on this fact, is derived from a false manner of considering things, a manner which has made strides among us for the last twenty years; is derived solely from the obstinacy with which, falling into the net spread for them by factions, Governmént, Parliament, and the Press, in their superiority, have been and still are willing to represent the Kingdom of Italy and the Papacy as absolutely and necessarily hostile to each other, to such a degree, at least, that every triumph of the latter is a damage to the former. This mode of considering matters is more unjust and impolitic than can be readily imagined. The truth is that, if Italy was sincere when, on Occupying the city of Rome, she declared that she wished the spiritual authority of the Papacy to be always more respected, she ought to feel and to exhibit satisfaction every time a new event comes to prove that such authority, instead of diminishing, is increasing. The truth is that the honors received by the highest worldly institution which Italy holds in her bosom, in great part reflect honor on Italy herself. The truth is that the homage rendered to the Head of the Church, a very lofty institution, but almost exclusively a moral one, ought to comfort all those who behold with very natural alarm the progress of that corruption which, in our times, manifests its baleful effects on all classes of civil society. Therefore, very opportunely did the Hon. Signor Brin, responding to a question put to him in the Chamber of Deputies, declare that Italy "has no reason for not being joyful at the homage rendered to t the Supreme Pontiff."

Here arise those who think themselves the sole custodians of the national dignity and security, and say that the homage rendered to the Pontiff is not at all platonic and spiritual, and that, with many, at least, of those who took part in that homage, it represents a protest a wish, for the reëstablishment of the Temporal Power. We will not deny this, although as was observed by our Minister of Foreign Affairs, no open demonstration in favor of this desire has been made of late, and, moreover, the things called Roman Catholic Congresses, have on this occasion used language much less offensive to Italy than that which they have used on former occasions, having confined themselves to expressing wishes for the independence of the Pope, but not for the civil principality of the Church. We will not deny, and we recognize without hesitation that, among those who call for the complete independence of the Pope only, there are many who by that phrase mean the restitution of Rome to the Pontiff, something which no politician in Italy would seriously discuss for a moment. The exaggerations of others, however, ought not to induce us to close our eyes to the truth. The demands for the reëstablishment of the Temporal Power ought not to prevent our examining dispassionately, in our own interest, how much reason there may be in the complaints which come from so many mouths, from so many parts of the world, about the present condition of the Papacy; complaints that we have heard from Spain and from France, from Austria and from Germany, from Belgium and from England, from North and South America.

It may be that these complaints are excessive or even unjust; but is it wise and politic for us to pay no attention to them, to allow so much wrath to accumulate against our country without doing anything to enlighten the ill-informed, by giving to Roman Catholics such satisfaction as cannot wound the integrity or the dignity of the Nation? This is not the place to discuss how that can be done, but we have not thought it right to keep silence entirely, nor. under present circumstances, to conceal a thought to which we have heretofore given expression, and with which agree many political men who, with unpardonable weakness, abstain from declaring it openly. This thought is that we are treating here the gravest political problem which confronts Italy-a problem before which fade into insignificance little incidents like that of the intervention, certainly not praiseworthy, of some Austrian Ministers, in a demonstration far from favorable to our coun

1

try. By solving this problem properly, the Italian Government
will obtain two results of considerable importance. On one
hand, it will regain at one stroke in the estimation of the world
all the prestige, all the credit, all the authority which many
errors committed by it of late years have caused it to lose. On
'the other hand, it will give ample satisfaction to the deep and
sincere desire for conciliation between the two Powers which
is felt by the great majority of Italians and which was inter-
preted by the 4,000 pilgrims who, as the Hon. Signor Giolitti
has declared in the Chamber, after having rendered homage
to the Spiritual Chief of their religion, paid a tribute to the
memory of the Father of their country, by signing their names
in the registers of the Pantheon.

