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they are suffering. This is not an hour for moralizing: it is an law, destiny, the sovereign master; and whatever universal hour for action. When it is repeated in all places, and even in suffrage declares is gospel truth. The logic of their ideas leads Parliament, that there is no government in France, it is not them fatally to despise at the same time the private rights of difficult to show that, for a long time past, parties have been the citizen and individual liberty. astute to render government powerless and disarm it. Have In the presence of these three perils, the Anarchists, the they not at pleasure despoiled the government of its prestige, Socialists, and the Radicals, what are the Conservatives going and dispossessed it of its proper authority? Have they not to do? By these I mean the immense majority of Frenchmen transferred the executive power from the Council of Ministers who are old or recent supporters of the Republic, who are to the Chamber of Deputies, where there has not yet been attached to that form of government and have, at the same found even one majority which has a system, an idea, a pro- time, respect for themselves and a love of liberty. gramme, or the means of action which would at least render As in the evil days of bygone years, there is now talk, here it fit to govern?

and there, of a saviour. Have Frenchmen forgotten that the Recrimination, however, is useless. The question is not to men to whose hands was entrusted the country, twice within know who are the guilty ones in this application of the consti- a century, destroyed it ? And to what Cæsar could the fortunes tution, violated designedly or ignorantly. The question is to of our land be committed at present ? Cæsarism does not ascertain if the culprits have the will and the power to put change the constituent elements of a nation; it only uses those things back in their places, to restore to the Republic the which it finds. Should it ever reign over the France of our aspect of a true government, fitted to direct and protect day, Cæsarism would be fatally demagogic. What, then, would French society marching in its natural paths. The question become of our interests, our private rights, our liberty? is that we have to choose between a revolutionary system or a Such, then, is the situation. The lists are closed, the field liberal and conservative system, such as it was sought to found is ready, the champions have taken their position, the watchin 1870 and in 1875.

words for the combat have been selected. On one side is It seems not difficult to foresee in what way, considering the Socialism, on the other social order; here is the Radicallogical nature of the French mind, these questions will be Socialist alliance; yonder is the Liberal union ; on the left is decided. It is not a long distance between the principles pro- Revolution and the turbulent search for progress beyond all claimed by the Radicals and the Socialists, and the conse- bounds; on the right is civil Peace and Liberty. Which causé quences of those principles. The Anarchists, on their side, will triumph depends on Frenchmen themselves, With courage without making us wait, have furnished a demonstration of and perseverance the right side will win the victory. what society would be without faith or law. I know well that the Radical-Socialists repudiate the Anarch

SWISS DEMOCRACY. ist school. No one will accuse the former of meditating or

H. E. BERNER. approving the crinies which the Anarchists commit with perfect

Nordisk Tidskrift for Vetenskap, Konst, och Industri, Stocktranquility of soul. The Radical-Socialists, however, cannot

holm, Sjette Häftet. prevent our discovering, when an attempt is made to explain this tranquility in men who do such abominable deeds, that it

I.

HE Swiss Republic dates from August 1, 1291, when the those who declare themselves the enemies of society.

first confederation, that of Schwiz, Uri, and Unterwalden In France, are three parties which are a serious danger for arose after the death of Rudolph of Hapsburg. The three public security and for liberty.

Forest States concluded a perpetual league “in order that they First come the Anarchists. How many of these are there? may better defend themselves and their own, and better preWhat are their designs and means of action? Their number serve them in proper condition, have promised in good faith is the only thing about them of which we are ignorant. Their to assist each other, with every counsel and every favor, with doctrines they boldly proclaim from the house-tops. They person and goods, within the valleys and without, with might repeat aloud and without hesitation that they are the enemies and main, against one and all who may inflict upon anyone of of society and aim at its destruction. It is not their barbar- them any

violence, molestation, or injury, or, may plot any evil ous acts alone which are damnable. Their propaganda of against their persons or goods." Rudolph's son attempted to such actions is also criminal. Liberties were created for citi- subjugate the confederates, but after the Austrian defeat at zens, not for savages. There is no party which would dare to Morgarten, 1315, Luzern, Zürich, Glarus, and Zug joined the invoke the name of Liberty for the purpose of protecting confederacy and these seven Cantons are usually called “ die dynamiters against the action of a government resolved to alten orten." The other Cantons joined later, some as late as defend us.

