united in their re-estness. He did nothing for the success of the quests for its repeal and the restoration of the party in the national canvass, and if he gave Manufacturers' Review and Industrial Re- former duty, or even a duty of smaller amount. no sign of hostility to its candidate after the cord (New York), December. The feeling of But we have looked more at the general prin- nomination was made, it was because he saw uncertainty as to the future which exists among ciple rather than the details of policy in con- that it would be futile, and that it would be manufacturers in many branches of trade, in sidering the probable action of the new Ad- fatal to himself. To come forward now and view of the recent change in the political situ- ministration, and we repeat our former asser-demand the highest reward the party has to ation, is especially marked in the knit goods tion that we believe the action of the Demo- give in this State is the height of presumption. industry, and reports have been in circulation cratic party during the next Administraduring the past month which clearly indicate tion will be shaped in accordance with. a disposition on the part of mill men to restrict the best interests of the nation at large. It is their operations during the coming season, or, impossible to enact any tariff laws that will at least, to go slowly. One of the most note- bear evenly upon all our interests. No law can worthy features of the past year in this industry ever be enacted which will not work injury has been the progressive spirit shown by and injustice to some interests. The vast manufacturers. Many new establishments have extent and diversity of our industries, as well sprung up, old mills have been set in opera- as the varied resources of our country, render tion again, and existing plants have been en- it impossible to establish any uniform basis larged to meet the demands of the home upon which all interests can be treated with market for an increased production. The re-equal justice. It is the function of our Naaction has manifested itself in the countermanding of orders for machinery. as well as for goods for future delivery in a number of cases reported, and many manufacturers who had announced their intention of increasing their facilities another season, basing their views on the prosperous business of the past year, and confidence that favorable conditions would continue in the future, have now concluded to make no movement in that direction so long as the policy of the Government with regard to the tariff is in doubt. There is no disputing the fact that the McKinley Act gave a boom to the knit goods business, and any prospect of a change causes lively apprehension in manufacturing circles and inspires caution. If the interests of the tional Government to frame laws that shall THE BERING SEA CASE. New York Tribune (Rep.), Dec. 27.-The announced intention of the Secretary of State to resign his office at an early date in order to take charge of the submission of the American case to the Bering Sea arbitrators at Paris suggests the hope that a final award in this matter may be made during the coming summer. It has not been given out precisely in what stage of preparation the case stands, but the Governments involved are as to themselves both anxious to have this annoying controversy disposed of, and it may be fairly assumed that they have made good use of the time that has passed since the Arbitration Treaty was ratified. MR. CLEVELAND AND MR. MURPHY. Five distinct questions are to be separately anNew York Times (Ind.-Dem.), Dec. 28.-swered by the court. They are all involved in That Mr. Cleveland is opposed to the election the last one, which calls for a definition of of Edward Murphy to the United States Sen- the right of this country, if any such right ate to succeed Mr. Hiscock was authoritatively exists, to protect the fur-seal herd in the waters settled yesterday by a direct statement from of Bering Sea, but there is, nevertheless, a the President-elect. It had already been re- certain advantage in having each of the other peatedly stated upon the authority of Mr. questions explicitly answered. For if it be adCleveland's personal friends that he was anx-mitted that Russia claimed and exercised an ious for the election to the Senatorship of a exclusive jurisdiction in Bering Sea while own ing Alaska, and that all her rights passed to regard to the future of the country is entirely ever known! Is it disloyalty in the grown-up us unimpaired, and if Great Britain either tacit-unformed and that those who wish a change son to leave his father's roof and set up for ly or expressly conceded Russia's claims, the are apt to have more pronounced opinions than himself? Does it necessarily diminish mutual final question must be decided in our favor, those who do not. It must also be admitted regard and affection? Does it not often rather and in so far as any one of these propositions that when opinion is thus hanging in suspense increase them? We cannot here follow up is solved to our advantage, it becomes difficult it takes a little thing to crystallize it in one this thought, but we hold it highly probable, to prejudice us on the main issue. That, how-direction or another, and that the very indiffer- if not absolutely demonstrable, that Canada as ever, will not depend solely on the history of ence of the public creates a possibility of crisis. an independent nation, allied by the closest the case, nor on the general law of free seas, It is surely time for Canadians to wake and ties of heredity and intercourse with the two nor on such precedents as may be cited to sus- ask themselves what they want. The most great Anglo-Saxon nations, and partaking as tain or propose the extraordinary claim of an desirable possibility is a federation or al- she might and ought to of the better qualities especial jurisdiction beyond the marine league liance of the English-speaking world on of both, might really be more serviceable both limit. The Bering Sea controversy presents some such liberal basis as would secure co- to the