The demonstrations in Ulster against the Home Rule Bill have, of course, awakened the echoes throughout the British Isles. Week before last we presented utterances from the American press. This week we present utterances from the press of the United Kingdom and from the press of the British colonies. These utterances were all made antecedent to the passage of the Bill to second reading, Friday night, April 21, by a vote of 347 to 304.

CONSERVATIVE VIEWS.

craft founder, and there will be an end to

The second point on which we would dwell is that Ulster is merely Ulster; not even all Ulster, only little more than half of it. Of her 33 members, 14 are for Home Rule. The whole of this "incomparable ebullition" which has "killed Home Rule for ever,' "9 is the ebullition of 19 constituencies, less than onefifth of the representatives of Ireland.

ULSTER AND HOME RULE. I want. Thus the Welsh members, we are told, of Ireland is not open to doubt, and Mr. Bal. will be true as steel," because by backing four has every possible ground for legitimate Irish Nationality they expect to secure full pride and pleasure in the fact that this outrecognition of the nationhood of Wales. So burst of Ulster feeling centred round his own we may say that there is a spirit of unity and person. But on turning to his speech, we self-discipline in the party; but it is like that must honestly confess to great disappointment. which, in a famous picture of the Flood, is We will set aside the mere empty words which seen to prevail among the heterogeneous party he uttered. There are, however, other matters of wild beasts and tame assembled on a raft. which we must briefly mention. The first is They are castaways, all too much concerned for that Mr. Balfour has encouraged the resistance, the moment about their own fate to attack each by force of arms, of a very small section of other; but let them touch dry land, or let their Ireland against a measure which, if it becomes their harmony. Mr. Gladstone is their real, manner. a law, becomes so in a perfectly constitutional almost their only, bond of union. He spoke impressively and pathetically on Monday of his strength being nearly run dry," and of The spectator (Cons.), London. -The "Want the " great disadvantage which the party had of Confidence" debate of Monday night, if it long undergone from being led by a person of produced no other result of the first import- his age.' In this last particular he deceives ance, elicited from Mr. Gladstone an avowal himself, but can scarcely deceive the public, which appears to us to justify to the fullest His great age, so far from being a disadvanextent the alarm with which the Irish minority tage to his party, is, as has been said, the one land. There was no need for Mr. Balfour to Glasgow Herald (Unionist), Glasgow, Scotanticipate the consequences of Home Rule. thing that keeps it together, and gives it some He declared it his opinion that the "sympa appearance of coherence and respectability. argue against Home Rule before the audience thies" of the Irish people must be considered Having no longer any great principle upon which welcomed him as few statesmen have as a factor of great importance in awarding which they can find common footing, the ever been welcomed before. It is easy enough punishment to Irish crime. The Irish people Government following are content to rely to manufacture a popular demonstration with look with a certain sympathy on such crimes upon sentiment-the sentiment of veneration brass bands and banners. But, although a as those of violence, intimidation, and even for old age and for abilities which have so claque may be hired, enthusiasm cannot be cruelty, when the violence, intimidation, and wonderfully withstood the inroads of the bought, and nothing but genuine emotion will cruelty are used in furtherance of agrarian years. It is a sentiment to which all due re- bring half a million of people together for a objects; and, therefore, Mr. Gladstone spect should be paid in the proper time and common purpose. thinks that the penalties inflicted on place. But it is illegitimate and mischievous those who shoot, mutilate, and intimi- in the highest degree to make it the prime date for agrarian purposes, should be ruling, moving, and binding power in Imperial milder in Ireland than they would be in Eng- politics. land, or even-for that is certainly involved in the logic of the argument-in those parts of Ireland where the English, rather than the Irish, standard prevails. No wonder

the Ulster population regard Home Rule as a kind of threat against civilization itself, when Mr. Gladstone absolutely defends on principle lenient sentences on those who specially offend the moral feelings of the North, but advocates no such leniency to those who are betrayed into criminal wrath against the violent partisans of the Catholic Church. And surely, Mr. Gladstone does lay down a very perverse rule. In Ireland the conscience of the Catholics is undoubtedly too lenient towards conspiracy, cruelty, and violence, when these are

directed against the foes of the popular party; but it is quite false to assume that in their hearts they do not condemn these offenses. But when we find even the English Prime Minister avowing that the laxity of the conscience of the Irish majority on these points should be carefully respected, and that crimes which Mr. Asquith denounces so justly in England should be more or less commiserated in Ireland, and let off lightly on the ground that Irish sympathies, convictions, and traditions?' favor those who commit them, how can we expect the Irish people to recognize the shortcoming of their own moral standard? We cannot wonder that Ulster re

64

sents the very name of Home Rule, when this is what Home Rule is to mean, according to the Prime Minister's frank avowal.