this century. The Socialists repudiate violence. They employ other It has been said that the Germanic ancestors of England tactics, which consist in getting themselves elected to Coun- found the model for their democracy in this Swiss Confederacils of various degrees, in getting a majority, and thereby tion, and that also the modern Swiss democracy rests upon it. becoming masters therein. They mean to obtain a chance to About six hundred years ago the free men of Switzerland met apply their doctrines by legal and constitutional means. What in Allamannathing to determine upon laws for themselves, to are their doctrines? It would be impossible to give here a fix upon duties, etc., exactly as the old Norsemen did according complete list of them. The basis of their teachings, however, to the Sagas. Some of the Cantons still retain this old custom; is that they declare the rights of the State to be superior to all the " Thing-Meetings" at Bürglen, for instance, have survived individual rights, and that the police power of the State should all changes of time. Near Bürglen, in Schönendal, where Tell be extended to private property and family rights. They was born, and where still stands his chapel, there is a plain cover up these views with some special pretext not clearly which has from time immemorial been the “ Thing meetingavowed. Yet it is none the less true that the personality of place" or forum for the men of Uri. Once a year, the first every one of us is at stake and in danger from what is called Sunday in May, the Uri “ Landamann" “ foreman in the by the generic name of Socialism.

Thing.” rides out from Altorp at the head of a cavalcade; some The Radicals so far take their stand on universal suffrage, cantonal troops with bands of music and the flag-a huge which they mean to make the instrument of their mastery. bull's head-beadles, clothed in black and yellow, and two With them, however, universal suffrage is not, as it is in the Switzers carrying on their poles two buffalo-horns, the antique thought of all men who recognize the sovereignty of the cognizance of Uri. Frorí the upper Reuss come the men of nation, a simple proceeding of government. It is the supreme Andermatt and Waser ; through the Maderaner Thal come

is the fruit of Socialiste doctrines. profese of socieaccepted by TH

the nien of Bristen and Stössi; by the Schächen Thal march the men of Bürglen and Spiringen; across the Reuss the men of Seedorf and Attinghausen. Every man in Uri twenty years of age, and wearing neither monkish bood nor priestly frock, is bound to show himself on this day. A stage is thrown up in the council-field; the buffalo-horns are raised; a bugle sounds, and the “ Landamann" takes his seat. This session of a single day begins. An usher reads the lists of subjects to be considered. Some regiment is to be strengthened; a road is to be made; a torrent dyked; a forest thinned; a tax levied ; an officer punished; perhaps some law is to be changed. Each orator is called upon to speak. His opinion is heard and judged. The vote is taken by show of hands. The losing cause has no appeal. When every vote is taken, and the business of the day is done, these kings of Uri slake their thirst with beer, pull down the stage, and wend their ways homeward to the sounds of patriotic pipe and song.

Each voter is scrutinized by jealous eyes, and if his right to vote be challenged he must prove it on the spot. Such proof is easy to an honest man. What Commune is he from? Who are his witnesses? A Commune is like a regiment divided into companies and sections. Every man is counted in the rank and file. If one is absent, he is missed and an intruder can find no place. The Cantonal Assembly is an army, not a mob. Unless a man be either a pauper, bankrupt, criminal, or tramp, he has a right to vote. If it be proved that he is a rogue, a fellow with no civic right, he is lucky if he escape with life and limb.