Mother Country and the world than she unique features. These are the facts which operation in matters of general policy without can ever be in any other capacity, at the same ought to control the decision: That our right coercion of any of the members. We should time that she would free the former from a to the seal is the best right because they breed like to see Canada a distinct member of such a source of constant anxiety and danger. The on our islands, where at great expense we care bund, in close alliance both with her neighbor history, literature, and traditions of Great for them; that such care, involving such ex- and with her mother country, nor do we re- Britain are the heritage of the race. Nothing pense, is necessary to their existence, that the gard the fulfillment of this idea as so remote as can deprive us of our share in them. And herd is not large nor indestructible, but sup- it might seem to many, now that there is hope what prouder position can even she aspire to plies an industry which cannot be divided with- of trade barriers giving way. Meantime, we than that of Mother of nations, great and free? out the danger of its extinction, and is there- greatly prefer strengthening to loosening our fore an exception to the conditions which fur- ties to the rest of the Empire. Except freedom nish the reason of the general rule declaring of trade, there is nothing to be gained from the contents of the seas free to all; that the in- annexation to the United States, and that dustry of seal-killing can be safely conducted freedom would be ill purchased at the expense only at the breeding place, where the catch can of freedom to trade with other peoples. There be surely limited and safely gauged, where the is good prospect of its being obtained withfemales can be protected and all waste pre- out that sacrifice, as the necessary result of the vented. These facts being proved, a cause is lessons the Americans are learning concerning established why an especial jurisdiction should the fruits of Protection. Those who talk be conceded to us for the purpose of protecting lightly about securing this boon at the cost of the seal at all places and at all times. the sacrifice of our national existence should weigh their words before they utter them. It is probable that the question will, before we know it, have to be actively discussed. Let us be careful before we commit ourselves to mistaken views upon it. THE CONFEDERATE BONDS. A CHRISTMAS FANTASY. Atlanta Constitution (Dem.), Dec. 23.-A Tumor comes across the ocean to the effect that the British Confederate bondholders take a roseate view of the future. They look for the repeal of the law forbidding the payment of the old Confederate obligations, and confidently expect the Southern States to plank down the cash. Our people who are familiar with the situation will see in this financial delusion only one of the many strange and optimistic fancies with which the atmosphere seems to be filled as the Christmas holidays approach. It is purely visionary-this expectation that any of the Confederate bonds will ever be redeemed. The Federal Government will not redeem them; the Confederacy's ghost is not able to attend to business, and the new South is forced by circumstances over which she has no control to draw the line between senti ment and taxes. The Confederates had to accept the fortune of war, and their friends who aided Quebec Morning Chronicle (Conserv.), Dec. 23.-The people have got tired of having it dinred into their ears from morning until night, that the Dominion is going to the everlasting bow-wows, and that there is no hope for Canadian men and women this side of the grave. All the Liberal leaders preach the gospel of woe and tribulation. The Liberal press devote columns of their valuable space to tell their readers that this is a miserable country to live in. And yet these organs, despite their whining, continue to live pretty well. The public of Canada have no heart to put up with these tales of dire disaster any longer, and they have shown how much they dislike the woe, woe cry, by voting for Conservatives whenever they have an opportunity. Jersey City Evening Journal, Dec. 23.-Mr Erastus Wiman, in a lecture delivered at Woonsocket, R. I., Monday evening, said that he does not believe that any such thing as the annexation of the Dominion of Canada to the United States is a possible event of the near future. He said: annexation of Canada is possible within a quarter of a The peo Toronto Week (Ind.), Dec. 23.—What is to be gained by Independence? It would bring us the power to make our own commercial treaties. We put this first because a betterment of the commercial and financial situation, and the consequent more rapid development of our vast resources, lie at the foundation of all national strength and progress. Theoretically we have no admiration for commercial treaties. The fullest freedom of trade amongst nations, such as will prevail in the good time coming, though as yet it is unhappily in the dim future, would do away with the necessity for all such narrow and partial arrangements. But in the meantime the necessity exists, and Canada should be as free as any other country to make the best arrangements possible looking to the welfare of her own citizens. Again, Independence would give us the national status which is one of our great needs. This would bring with it a sense of dignity and responsibility at home, and would call the attention of the world to our resources, advantages, and prospects. The sense of responsibility which complete nationhood We have no doubt that Mr. Wiman's opinion would bring, is needed to develop proper self-will not come in a hurry, is correct. as to the main point, to wit, that annexation respect and self-reliance. Every parent and school-teacher knows that there is nothing like tant and radical a change as annexation would ple of Canada are not yet ready for so impora weight of responsibility to develop strength be, nor is there the least hurry on the part of of character. true of the nation. So long as we are but anexation