There

The Times (Conservative), London. is nothing to be found in history resembling in any respect the coercion by which Mr. Gladstone professes to contemplate thrusting his crazy proposals" down the throats of the Ulstermen and of all the other loyal, orderly, and prosperous classes in Ireland. Mr. Gladstone's grand policy of Irish pacification exceeds the insolent triumphs of any conqueror and the abject compliance of any vanquished State. It is idle for Mr. Gladstone to suppose that a procession of 80,000 Ulstermen is to be ignored or contemned.

LIBERAL COMMENTS.

The Irish Catholic and Nation (Home Rule), Dublin.-The dependence of Ireland on England for everything which makes existence possible has been one of the stereotyped fallacies propagated by Unionist speakers, The fact is that all the outcry about lack of capital in Ireland is the merest fudge. There is not a day in the year that the bankers and bill brokers of London do not owe more money to Ireland than Ireland owes to their country.

Irish Times (Unionist), Dublin.-Nothing so completely or agreeably proves the matchless success and imperial significance of the puny attempts of partisan journals to disBelfast demonstration as the miserable and credit it.

Our won

United Ireland (Home Rule), Dublin, Ireland. We think the time has come when the national journals of Ireland should protest against the apparent indifference of the Irish Government to the state of affairs which is developing in Ulster. It is all very well for little about the North of Ireland, to say that Liberal papers and politicians, who know very these threats of civil war from Irish Unionists mean nothing, and are mere words; and so to rest contented. Home Rule, the argument is, Liverpool Mercury (Lib.), Liverpool, England. has a majority of forty in the Imperial Parlia-There are various ways by which Irish opment of Great Britain and Ireland. With that ponents of Home Rule may influence English majority the Bill will pass its second reading, sentiment in their behalf. But the most ingeand so receive the sanction of the people of nious device is that resorted to by a Belfast the Three Kingdoms. If our party in the trader, who informs his clients that, in the face country support us to the end, the Bill will be- of the prospect of Home Rule, he would not come law, despite every opposition. Let us deem himself justified in giving further orders see if the Ulster Unionists will then venture to except such as might be indispensable, because Of Mr. Gladstone can think of "handing over a carry out their threats. Yes, let us see. course we know they will not carry out their loyal and respectable minority into the hands threats. But does this end the business? Mr. of the Phoenix Park murderers.' Morley at least ought to have sufficient ex- der is that any one who undertakes to repreanother aspect to the question. By means of the should have so poor a comprehension of what perience of Orangeism to know that there is sent the business population of the country threats, we have referred to, and the lurid Mr. Gladstone really does mean and the Homerhetoric with which they are accompanied, the Rule Bill is intended to accomplish. And with Mr. Dane, M.P., and such like crying Orange blood of the North is becoming warm. to arms!" there is no doubt that pretty soon it will be at boiling point. The result of this nearly all of us can foresee. There certainly will not be civil war; but just as certainly there will be riots and bloodshed, and many lives of innocent people will be lost. It is the boast of the present Liberal Party that they have come to Ireland to change the condition of affairs under which Nationalists felt justified in saying that there was one system of laws for them and another for the party of Ascendency. Can they make that boast in presence of the fact that treason is being preached from nearly every Unionist platform in Ulster? We can tell the Chief Secretary that the suspicion is growing that he is nervous about dealing with these right royal rebels. He should consider well whether it is wise to allow such a feeling to develop.