This is what they understand by “pure democracy” or government by the people. A representative council is unknown. The people decide by direct vote. And these democratic ideas have gained great headway everywhere in Switzerland. Six Cantons have carried out this method ; in the others there have been conflicts between parties for and against, but the will of the peeple has made great progress. The year 1891 may be noted as a turning-point in the history of Switzerland; not only is it the six-hundredth year of independence, but also a year of far-reaching victory for pure democracy. A few days before the anniversary, the so-called “people's initiative" was carried by a plurality of votes, and was thus settled as one of the leading ideas of the Constitution of the Confederacy.

munity, the other is educative of the community. The one opposes out-door relief ; the other consists almost wliolly of out-door relief. The one frees citizens at large from obligation to the poor, except through taxation; the other calls on citizens at large to serve the poor as part of their duty to society. We stand for the present between these two principles. Which tradition is likely to prevail?

The new Elberfield system is now practically working in thirty-six German towns, including most of the principal cities of the Empire. Amid such a diversity of conditions it is difficult to make a complete picture of the system. I select, therefore, for description the city of Dresden, perhaps the best administered of the list, and resorted to in 1890 by experts in poor-relief from half a dozen different countries, as a model for their study.

The new poor-law for Dresden, on the Elberfield plan, went into effect April 1, 1880. Under this law the poor-law relies of the city is primarily administered by a single salaried official, who has a seat and vote in the Board of Aldermen, and who is elected for a term of three years, with the practical assurance of reëlection, and of a life-career in office if his work is well done. This superintendent of poor-relief is thus a trained expert with a professional ambition. While, however, this superintendent practically administers the city chrrity, there is joined with him a central committee representing the various interests involved. This committee is made up of fifteen members, as follows: the salaried Alderman above described as chairman, three members of the Board of Aldermen serving without pay, and presumably serving for long terms, four members of the City Council elected for three years, and, as a rule, reëlected, and seven other citizens elected for three years. Thus, while the expert knowledge of the chairman has great weight in decisions, it is sometimes more than balanced by the votes of persons elected directly by the people. The committee, thus composed, represents our Overseers of the Poor, radically differing from that body, however, by having the expert superintendent at their head instead of at their feet. Under the direction of this central committee comes the part of the Elberfield system which has now become familiar in America, through our associated charity work—the enrollment of a large body of unpaid visitors, each limiting his service to a few cases.

So far as concerns this part of the system two points of difference are to be here observed between the German and the American plans. First, it is noticeable that while in America the great proportion of such visitors are women, in Germany they are exclusively men. The second point of difference is more instructive. Cases of need in a German town assigned, not as with us, by the selecting of visitors, but by the districting of the town. Each city is ruled off into a large number of very small squares, and for the condition of each such square, a single visitor is responsible. If his block comes to contain more than five cases of poverty, it is divided, and a new visitor is enlisted. This second point of difference is as much to the advantage of Germany as the first is to her disadvantage. There remains, however, one other feature of the Elberfield system, of which we have in America hardly a trace. Our Associated Charities wait for visitors to volunteer, take what material comes to hand, and are always lacking in competent assistants, and-as the friends of the system frankly admit-cannot, even with the best intentions and machinery adequately cover its field of operations. The Elberfield system is a universal, compulsory, municipal system. It elects the most competent citizens, and calls them into service. The Government does not hesitate to call on the most responsible and trustworthy men of the town. The men thus selected are unsalaried city officers like our park commissioners, or a waterboard, or the trustees of a public library.

The advantages of this system in direct relief are very great, but the chief merit of the system lies in the education of the

SOCIOLOGICAL.

are

HA

HOW SHOULD A CITY CARE FOR ITS POOR?

PROFESSOR F. G. PEABODY.

Forum, New York, December. AVE we in the American cities any clear principles of poor

relief? On the one hand, we have inherited many of the traditions of the English Poor Law. We have in many cities a complete and often admirable series of city institutions, and we are inclined to leave city charity to this official care.