consummated. A good many things What is true of the individual is the people of the United States to have andependency of the Empire the tendency to rely in the way of preparation for it must come beupon the Mother's strong arm to get us out of fore Canada will lose its identity in the Ameriany difficulty into which we may blunder, or jingo statesmen in other nations may force us, ally we are assured. Mr. Wiman is, however, can Republic. Yet, that it will come eventuis irresistible and debilitating-we might almost in error in his assertions that no Canadian add demoralizing. Can any thoughtful person politician openly favors annexation, and that doubt, moreover, that as an independent nation the annexation policy is not vigorously advoCanada would become a much more attractive cated in many Canadian localities. There is field for immigration than she can possibly be a strong party in the Dominion that is fully so long as she has nothing better in the way of committed to annexation, and those who take citizenship to offer those who choose to share that position maintain that it is the only effecther fortunes than colonialism, with all its sugive remedy for the disabilities and troubles from which Canada now suffers, and we think more, an independent Canadian nationality that this party will grow stronger gradually would do more than anything else to awaken, but surely, and that its contemplated goal especially in the breasts of the young and will finally be reached, and to the great advanardent, that spirit of patriotism the absence or tage both of the United States and the Dofeebleness of which is now almost the despair of the Canadian who is ambitious for his country. But the disloyality of it! To think of deserting the Old Land after all she has done for us! To cut ourselves adrift, too, from all the glories of British history, and all our heritage in the grandest literature the world has and abetted them will have to do likewise. minion. Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 23.-So far as this country is concerned the annexation question is not a live one, nor likely to be for some time to come. Two things must occur before it will become a live or practical question in New York Evening Post, Dec. 27.-General Miles came along declaring that the very building of these cutters was a declaration of war,' and intimating that the Administration would take up the challenge with proper spirit. Meanwhile, the size and formidable this country: First, a majority of the people of | As to imports, Canada imported $127,406,068 | ing upon our blindness and false security? Canada must declare in favor of annexation; worth in 1892, against $119,967,638 in 1891. And it is to such soldiers as General Miles, not and, second, the British Government must give We imported a little less from Great Britain to the mouthing politicians of Washington, its consent, or at least agree to keep hands off. and also less from the States, but our imports that these questions should be referred. We can get along without Canada for a good from such countries as the West Indies and while yet. We do not want to steal the China and Japan notably increased, and thus Dominion nor to go to war for annexation. direct trade with these places is evidently deThings are coming our way, and in the fullness veloping. of time no doubt Canada will ask to be taken in. By that time probably Great Britain will recognize the inevitable and will give her consent. Then it will become a practical question whether we want Canada or not. The Journal believes that "continental union is in the book of manifest destiny. It believes that eventually the United States will embrace the whole of North America. The stars in their courses are fighting to that end, but we do not think it judicious to force the fight or try to hurry the stars beyond their natural When the proper time comes Canada gait. will drop into our lap like a ripe plum. Till then we can well afford to wait. " CANADA'S TRADE IN 1892. Toronto Empire (Conserv.), Dec. 24.-The official statement of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 1892 bears out all the most sanguine expectations that have been formed concerning it. Canada's total imports and exports in 1892 were valued at $241,369,443. This is the greatest figure reached since Confederation, the only years approaching it being $230,339,926 in 1883, $217,801,203 in 1873 (the era of high prices) and $221,556,703 in 1882. Last year it was $218,384,934, so that we record a gain of $23,000,000 in one year! On the basis of " goods entered for consumption' and exported" our aggregate trade in war. WAR VESSELS ON THE LAKES. an are they Chicago Evening Post, Dec. 24.-From theness of those Canadian vessels were growing full text of the Government agents' reports on daily, and the anxious dwellers on the Amerithe Canadian-lake question it at length appears of hearing the boom of their terrible cannon. can shore of the lakes were in daily expectatton that General Miles spoke with reason and deliberation when he predicated upon the which is, perhaps, explained by the reBut a great calm has suddenly come, actions of our northern neighbors a menace of port of The General was not, as the carpet "old shipowner" in Buffalo, knights of Washington intimated, one of the few who have been allowed talking that through his plumed hat. We learn from the to inspect these vessels." He asserts report that the pernicious activity of the Cana"much smaller than has been dians has engaged the attention of this Gov-represented," are armed with one small gun ernment since the fall of 1891, when Lieu- each," and that, wonderful as it may seem, Sir tenant Carden, of the United States revenue Julian Pauncefote was not lying when he marine service, was sent on a secret mis- assured our Government that they were Then he added: "Even if sion to Canada to investigate. The Lieu- revenue cutters. made they were 350-ton vessels, as has been rea report in January of the present ported, what does that signify when it is known year, giving the dimensions and descriptions of the new Cana- that within a month past there have been dian "cruiser" Constance, then building in launched at Toledo two 2,500-ton vessels, inOwen's Sound. This vessel, though a revenue tended for the lake trade, but purposely concutter in name, was in reality a warship. The structed so that in a very few hours' time they tenant watchfulness of this Government appears to have been doubled upon receipt of this report, "6 mere New York Herald, Dec. 28.