The Weekly Scotsman (Cons.), Edinburgh, Scotland.-Probably of all the questions embodied in the host of Bills by which the Government pursue what Mr. Gladstone calls their "very cheap method of obtaining credit," Home Rule is that on which there is least of Daily Chronicle (Lib.), London.-The recepsincere conviction and real concord. But all tion of Mr. Balfour in Belfast was certainly a are bound to stick to it, because by means of it remarkable one. The enthusiasm expressed they each hope to get the special thing they do against the Home-Rule Bill in one little corner

supposed the sound Tory doctrine to be that Daily News (Lib.), London.-We had always George III. was right and the colonists were wrong. Yet, if the Ulster colonists, the men who boast to this day that they are not Irish, were to ask for separate treatment, we do not believe that they would ask in vain. But that dispose of all Ireland for an indefinite period. is a very different thing from allowing them to

The Christian Commonwealth (nonconform ist), London.-The certain issue of all projected reforms is to arouse opposition-fierce in proportion to their profound and far-reaching character. This explains the unscrupulous resistance offered to Home Rule. Mr. Gladstone's measure, being one of vast change, affecting large and varied interests, offending, as all radical reforms must, some national susceptibilities, was sure to excite strenuous opposition, and will certainly never be carried apart from a prolonged and severe struggle. But the degree or character of this opposition to Home Rule is no argument against it. Whatever our views on the subject, we cannot be insensible to the fact that every great re

form has aroused the bitterest hostility of the moneyed and official classes, whose interests always lie in keeping things as they are. This explains the aspersions of the Unionist press, the sudden decline in Irish funds, which has given such a handle to the Dissentients, and the attempts to shake the Premier's purpose shown in the Belfast and City deputations. Nothing, however, is more uncertain as an index of political justice than fluctuations in the money market.

COLONIAL OPINIONS.

The Weekly World, Vancouver, B. C.-The great Republic to the south of us can always be depended upon to stand in the front rank when the cause of human liberty is at stake.

FOREIGN TOPICS..

FRANCE AND GERMANY.

The newspaper war between France and
Germany, over the expulsion of Kurtz and
Brandes from France, has not ceased, though
the Kurtz incident has been terminated to the
satisfaction of both sides.
We present a few
sample extracts from both sides, showing the
spirit which the controversy has engendered:

Journal des Debats (Ind. Rep.), Paris.-The
German Government blows into the war trum-
pet. It is very convenient to show that vengeful
France constitutes a permanent peril for peace-
ful Germany; it is useful to picture France as
manner in which she bears her heavy arma-

Münster, that accusations against Veterinary Surgeon Kurtz cannot be upheld and that they are, according to the police investigation, entirely due to personal spite. The French Government will endeavor to prevent the requested Count Münster to inform Kurtz that he is perfectly at liberty to return to France. The matter is thereby settled in the most satisfactory manner.

occurrence of such incidents in future and has

RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE.

It is not alone in Belgium, that questions of suffrage are agitating the public mind, as the following extracts, taken somewhat at random from foreign journals, show:

Cape Argus (Ind.), Capetown, South Africa. tioning the Volksroad for admission to the

It has been tried as by fire itself, and very strong, and to dilate upon the patriotic The Freestaters in the Transvaal are petiering in the great city of New York, a few ment; in short, it is good to be able to hold up voting privileges. As the Freestate franchise

came out of the furnace pure gold. The gath

evenings since, to further Home Rule, was addressed by political, professional, and mercantile giants, and the response on a cash basis was as prompt as it was generous.

It

France as an example to the Germans, who are less disposed to put their hands in their is in some respects the most liberal in South Africa, the granting of these privileges would pockets for the increase of the army. afford a royal-or rather republican-road Le Temps (Rep.), Paris.-The German jour-along which the " nitlander" (foreigner) might is to be hoped that Canada, enjoying all the nals continue to publish violent and untruthful travel to the franchise. Go and become a good blessings of home rule, will not allow the articles about the Brandes incident and the Orange Freestate citizen by having property United States to carry off the laurels as open-affair of the Veterinary Surgeon Kurtz. With worth £150 registered in your name, then takes handed contributors to the exigencies of the regard to Brandes the Government has simply train to Pretoria and claim to be put on thecol on Nationalists. used its right, and the reports of the police go register. offene so to veel to show that the German journalist did not create a commotion at all, and that his relatives, in Sweden a popular assembly elected by L'Independance Belge (Brussels).—They have sul cos after accompanying him to the station, regained universal suffrage, but unknown to the law, their domicile in quietness. The Foreign Office which is called the Folke Rigsdad. This as has also informed the German Ambassador sembly sits at the same time as the legal Rigsthat Kurtz may return to France at any time, dad, studies the question of universal suffrage the accusation against him of being a spy not and social reforms, and transmits to the Rigsbeing proven. dad a summary of its labors, under the form of