We, like the English, distrust out-door relief. We apply the “poorhouse test.” On the other hand, and as if confessing the inadequacy of institutional and mechanical tests, we have introduced in many cities quite another plan—more personal, sympathetic, individualized. This is the plan of our Associated Charities system. It reproduces some of the features of the so-called Elberfield scheme devised in that town in 1853 and now accepted in Germany as the only scientific type of municipal charity.

These two systems of poor-relief start from opposite points of view, and proceed on opposite principles. The English plan, roughly speaking, is for the town to do as little for the poor outside its institutions as is safe for the community; the Germans plan is to do as much as is safe. English citizens are accustomed to let the poor-law run itself ; German citizens are trained to be its agents. The one is defensive of the com

or a woman a man.

prosperous in their social obligations, and the elevation of moral' tone in the whole community. A part of good citizenship lies in bearing others' burdens. Those that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak and not to please themselves. This is the way a city ought, if possible, to take care of its poor, but its success is entirely a question of good citizenship.

If, finally, we go on to inquire whether the system is applicable to American cities, the answer will depend on the kind of city and kind of citizens. If, for instance, we consider the case of a city which is in the hands of a ring of politicians, using appointments as spoils for their supporters, the committing to such a city government of new power of appointments, with public money to disburse, would only involve a new disgrace. The four or five hundred visitors would, very probably, be chosen, not for their fitness for a grave responsibility, but for their chances of profit or opportunity for trade or for sectarian or party reasons. It is entirely a question of good citizenship.

THE

ARE AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS OF ENGLISH

ORIGIN?

LEONARD IRVING. National Magazine, New York, December. HE first impression of any one to whom the question at

the head of this paper, might be put would probably be that none but an affirmative answer is possible. Why do we have that conviction? Because we have been carefully imbued with such a notion by the books we have read—I had almost said, by the books we have to read, if we read on that subject at all. These books were written by Englishmen, or by New England scholars. Somehow the former can see no good coming out of any other people or country than those of their own right and tight little island. All the rest of the world is to them one huge Nazareth. As they have had the advantage of writing in the tongue used in these United States, we have read their books, and most of us have read no others. Thus we have naturally adopted their views. Even those among us who write books have generally taken their cue from these English authorities. Thus we have been thoroughly indoctrinated from that one point of view alone.

Let us consider briefly some peculiar American institutions, and see if it is certain that these are of English origin.

1. A prominent feature of American life, a distinctive institution of our Republic, is the complete equality of men in the matter of religion. The State recognizes no division among the Churches, does not identify itself with any branch of the Christian or any other religion. In other words, there are no Established or State Churches. This is the only perfect exemplification of liberty of conscience. Aught else is mere toleration, which is an insult to human intelligence, instead of a concession or benefit. Assuredly this notion of a complete separation of Church and State, of an entire equality before the law of all sorts and forms of religious belief, was not derived from England. There one particular Church is and always has been an adjunct to the State. It is supported by a tax levied on every one, whether believing in its doctrines and attending its services or not.

2. There is the most perfect equality of all men before the law in a Republic. I know there are those who sneer at the venality of judges, and the costliness of proceedings at law, often debarring the poor from seeking redress. Be that as it may, there is at least nothing upon the statute books to militate against this equality. The doctrine of the legal equality before the law of all members of the State, is and has ever been unknown to English law, where the members of titled families have always enjoyed peculiar privileges, extending even to the courts of justice. This American institution therefore cannot be said to have been derived from England.

3. We have a written Constitution, clearly defining the sepa

rate departments of government, the duties and powers of each department, and their relations to each other. Of written constitutions, England knows nothing. Its so-called Constitution is a collection of traditions, sentiments, theories, abstractions, anything except organic, supreme, settled law. What is constitutional to-day, may become unconstitutional to-morrow by the mere fiat of the British Parliament which, it has been said, cari do anything except make a man a woman,

The courts construe the laws, but can neither protect one department of the Government against others, nor the individual against the tyranny of the majority.