The New French Ministry.-The French have a new Ministry with M. Dupuy, the former Minister of Public Instruction, at its head. A dispute between the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies gave occasion to this latest change of the Ministry. The dispute was of no great significance, and the change of persons is equally without significance. There is absolutely nothing in it, beyond the simple facts that there is one more 'used-up Cabinet to chronicle, and another new Ministry which commands no respect, and in whose future neither Radicals nor Moderates interest themselves. This condition of affairs is critical, mainly on the ground that the Panama scandal has shaken all faith in republican institutions, and because the time between this and the next elections must be made the most of, if the still-bleeding wounds are to be healed. It seems, however, that at present the forces of French Parlia mentism are well-nigh exhausted. Ministry follows Ministry, as but without any change of policy as its result; the political struggle exhausts itself in the replacement of one indifferent personage by another equally indifferent, without any new ye guiding thoughts pointing to any new vital combinations S Die Nation, Berlin, April 8.

A

What is the Main Object of Organized Political Societies ?— Ask twenty persons of very unequal culture, versed or not versed in the study of history, for what main end, superior to all other ends, political societies are organized, their answers, though varying in form, will be in substance this: "Political societies are organized in order to establish order or maintain it; in order to enjoy by means of them good things which without it you cannot have, such as justice, liberty, and security." Order and society are one: neither sophism nor violence can ever avail aught against their close union. Anarchy, as that expression is understood to-day, is only a word under which to hide crime. When anarchy appears sometimes in history, it designates a state of things which is painful, temporary, in which order is not annihilated but is incessantly attacked, threatened, suddenly changed. However different may be aristocracy, monarchy, democracy, all forms of government, they all aim to reach the same end by different roads. Each of them is held up as a perfect, definite form of social order, and it is under this aspect that its partisans defend it. Revolutions themselves always end in replacing the old order of things by a new order, which is either worse or better. Order is so much the supreme law, the primary need of societies at every moment, in all the changes of their existence, that the first claim of any one who undertakes to defend any particular system of government, is that it will insure order. The life of nations is, like that of our soul, at the same time very complex and very simple. In the latter, phenomena and faculties-in the former, tendencies, aspirations, passionsare exhibited at the same time, distinct and yet united by the closest bonds, often without one being able to say which preceded and which followed, if they are born the same day. I incline to believe that the desire for order has preceded-only a little, it may be, but yet has preceded--the desire for unity and the aspiration for grandeur. These propositions may be considered abstract, but they are in fact of the utmost practical importance. I put them forth now in the hope of impressing some at least, that what I have said lies at the foundation of all reasoning on political matters. In this balance must be weighed all who demand changes of government, monarchists, democrats, socialists, anarchists.-Prof. C. C. Charaux, in Annales de l'Enseignment Supérieur de Grenoble, Paris.

SOCIOLOGICAL.

THE CHICAGO ANARCHISTS OF 1886: THEIR CRIME, TRIAL, AND PUNISHMENT.

JUDGE JOSEPH E. GARY.

Condensed for THE LITErary Digest from a Paper in

Century Magazine, New York, April.

JUDGE GARY, who writes this paper, presided at the trial of the Anarchists Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Fielden, Fischer, Engel, Lingg, and Neebe, specifically indicted for murder of the policeman, Degan. Judge Gary sketches briefly the incidents which led up to the crime, and sets forth in greater detail the facts of the trial, the theory on which the prisoners were convicted, and the law on which it was based. In doing this he makes copious quotations from the acknowledged newspaper organs of the "International Arbeiter Association," the name by which the Anarchists designated their organization, and which had "groups" in many American cities. These newspapers were the Arbeiter Zeitung (in German), edited by Spies and Schwab, with a daily issue of about thirty-six hundred, and The Alarm (in English), edited by Parsons, with a semi-monthly edition of about two thousand. He also presents copies of inflammatory handbills and parts of handbills, issued by these newspapers; but makes use of no material that was not in evidence at the trial. In discussing the question of guilt, he confines his attention mainly to Spies and Parsons, the most noted of the Anarchists; but for the cases of the whole eight refers the reader to the 122d Illinois Reports, 1, and 12 Northeastern Reports, 865. His paper occupies thirty-four pages in the Century and is profusely illustrated.