London Letter to The Statesman, Calcutta, India. There is nothing particularly extraorJinary about the Bill. At any rate, be it in spired or not, the fact remains that the Opposition are fighting very shy of it. That mighty nimrod, Lord Randolph Churchill, gave away is party on the subject on Thursday week, when he expressed his reliance upon the Lords. The other stout men in buckram now seem disinclined to fight their own corner at all at all." They are falling back upon Ulster. Rouse Ulster " is the password: Lord Salis-and bury is the man. He is going to Ireland on the 4th April; on the 5th he will rouse the Orangemen in Belfast, on the 7th he will rouse the Orangemen of Londonderry. Let us hope he will have energy enough left to rouse his own party when he comes back.

"

Times, Melbourne (Cons.), Australia. The serious thing is, that the Ulstermen have got to the point of swearing by the thousand, and on the Bible, that they will resist Home Rule up to the fighting point. And Ulstermen are not in the habit of firing off unmeaning oaths. Our " only General" indeed, the hero of Tel el-Kebir, and who is an Ulsterman, is said to be among the military officers of high standing who are ready to take up arms for Ulster.

Cape Argus (Ind.), Cape Town, South Africa. It may not be in the power of Parliaments any more than we are told it is in the power of kings to cause or cure the evils endured by a community. But there certainly is some provocation for satire in the concentration of British political efforts upon a highly disputed programme of political reform, when the condition of the people and country generally is such as to cause the very greatest anxiety from an economic point of view. What is the importance of Home Rule in the face of the continual stagnation in trade which annually forces tens of thousands of Britons to emigrate.

Sydney Mail (Lib.), Sydney, Australia.-One of the most important changes proposed by Mr. Gladstone in the Home-Rule Bill is that the two Houses should sit together over matters where they cannot agree, after the Norwegian fashion. The plan was proposed once in the colony Victoria, but rejected because it is "un-English." Mr. Gladstone has less scruples. He recognizes the difficulty to keep up a hereditary or nominee Upper House in a democratical country. In England the swamping of the Upper House is still reasonably remote, on account of the respect paid to the Lords by the people. In Democratic Ireland serious complications would arise if the two Houses could not agree.

The following is a a digest of the somewhat wishes and wants. The Folke-Rigsdad has lengthy official article which has been so much just closed its session. Before separating, the discussed by the French and German papers, ward to the Rigsdad the following question: popular assembly directed its President to forand which was intended to warn the French"Has the Government any intention of proGovernment against the danger of pandering

to national hatred.

posing in the present session a modification in the Constitutional provisions relating to the refused to entertain the question, a logical but right of suffrage?" The Chamber of Deputies very impolitic step. When a movement of opinion is so strong as the demand for universal suffrage in Sweden, it is not wise to refuse without examination to comply with the wishes of so large and notable a portion of the popula tion of the country. The Folke-Rigsdad has decided to make a general manifestation in favor of universal suffrage through the whole country on the first of June. What form this manifestation will take has not yet been arranged.

Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Berlin.Only the correct behavior of the French Government ever since 1871 has prevented the wild and continual instigations from resulting in warlike deeds; but it is to be feared that of late the French statesmen cannot resist the temptation to gain by actions inimical to Germany that applause of the masses which they cannot insure to themselves by other measures. Within a short time two German newspaper correspondents have been expelled from France, although the accusations laid against them have been proved to be groundless. The right of the French Government to expel any Graphic (Cons.), London.-Norway is bent foreigner without assigning a reason, and sim-on Home Rule as far as she can possibly get ply because he is objectionable, has never been it. The debate in the Storthing over the questioned. But an appeal to national hatred establishment of a separate consular system for is dangerous, and the applause of the French Norway wages fiercely, but as yet has reached press and people is purchased somewhat too no definite issue. Sweden is equally discondearly at the cost of increasing those passions tented with her electoral system, and a singu in which pacific Europe finds a constant danger of war. The hooting crowd which threw stones at the expelled German and his family pictures the mental state of France. Neither was the cry, "à Berlin! à Berlin!" which sounded through the streets of Paris in 1870 the result of momentary passion, but rather the outcome of a gradual rousing of the national pride. If this exhibition of national hatred against individual Germans is to be used as an offset against the Panama and other scandals, then it is easy to imagine what we have to expect if greater complications have to be removed by diverting public attention to foreign affairs. The wish and hope that such complications may never arise does not remove the duty to warn against surprises.