4. A feature of our life is the very general possession of landed property by the people of the United States. In England about one-half of the land is owned by one hundred and fifty persons. In Scotland one-half is owned by some seventyfive persons, while thirty-five own one-half of Ireland. Taking all Great Britain together, four-fifths of the profitable soil belongs to 7,000 individuals, and the remaining fifth to about 100,000. Everything for centuries has tended to keep the land in a few hands. First, the law of primogeniture, under which, in case of intestacy, all the real estate goes to the eldest male heir, thus building up great families. Second, the system relating to the transfer of land among the living, clogs the alienation of land and renders its acquisition by the poor almost impossible.

5. A prominent institution of the United States is the provision for public schools, bringing the advantages of education within the reach of the poorest. During the reign of Edward VI., some grammar-schools, eighteen for the whole kingdom, were established by the reformers of his government. At various times a few more were added by private individuals. The government did nothing further in the cause of education for three centuries. In the year 1832 Parliament made for this object the munificent appropriation of twenty thousand pounds. In 1839, the annual grant was raised to thirty thousand pounds and then increased from time to time until 1869 when it amounted to five hundred thousand pounds, about one-fifth of the sum spent annually by the State of New York alone.

6. Take the American institution of local self-government. Of this almost nothing exists in England except in the cities and large towns. Our system of town, county, State, and Federal government gives the administration of local affairs to local bodies. There was something very much like this in city, province, and federated union in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in a Republic on the continent of Europe ; but in England, even to-day, there is nothing of it or akin to it. These observations are sufficient, I apprehend, to show, at least, that some of the principal institutions of the United States are not of English origin.

TH

HOW I FOUND THE OUTCAST SIBERIAN LEPERS. SUBSTANCE OF AN INTERVIEW WITH MISS KATE MARSDEN.

English Illustrated Magazine, London, November. HE first leper I saw was when nursing the Russian soldiers in

the Turkish war in 1878, and then and there I made up my mind to devote my life to them. I was then only eighteen, and scarcely old enough to start on leper work; besides my mother did not wish me to go just then, so I waited till she died. Alas! we have consumption in our family. I have only one brother left, and he is now in New Zealand. In March, 1890, I was presented to the Queen, and a few days afterwards the Princess of Wales sent for me, and herself wrote a letter explaining my mission to the Empress of Russia, who received me most graciously, expressed the greatest anxiety to assist, and asked me to write and tell her all about the lepers-a privilege which I have gladly availed myself of through the Countess Alexandrine Tolstoi, who has, throughout my work in Russia, been my warmest friend and advocate. Without these credentials I could not have hoped for an audience of the Empress, and without the Empress's intervention, I could never have over

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come the official difficulties that lay in the way of my reaching show them that they are as much God's people as we are, and the lepers. To her Imperial Majesty I owe everything, and for that there are some who care for them. To this end I hope to whatever I have been able to accomplish, I have to thank her, found a colony or series of colonies in Northern Siberia, to and her alone.

which I propose to return as soon as I shall have collected the But I did not start for Siberia all at once. I traveled about funds necessary for the execution of my project. The Society Europe for several months, spending some time at Constanti- of Arts has published a pamphlet, in Russian, of my experiences, nople and in the Holy Land with a view to studying leprosy which they expect will bring in £1,000, and I hope the sale of wherever I found it. It was not until January that I left Mos- my book and of my photograph will further assist the cause. cow for Yakutsk. On my way I visited all the prisons, the I propose, too, going to America shortly, to lecture and try to etappes (stage-houses), vagabond-houses, hospitals and military get together more funds. Happily there are no religious diffihospitals. Some of these places are in a very bad state, but culties to encounter, the Greek Church being in full sympathy the Government is doing all it can to improve matters, and I with my mission as attested by letters in my possession, one expect to see great alterations when I return.

of them from the Bishop of Yakutsk and Viluisk. From Moscow to the leper settlement is 7,000 miles, a terrible journey but I did not care what hardships I went through