THE

principal motive of this paper is to demonstrate to my own profession, and to make clear to all fair-minded, intelligent people, that the verdict of the jury in the case of the Anarchists was right; that the Anarchists were guilty of murder; that they were not the victims of prejudice, nor martyrs for free speech, but in morals, as well as in law, were guilty of murder. That there was prejudice against them I concede; but that there was injustice to them because of that prejudice, is not true. Mixed with all the approval (the amount of which is beyond my summing up) that has come to me, there has been an undertone-a sort of minor chord-that the Anarchists deserved their fate; that society has the right to enforce the first law of nature-self-preservation; and, therefore, if I had a little strained the law, or administered it with great rigor against them, I was to be commended for my courage in so doing. I protest against any such commendation and deny utterly the doing of anything that should subject me to it. The justification of the court, the jury, and the sheriff, who administer and execute the law, is that they are obeying the law. The end, however desirable its attainment, excuses no irregular means in the administration of justice.

Another motive of this paper is to show to the laboring people, of whom the Anarchists claimed to be the especial friends, that such claim was a sham and a pretense, adopted only as a means to bring manual laborers into their own ranks ; and that the advice of the Anarchists, if followed by the workingmen, would expose them to the danger of becoming, in law, murderers. The real passions at the bottom of the hearts of the Anarchists were envy and hatred of all people whose condition in life was better than their own, who were more prosperous than themselves. In short, they were all members of a revolutionary organization, called the "International," the object of which was to introduce anarchy. To this end they proposed to subdue by terror, or exterminate by violent deaths, all who favored law and order.

They had endeavored to bring the "proletariat " into their ranks and had urged that class to arm themselves, especially with dynamite bombs. In the fall of 1885 it became probable that there would be a general strike for an eight-hour day on the ensuing 1st of May. This the Anarchists encouraged to the utmost; their idea being that armed strikers, beating workers, would bring out the police and militia, and if these

could be overcome, there would be no force to give vigor to the law, and anarchy must follow.

On May 1st, many struck and new men were, in some cases, taken in their stead. On May 3d, a serious riot, in which Spies admits he participated, took place at the McCormick shops, where police were protecting the workers. Some of the rioters were hurt, but probably none killed.

On the night of May 4th, a meeting in Desplaines Street, near the police station, was addressed by Spies, Parsons, and Fielden, in highly inflammatory speeches. Fielden had said among other things:

"You have nothing to do with the law except to lay hands on it and throttle it until it makes its last kick. Keep your eye upon it. Throttle it. Kill it. Stab it. I ask you to get hold of anything that will help to resist the onslaught of the enemy and the usurper."

And while he was speaking and his hearers vociferously applauding, one hundred and eighty policemen, led by Inspector Bonfield and Captain Ward, marched to the place and commanded the crowd to disperse. It was then half-past ten. A dynamite bomb was thrown into the ranks of the police, killing Degan, mortally wounding six others, and wounding sixty more, though not mortally. For this murder, law and reason charge the whole body of conspiring members of the International.

The law is, that if men enter into a combination which contemplates for the success of its purpose the exercise of unlawful force against the property or the persons of other men, and killing is done by any of the men in the combination in pursuance of the plan upon which, and in effecting the purpose for which, the combination was formed, then murder by the hand of one is murder by all, even though the combination was entered into without the intention of killing anybody.

[This view is supported by references as follows: 3d Greenleaf, Evidence, Secs. 93, 94; 1 Bishop, Criminal Law, Sec. 636; Brennan vs. The People, 15 Illinois, 511.]

What Spies and Parsons published in their papers and in speeches is enough for their condemnation and for that of all their co-conspirators, being uttered for the purpose of carrying out the design of the conspiracy, and followed by the murder instigated by such publications and speeches. They incited, advised, encouraged the throwing of the bomb that killed the policemen, not by addressing the bomb-thrower specially and telling him to throw a bomb at that or any specified time or occasion, but by general addresses to readers and hearers; by every argument which they could frame; by every appeal to passion which they could make; advising, encouraging. urging, and instructing how to perform acts within which the act of throwing the bomb was embraced. 'And the law is common sense."

That all the defendants belonged to "groups" of the International; that the purpose of this organization was to destroy law and society by rebellion and revolution; that the papers edited by Spies and Parsons were the organs of the International; and they constantly advised the use of weaponsespecially dynamite bombs-against the police and others, even going so far as to instruct their readers in the manufacture of these deadly explosives-all this was conclusively proved at the trial. And if by the law of Illinois, preëxisting and known, the Anarchists residing in Illinois were guilty of murder by engaging in a conspiracy the natural and probable result of which could be anticipated, and that result murder, it is childish whimpering for their adherents to complain that the law defied by the Anarchists was, upon their defeat, enforced against them.