The following is an official acknowledgment that the case of Herr Kurtz, who was expelled from Havre on a charge of espionage, has been settled satisfactorily to the German Govern

ment.

Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (Cons.),
Berlin. - The French Minister of Foreign
Affairs has informed our Ambassador, Count

lar "

People's Diet" has assembled at Stockholm to express the popular anxiety for suffrage reform. This Diet is elected by those citizens who are excluded from parliamentary suffrage, and, therefore, claims to be the direct voice of the people.

El Imparcial (Ind.), Madrid.-With universal suffrage arises the necessity to rule that suffrage by corruption and violence. This is conclusively proved by the United States, where the system has originated the class of people called professional politicians, who are despised even in their own country.

AT OUR EXPENSE. Jones: What do you think will be the biggest thing that you will see at the World's Fair?

Brown: My hotel bill.-Ulk, Berlin. but lockjaw is carrying off its inhabitants as Wequetequocke is a town in Connecticut, fast as they arrive.-Weekly Mail, Cardiff.

The United States Government means to carry out all the provisions of the McKinley Bill. Even meteors will have to pay import duty after this.-Mail Courant, Amsterdam.

THE CHURCH PRESS.

CHURCH UNION.

The series of articles on the subject of Christian Union, published in The Independent of April 13th, has called forth general comment from the religious press. The plan of union proposed, in the discussion of which twenty-two representative ministers took part, was especially restricted to denominational consolidation along lines of family resemblance. We present the opinion of leading papers of various denominations:

The Methodist Recorder (Meth. Prot.), Pittsburgh.-So far as the Methodist bodies are concerned there does not seem to be much encouragement given to the view that speedy union of the branches in this family group is practicable. Singularly enough the representatives of both branches of Episcopal Methodism think that there are good reasons why the two large Episcopal Methodist bodies, similar in polity and doctrines, and different only in their views about the negro in the Church, should still remain separate, while they think that the separations on matters of principle, like lay-representation, non-episcopacy, etc., are no longer called for. Bishop Hendrix says: Many of the smaller bodies seemingly have no important distinctive work to do." To us, we confess, the situation seems just the reverse. We can see no reason for the continued separation of the two great Episcopal Methodisms. The only excuse for

it is the survival of animosities with regard to an issue that has long since been settled. But until lay-representation that is worthy the name is achieved in these churches, and a democracy takes the place of episcopacy, there is a distinctive work for a Church like ours.

In the one case the schism rests upon a prejudice, in the other upon a principle.

The Western Christian Advocate (Meth. Epis.), Cincinnati.-So far as the union of our Church [the Methodist Church North] and the Church South is concerned, there is expressed no difference of opinion: We are not ready for it, and the Southern writers say-such are the practical difficulties in the way, that perhaps nothing more than cordial fraternity, amounting to federation, ever can be expected.

"have been forced upon us" by a careful study
"of the various propositions for Church
Union":

It

ULSTER AND HOME RULE.