THE RELATION OF DRUNKENNESS TO CRIME. so long as I reached the lepers. The first few hundred miles

S. A. K. STRAHAN, M.D. we went by train, then we had to take to sleighs and tarantas (a kind of cart without springs) dragged by horses over the

Vational Popular Review, Chicago, December, snow. Then came a very trying 2,000 miles on the river Lena. HE class here referred to as instinctive criminals does not For three weeks I lived on board a cargo barge with six men include those who have become criminal from passion, for companions, but as I did not know their language I could poverty, and temptation, or even from example and education not converse with them. Professor Tschersky, the explorer, alone. It is composed solely of individuals who take to antiwas going down the river in another barge. Part of the time social ways by instinct or nature, and who murder and steal his barge was tied to mine and as he spoke French I was able and lie and cheat, not because they are driven to do so by to talk with him sometimes—a privilege I much enjoyed. force of adverse circumstances, but because they are drawn to

At last I reached Yakutsk, tired, stiff, and dirty, and was told such a course by an instinct which is born in them, and which that it was almost impossible for a woman to get to Viluisk, is too strong to be resisted by their weak volitional power, had or to reach the lepers who were hidden away in impassable they the desire to resist, which they have not. woods, far up into the interior, while their condition was so To this class belongs fully two-thirds of our whole criminal deplorable that nothing could be done to help them. How- population, including offenders of all grades, from the murever the authorities were very kind, and did all they could to derer down to the petty thief. To this class also belongs a still assist me, and on June 22, 1891 I began my long ride of 2,000 larger proportion of prostitutes and habitual drunkards, who, miles through the forest. We traveled by night as the horse- although not criminal in the eye of the law, are anti-social in flies prevented our traveling by day. I slept in a tent which their instincts. The prostitute ranks with the petty offender the men pitched for me when the night's journey was over. of the male sex; she bears all the well-marked signs of degenWe halted at the post stations but it was impossible to sleep in eration found in male thieves, swindlers, and vagabonds, and the huts, in which cattle and human beings were huddled her existence accounts, to a certain extent, for the large excess together, as they were full of vermin.

of male over female criminals. It is common in degenerate The community at Viluisk had heard of my coming, they families to find that while the sons take to crime the daughters had cleared a path of 1,000 miles through the forest, and even take to prostitution. built bridges over the more dangerous marshes, but to do this The instinctive criminal is, in every case, a more or less degenthey had to put aside their agricultural work for the summer. erate specimen of humanity: the representative of a decaying

I did not stay long at Viluisk, but pushed on for the forest. race. Primarily, it is his moral nature that is at fault and leads This stage I took thirty men with me, as each tribe has its own him to offend against society ; but if we examine more closely leper, and caste is kept up even among the lepers. Water was we shall find that his whole economy, moral, physical, and scarce, and we often had to drink from the ponds where the intellectual, is more or less degenerate. He is scrofulous, lepers bathed.

not seldom deformed, predisposed to insanity in the ratio of Soon after entering the forest I noticed something moving forty to one of the ordinary population, and to suicide in the between the trees. It was a leper boy. I dismounted and proportion of twenty to one. walked toward him, but the poor child kept moving back- The criminal is very closely related to the insane, especially wards, thinking I was frightened at his disease, and it was not the congenital insane, and personally he bears points of easy to make him understand that I wished to talk with him resemblance to the idiot. Now, if we inquire into the family through an interpreter. So great is the fear of lepers that if it history of these crir Is, it will at once become evident that. is decided that a man, woman, or child has the disease it is at there is a most intimate relationship existing between the once sent into the forest to live a part forever. Even the chil- instinctive criminal and such other markedly degenerate condren of lepers are sent to join their parents.

ditions as idiocy, epilepsy, suicide, insanity, prostitution, tuberThe leper yourtas are often not more than eighteen feet long cular disease, and habitual drunkenness. All these and other by twelve feet wide. The inmates have to sleep on benches degenerate states are met with in the parents and brothers. along the walls without any mattresses. Sometimes they are and sisters of the criminal, and so generally as to prove beyond crowded, having as many as twelve persons in them, besides all possibility of doubt that the moral decay, of which instinccows and calves. They have no clothing save such old worn- tive crime is the outcome, is but one of the many forms in out sheep-skins as are given to them. In some cases they live which family degeneration shows itself. quite alone.