For nearly seven years the clamor, uncontradicted, has gone round the world that the Anarchists were heroes and martyrs, victims of prejudice and fear. Not a dozen persons alive were prepared by familiarity with the details of their crime and trial, and present knowledge of the materials from which those

details could be shown, to present a succinct account of them to the public. It so happened that my position was such that from me that account would probably attract as much attention as it would from any other source. Right-minded, thoughtful people, who recognize the necessity of the existence and enforcement of laws for the protection of human life, and who may yet have had misgivings as to the fate of the Anarchists, will, I trust, read what I have written, and dismiss those misgivings, convinced that in law and in morals the Anarchists were rightly punished, not for opinons, but for horrible deeds.

THE SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS OF GERMANY.
GERHARD GRAN.

Translated and Condensed for THE Literary DigeST from a Paper in

THE

Samtiden, Bergen, March.

THE Social-Democratic programme includes all questions which agitate mankind at present.

On the economic field the Socialists are Communists; they labor to abolish private property. In regard to this point of their programme they are not original. This idea is one which fanatics have speculated about for thousands of years; it was held by the first Christians, and by Fourier, St. Simon, Wilhelm Weitling, and others. But the old Communists founded their social demands upon abstract ideas, religious notions, and moral ideals. They argued that justice demanded the Commune, and that religion prescribed brotherly love. The Socialists of our day do not accept this argument; they do not believe in justice and brotherly love. The man who has formulated their notions is Karl Marx. Though many Socialists of to-day do not recognize Marx, nevertheless, involuntarily they are his pupils. The meeting at Erfurt in 1891 proved that. The programme there accepted was nothing but a resumé of his doctrines. Here they are:

In modern times, by division of labor and the introduction of machines, most of the industrial products are the joint results of the work of many persons. Nobody in a factory can truly say this is my work, for all have done something of it. The product is a joint work-communistic. But a few take the main bulk of the profit: those who possess the capital which drove the machines and paid the daily wages. This capital is the result of the accumulated surplus of which the man who performed the work is robbed. It is taken and hoarded by one who did no work, and who, perhaps, inherited the money, and inherited, possibly, from someone who had unjustly acquired it. This is Marx's theory, and an absolute truth to all Social-Democrats. To Marx, capital is not the outcome of industry and economy, but the surplus which the capitalists take from the laborer; and the Social-Democrats swear by Marx. The evils of the system are apparent to all. What is the remedy? The very evil which now crushes the many to the advantage of the few contains the remedy. The Socialists see their ideal in the final outcome of the present misery. Capital seeks capital, and syndicates, trusts, cartels, are hopeful foreshadowings of the coming social communistic state. Many of the Socialists are honest by necessity; they regulate prices, prevent over-production, and prove that competition can be done away with. Vorwärts says: They grow stronger and stronger, and acquire more and more political power. They approach the great cartel-the Socialistic community."

But the Social-Democrats do not labor on the economic field only. They are active in the moral sphere also. Their theories are largely expressed in August Bedel's book: "Die Frau und der Socialismus." The net result of the book is, that woman and marriage under the dominion of the bourgeois are reduced to a shameful trade: woman is prostituted. Prostitution is not, according to Bedel, a result of human weakness but of our false social conditions. Bedel advocates "free marriages," or such contracts between man and woman that the man has

no advantages over the woman, a contract which may be dissolved by the contracting parties without interference of State or Church.

Religiously the Socialists hold that every man may believe as he chooses. Religion is a private affair. This is theory, but practically the Socialists preach the Socialism of Jesus. I attended a socialistic "free religious community," meeting in Berlin, and learned that the congregation consisted of 10,000 persons. At the meeting I bought several printed sermons, some of the titles of which were: Das Leben ohne Gott, Die ateistische Sittlichkeit, Die Weltlichkeit der Schule. The congregation supports its own school, in which are 500 pupils from ten to fifteen years of age. I attended the school exercises for three hours, and I am surprised that the German Government tolerates it. The three years' course of the school is intended to give the pupil freethinking and materialistic views of life. The present teacher is Bruno Wilde, a well-known Socialist.