-It appears, according to a dispatch from St. John, N. B., that the powerful war vessels built by Canada recently carry one 6-pounder smooth-bore 1892 was $230,942,318 against $211,762,420 ciently indicated when Lieutenant Carden says brass gun apiece, and that the total crew on These were all revenue cutters," but in spite adds: unsalted seas will not exceed seventeen men. The dispatch further hints that some one mistook the peaceful and necessary hawse pipes. for death-belching torpedo tubes. It is to be hoped that the craft are not fitted with bowsprits, for if so some ignorant alarmist, on board each of these fierce corsairs of these for 1891, an advance of over $19,000,000 in the year. It appears, therefore, that last year our outside trade was at least $11,000,000 more than at any time in the history of the country. In 1892 Canada's exports amounted The Nordenfelt battery mentioned for the Petrel to $113,963,375. This also is the greatest batteries of the three United States revenue cutters on and her sisters is more than a match for the combined figure reached in our history as a united Do- the lakes-the Perry, Johnson, and Fessenden. minion. Last year our exports reached $98,- Of the efficiency of these craft in a possible 417,296, so that 1892 shows a gain of $15,500,- war upon international fresh water Lieutenant ooo in the year, and has distanced every pre-Carden declares that the hull dimensions of vious year by about $12,000,000. Our aggre- the Petrel, Constance, and Curlew will enable formidable as that belonging to the Ammen gate trade in 1892 with various countries will be scanned with interest, as compared with seeing these harmless projections, will inform the Treasury Department that the Canadian revenue cutters are supplied with spurs as them to manoeuvre with ease in the Welland ram. Canal, and in the event of any possible contingency maintain an effective patrol of that canal, Troy Press, Dec. 24.-Timid Americans at least for three or four days, until additional need not take to the woods because Canada gunboats can break from the St. Lawrence has placed a couple of war vessels upon the $106,254,984 $91,328,384 River across Lake Ontario to the mouth of the great lakes. England wasn't able to accom86,968,268 94.824.352 Welland. Ordinary field batteries are not suf-plish very much with her gunboats on the 7,643,846 6,360,926 waters along our northern border away back 6,526,228 4,336,232 2,770,173 2,503,963 3,300,108 2,202,102 ficient to stop these ships, whereas the rapid-fire 2,565,877 guns of the new craft will be expected to keep 2,218,911 hostile forces clear of the Welland locks until 1,906,291 1,782,950 a sufficient number of British gunboats have The Mother Country is thus our principal entered Lake Erie to permit of menacing the cities of the Northwest. Such are the partner in commercial transactions. Our trade with the United States has declined, but pretty toys which the British Government is with every other important country has largely launching on Canadian-American waters, and increased. All round the showing is highly points out the thinly veiled menace to our satisfactory. As to exports in detail the results for 1892 are equally instructive and northern frontier, the carpet knights of Washequally reassuring. Taking a few of the totalsington wring their hands in horror at his we find: 1892. 1891. terms of a council of these mealy-mouthed .$64,906,549 $49,280.858 33,830,696 41,138,695 popinjays treaty? Shall we bind our hands with 3,546.559 3,122,770 the red tape of officialism while England 283,251 78,791 arms and launches a fleet that could sweep 1,750,714 1,467,908 the great lakes of a commerce exceeding by At a glance is perceived the tremendous de- far that which passes through the Suez and velopment of the British market, and the de- equal in tonnage to that of New York and cline of the demand for our products in the Boston and Philadelphia combined? Shall we States, partly no doubt due to their high talk of international comity while a British tariff, but in greater measure to the fact that battery is making that can come to Chicago for the products we have to sell British con- and demand millions of indemnity under pensumption is far steadier and greater. It will alty of blowing up the city? It is no idle be noticed with pleasure that Canadian goods question: If Great Britain does not mean war are in more demand in the West Indies, and in what does she mean by launching a fleet of Newfoundland, and that the C. P. R. route to powerful armed craft on the great lakes? Is Asia is beginning to bear its natural fruit to the the false pretense that these new vessels are extent that we sold four times as many prod- merely revenue cutters a harmless trick, or is it ucts in China and Japan in 1892 as in 1891. I the device of a cunning and hostile Power play Boston Herald, Dec. 26.-The access that we now obtain to the West via the Grand Trunk and the Canadian Pacific are of inestimable advantage to the people of New England. It is by means of this that the exactions of the American railroad companies are held in check. Not only are we thus permitted to have freight rates named that are the same as those granted to our business rivals in New York, but these latter have the prices charged for transportation to and from the West kept down by the knowledge that the rates cannot be named higher than New England rates, and that these are controlled by the possibilities of Canadian competition. Once shut the door to these competing routes, and not only would the freight rates between New England and the West advance beyond the range of New |