Occasionally a whole generation of criminals appears in a The Yakutsk believe that all lepers are “possessed" by the decaying family; but in the majority of cases crime appears. devil, and isolate them accordingly. The relatives of the only in one, two, or three members of the family, the brothers. afflicted ones look after them to a certain extent, taking them and sisters showing the taint in various other ways. One will weekly supplies of food, and coffins for their dead, which they be scrofulous, or a deaf-mute, another insane, idiotic, epileptic, leave near at hand, but the difficulties of reaching them are so a prostitute, or habitual drunkard, as the case may be. great that anything like regularity is unattainable.

And now a word as to the sources of this degeneration of My mission is to bring these scattered outcasts together and the human animal. Of course all the deteriorating influences.

of modern civilized life tend towards the reduction of vital energy, and the degeneration of the race; still there are some which are specially prone to terminate in instinctive crime, and first in this list stands drunkenness. Carefully drawn statistics of 4,000 criminals who have passed through Elmira Reformatory, New York, shows drunkenness clearly existing in the parents of 38.7 per cent., and probably in 11.1 per cent. more. Out of 71 criminals, whose ancestry Rossi was able to trace, the father was a drunkard in 20, and the mother in II Cases (43.6 per cent.). Maseo found that on an average 41 per cent, of the criminals he examined had a drunken parent. Dr. Laurent, in his valuable work on the habitués of the Paris prisons, asserts that drunkenness alone, or combined with some other neurotic condition, is to be found almost constantly in the parents of criminals; and Dr. Tarnowski, who has made careful inquiry into the mental and physical condition of the prostitutes in her native land, found an alcoholic parentage in no less than 82.66 per cent. of the 150 women of this class whose family histories she was able to follow. Of course here, as elsewhere, environment plays a certain part in the formation of character, but as it cannot account for the scrofula, so, also, it cannot account for the crime and prostitution. As Lucas has said: “In these heritages of crime example and education are only secondary and auxiliary causes, the true first cause is hereditary influence.”

And now a word as to the treatment of the instinctive criminal:

Upon the criminal from passion or poverty, and upon the designing person who, after thinking the matter out, elects to run the risks of his action, primitive imprisonment has a deterrent effect; but upon the criminal from instinct and the habitual drunkard it has no more effect than had the whip and the chain upon the raving maniac of a hundred years ago. The system I propose is a prolonged incarceration upon an indefinite sentence, in an industrial penitentiary where every humane effort would be made to improve the criminal, morally, physically, and intellectually. The crippled in mind and body. 'we succor without question as to cause or origin. Why should the crippled in moral nature be the only one in all humanity to be scoffed at and punished because of his affliction ?

her position or antecedents, whether good or bad, rich or poor, thrifty or reckless, is to be treated in precisely the same way. No man, however wealthy or neglectful of his duties to society, however drunken or improvident, as soon as he has reached the magic age, is to be debarred from the right to receive his pension. Is there any merit, I would ask, in living to sixty-five? And cannot a man or woman who has attained that age be almost as great a discredit to society as at any preceding time of life. I see no chance of the scheme of Mr. Booth or any other sciieme so far proposed in Great Britain being adopted.

In France and Italy Bills creating old-age pensions have been submitted to the Parliament of each country, but no such Bill has yet been passed. In Germany and Denmark, Bills have been enacted providing pensions for old age. The systems in both countries, however, have too recently gone into operation to allow of any opinion as to their ultimate effect. Everywhere out of Great Britain, the systems proposed or in force are burdened with conditions to which I do not think any class or disposition of my countrymen would submit.