THE POLICE FORCE IN ELEVEN PRINCIPAL CITIES. THE REVEREND RICHARD WHEATLEY, D.D. Condensed for THE LITERARY DIGEST from a Paper in

Chautauquan, Meadville, May.

THE ELEVEN CITIES alluded to are: New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Brooklyn, St. Louis, Boston, Baltimore, San Francisco, Cincinnati, Washington, and New Orleans; and the writer begins his article with quite an elaborate statistical table, the more salient features of which are alluded to in the text. It shows that in the cities named the proportion of police to inhabitants ranges from 1 to 416 in New York, to I to 773 in New Orleans. Chicago has one policeman for every 477 inhabitants, while Philadelphia has but I to 551, and Brooklyn 1 to 611, and San Francisco 1 to 655.

HESE eleven American cities of the largest class are fairly

The enormous number of arrests in a single year, no less than 446,744 in an aggregate of 6,871.480 souls, or one to 15.17. might lead to erroneous conclusions as to the morals of the rounders," American people. But many of the arrested are “ who come before the criminal courts as often as release from penal confinement will permit. Again, many thousands are brought face to face with justice because of violation of civic ordinances. They may not plead ignorance in justification of their offense; but ignorance may warrant mitigation of penalty. The uninstructed and careless, impelled by passion or inborn evil, are made to see that offenses against persons, injuries to property, malicious wrongs, infractions of license laws, of chastity and morality, transgressions of food regulations, and affronts to public order are usually followed by apprehension, trial, and punishment. Justice is educationary as well as vindicative, and the more educationary it is the more active are the guardians of the peace. Washington is strict in the enforcement of statutes prohibiting profanity and indecency, and Boston maintains its praiseworthy reputation for suppression of lasciviousness, fornication, and fleshly lusts. That vice is not more exacerbated by detention of female prisoners in station-houses is due largely to the employment of matrons. Disproportion between the members of the sexes arrested is remarkable-348,148 males to 69,337 females. Ages are also noteworthy. Of 22,935 arrests in St. Louis, 8,819 were of persons between the ages of 20 and 30; 5.103 between 10 and 20; 4.527 between 30 and 40; 2,663 between 40 and 50; and 1,823 from 50 upwards. This is a typical exhibit. It suggests the *In a considerable number of cities the police department is in charge of one commissioner.-EDITOR THE LITERARY DIGEST.

his son, and did nothing without asking his advice. Meanwhile Zoeleika's love became so strong that she could not control it. Help me to win Joseph's heart," she said to her old nurse, who had accompanied her to her new home. The old woman, who saw with great sorrow the sufferings of her mistress, advised her to build a beautiful palace with many bedchambers, and to have it gorgeously furnished.

The Malay book tells here through many chapters how this was done, and how Zoeleika endeavored in vain to seduce Joseph. Once he nearly gave way, but a good spirit named Djabrail appeared to him in the shape of his father Jacob, and reminded him that he was a nabi and the son of a nabi. He fled, and it was on this occasion that Zoeleika rent his garment.

She now accused Joseph to Potiphar, who inopportunely arrives at that moment. Potiphar, is, however, informed in a miraculous manner of Joseph's innocence, but he begs Joseph to keep the matter secret. Nevertheless, King Rian heard of it, and was so much amused that he summoned forty old women and ordered them to tell the story everywhere.

When Zoeleika was informed of this, she took a queer step to justify herself in the eyes of the people. She invited these women to a feast, and while they were eating some fruit for dessert, Joseph was brought in, dressed in costly robes. The women were so overcome by his radiant beauty that they could not turn their eyes away, and cut themselves with the knives with which they were peeling the fruit, so that their robes were stained with blood. "See now," said Zoeleika, "how his divine appearance influences you, who see him only a moment, and understand what I suffer, who see him every day, and to whom he has appeared in dreams since earliest youth."

When Potiphar was informed of this, he feared that his friends would laugh at him, and upon the advice of his counsellors he put Joseph in prison.

From this forward the story is very similar to that with which we are familiar through the book of Genesis. Here as there Joseph is delivered out of prison by his explanation of Pharaoh Rian's dream.

The Malay book says, howewer, that Potiphar is removed from his high office and Joseph takes his place. Potiphar soon dies, and Joseph marries the beautiful Zoeleika, who, strange to say, is still a virgin, for Djabrail had caused a spirit to appear in her shape and take her place whenever Potiphar visited her. . Zoeleika presents Joseph with two sons, Mail and Affartim, in whom we easily recognize the Manasseh and Ephraim of Scripture.

R

RENAN AS A DRAMATIST.

GEORG BRANDES.

Translated and Condensed for THE LITERARY Digest from a Paper in

Tilskueren, Copenhagen, March.

ENAN'S starting-point as a dramatist was Shakespeare's Tempest" the most original and perfect of Shakespeare's works, full of grace and grandeur. Being more synbolical than any of the poet's other plays, it naturally appealed to Renan's imagination. The three characters, Prospero, Caliban, and Ariel, particularly attracted him. Prospero, the stately magician, full of peculiar profundity, a man to whom nature listens and submits; Caliban, all earth, gross in feelings and imagination, without reason and moral sense, gnome and savage; Ariel, by no means an ethereal, featureless angel, but a real, airy, frolicsome, and agreeable spirit. Renan was early in life impressed with the idea that the common world lies in the bonds of Caliban's grossness, that untruth and cant rule it. He did not wonder, therefore, that Prospero was driven from his kingdom. Prospero was to him the man of the future.

The drama "Caliban " shows Caliban in successful insurrection against Prospero. Caliban hates his benefactor Prospero, while Ariel worships him. Prospero believes that God is

reason, and he labors that reason may subject the world. Prospero believes that God is the genius of the great man, the goodness of the loving soul, the truth of that which really exists. We see in Caliban, the low, gross nature, the " politician" fighting against Prospero, who, he says, uses the people for his own ends. The people proclaim Caliban the "liberator of the people," send deputations to him, and honor him with processions. In the night he lays himself in Prospero's bed and gradually comes under its magic influences. Caliban becomes filled with notions of government, but his vulgarity makes him a tyrant and his beastly nature dotes upon the beautiful courtezan Imperia-well-known from Balzac's "Contes drôlatiques." In the meantime Prospero discovers that Caliban has supplanted him. Ariel is powerless. The people become reconciled to the new order of things, and recognize Caliban. Thus events have taken the usual course. Vulgarity has triumphed. In the Second Act the persons at the Court discuss the question of What to do? One by one various remedies are proposed; the family, the Fatherland, the Church, are offered as safeguards against the coming avalanche of brutality, but all are rejected. Only love and beauty-represented by the courtesan Imperia-are recognized. What satire! How Renan has scored the rising beastiality; Caliban. the ruling power!

Imperia reappears as the Pope's mistress, Brunissende, in "L'Eau de Jouvence, suite de Caliban," and as Carmentà in Le Prêtre de Nemi.

In "L'Abbesse de Jouarre," the heroine gives herself over to passion the moment she is condemned to death. Renan says: "I have often thought that if people knew for certain that the world would come to an end in two or three days, love would rule and passion would triumph. Everything would then be allowable and have no consequences. They would drink a love-potion and die in ecstasy." Renan does not fear to give offense. Great men and women are not bound by the same rules as other people.

A

THE POET-IS HE BORN, NOT MADE?.
ROBERT FLETCHER, M.D.

Condensed for THE LITErary Digest from a Paper in American Anthropologist, Washington, D. C., April. MONG familiar apothegms which, for the most part, pass current without much question, we find one, Poeta nascitur non fit, attributed to one Florus-not the historianbut a writer of whom little is known beyond a few epigrams and fragments ascribed to him, In Ben Jonson's play of Every Man in His Humor," Justice Clement, speaking of the poet, says:

They are not born every year as an alderman. There goes more to the making of a good poet than a sheriff."

At the outset it must be understood that it is the second part of the adage which I assert to be untrue. No doubt the poet must be born a poet; the divine astrum must be his as a birthright. You cannot by any known process of training or teaching make a poet of a man without this birthright; but it is equally true that the higher the teaching bestowed upon him, the broader the field of operation opened to him, the greater becomes the poet in proportion; and not only that, but it may be asserted that without such training, be it greater or less, the divine gift mostly comes to naught.

Truly, the divine gift of poetic imagination must come by birthright, not by acquisition, but Wordsworth's fine line, "Wisdom married to immortal verse," embodies the loftiest conception of the poet's work. Now, is