Is there, then, no way in which help can be rendered to our deserving poor? Must the present state of things go on, and the public conscience continue to be shocked at the sight of thousands of old people lapsing hopelessly into pauperism?

How is old-age pauperism brought about? There is doubtless a not inconsiderable part of our population which might make at least some provision for old age, but which prefers the careless living froni hand to mouth, and considers subscription to a burial club the only claim which the future has upon it. Even when there is some thought of the morrow, inveterate habit leads niany bread-winners to think more of the immediate than of the comparatively distant future, and to provide rather against the risk of accident or illness by joining a sick club than against the remote prospect of destitution when the day of work is over. When all this is conceded there must remain, no doubt, many cases of unforeseen and undeserved misfortune in which old age overtakes the toiler without his having had a chance of making provision for it-cases where wages have hardly ever been such as to allow of saving, where families have been large and sickly, where the struggling widow, work and pinch low she might, has had difficulty in keeping the wolf from the door. These are the hardships with which we must all sympathize—these are the sorrows we should all wish to relieve.

Putting unavoidable misfortune aside, however, for the moment, let us consider whether our present system is such as to offer the maximum amount of encouragement to self-help and self-reliance, and the minimum amount of encouragement to an easy-going frame of mind which looks forward to pauperism with equanimity. What are the prospects, generally speaking, of the average worker who has made no provision for his old age? He sees the system of out-door relief in full operation ; he knows that unless and until he becomes utterly hopeless and friendless, a dole will be made to him which will keep him from starvation, and he learns to look forward to this dole without repugnance and without dismay.

If we had reason to believe that the poor law could be administered in this manner only, we should perhaps be justified in at once looking outside of it for means to improve the condition of our aged poor. The very reverse, however, is the case. We have abundant evidence that by firm and patient administration the condition of whole districts in regard to pauperism may be radically changed, to the great benefit, material and moral, of the poorer inhabitants. During the last twenty years experiments in this direction have been made, both in urban and rural districts, not conceived in the spirit of empiricism or caprice, but undertaken as the result of ripe experience, and with a single eye to the real interests of the poor, which have been attended with complete success. The tendency of the reforms effected has been, as is well known, towards a great reduction, and in some cases the total abolition of out-door relief.

I have endeavored to show in regard to one of the great social questions which occupy men's minds to-day, that for the promotion of the best interests of our aged poor, there may be

more excellent way” than a vast organization of Stateaided pensions. May we work out this and other simular problems, as Englishmen do, calmly, wisely, and to good effect !

THE

OLD-AGE PENSIONS. THE HONORABLE SIR CHARLES W. FREMANTLE, K.C.B.* "Fournal of the Royal Statistical Society, London, September to

December. THE question of old-age pensions has now been many

months before the public and may by this time be considered to have become worn somewhat threadbare. Yet the question is surely a great and important one, on the wise solution of which the welfare of a not inconsiderable part of our population may materially depend.

In Great Britain various schemes for pensioning old people have been put forward. None of these deserve more respect than that of Mr. Charles Booth, because his views on any subject connected with the welfare of the poor must always command the highest respect. His bold proposal is nothing less than a scheme for universal pensions or general endowment of old age. It is proposed by him that every man and woman in the United Kingdom-duke and dock laborer, countess and costermonger-shall, after reaching the age of 65, receive a pension of £13 a year or 55. a week. Mr. Booth calculates that there are at present 733,000 women and 590,000 men, or about 1,323,000 persons in all above sixty-five years of age, in England and Wales. Therefore a universal pension of £13 a head would amount for those parts of the United Kingdom alone to £17,000,000 a year. Every person, whatever be his or

* Sir Charles is the President of the Economic Science and Statistics Section of the British Association, and this paper is a digest of a portion of his Address delivered at the ineeting of the Association beld this year at Edinburgh.

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