The Episcopal Register (Prot. Epis.), Phila

the opposition it has evoked, naturally sympaAmerican papers pretty generally belittle thizing with the policy of the Liberals as opposed to that of the Tories, and we fear largely influenced by a desire to secure the approval of the Irish Romanists among their constituents. For ourselves, while we would speak with diffidence concerning any matter of foreign politics, we must hope that a measure which is so largely favored by the Roman Catholics will not prevail. Our reading of history, beginning with Charlotte Elizabeth's

Siege of Derry," has filled us with an unconquerable dislike to the Church of Rome, and we must look with fear upon any measure which will increase its power, and place the Protestants of the North of Ireland at a disad

One is, that advocates of "Christian Union" delpliia, remarking upon the position of the seldom take the pains to describe precisely press of this country on Mr. Gladstone's have a good many different sects, one hundred what it is that they desire. They see that we Home-Rule Bill, says: and forty-three in the United States, according to Dr. Carroll, the Special Agent of the eleventh census of Churches. But what is the practicable ideal? To unite all these sects under one religious polity, or to bring them all to subscribe to a common creed? Neither of these things, we take it. But practicable "Christion Union" means the unity of the spirit in the bonds of peace ; it means fraternal cooperation; it means the cessation of the pernicious rivalry, which leads to the overchurching of many communities, and the practice of Christian comity. Again, the divisions of Christianity are enormously overestimated in statistical tables. might be a wise thing to make a campaign, as Dr. Carroll suggests, for consolidation in denominational families. But taking the figures as they stand, the great body of the Protestant Christians are divided, not into a hundred or more sects, but into four or five great denominations. And we are not at all sure that the prospect for union in the large sense, to which we have referred, is not better between some of the great denominations than between some of the minor sects within the denominations, which hold to their peculiarities in inverse proportion to their importance. method of union by compromise probably will not effect much. The Churches will inevitably come nearer to each other as the enormous demand of our age for aggressive Christian service is realized, and as they come to understand each other better. Indeed, we are not sure that one-half of the bigoted sectarianism in the world is not due to pure ignorance.

The

The Churchman (Prot. Epis.), New York, combats the opinion that belief in the Bible will prove a link of union between the various "nonconformist bodies. It points to the effects of recent Bible criticism, and especially the case of Dr. Briggs, in dividing men to whom the Bible was the only centre of unity, into hostile camps," and, urging the authority of the Church, says:

vantage.

The Church Guardian, Montreal, recounts several attacks upon Nonconformist ministers in Ireland, and quotes from the Irish Ecclesiastical Gazette, of Dublin: " Already we have some foretastes of Roman Catholic ascendency."

The Central Christian Advocate (Meth. Epis.), St. Louis, is evidently not disturbed by any fear of Roman Catholic tyranny, should Home Rule be given to Ireland, as may be gathered from the following words;

Everything but "Home Rule" has been tried in Ireland; why not try that policy as a last resort? Ever since the days of Daniel O'Connell Ireland has been restive, anxious, disturbant, volcanic, occasionally explosive. Several régimes, with various policies, have been uppermost since the death of that patriot. or genuine peace to the Emerald Isle. Why None of them has brought quiet, acquiescence, not try Home Rule? Sentiment in England and Ireland and America is divided on the question; all sorts of reasons in favor of, and Ruin, it is alleged, awaits Ireland, no matter against, the proposed policy, have been urged. whether Gladstone's remedy for Irish ills may be adopted or rejected. The proposed law; however, is the result of nearly a century of reflection, experiment, and political exploitation. The statesmen of the British Isles have been studying the question for many years, and this proposed legislation is the outcome of it all. Things can hardly be worse in Ireland under the operation of "Home Rule "than they have hitherto been? Why not give Gladstone free play, and try his plan?

The St. Louis Observer (Cumberland PresbyWe are very much mistaken if those who terian) emphasizes the position taken by Dr. are disunited on the Bible will not seek and J. M. Howard, who represented the Cumber- find their only link of unity in the historic land Presbyterians in the symposium, that Church. This Church has authority to set in their right place the sacred documents of "we, as a denomination of Christians, cannot which she is the original depositary. The best surrender our convictions for the sake of argument for accepting the sacred volume, and organic union with other branches of the Pres-giving to it its due valuation, will be found in byterian family," and adds: the reflection that this volume has ever been the oracle of the Church which has conquered the world, and maintained one faith and one order from its very beginning. The belief in CATHOLICISM IN NEW ENGLAND. this Church is belief in a matter of history; such a belief is rapidly becoming the only possible bond of unity among Christians, and such a belief alone can restore the Bible to its proper place in the minds and consciences of

Cumberland Presbyterians, like all other denominations in the country, are quite willing for union if only they are not asked to surrender their cherished doctrines. We believe

men.

The Congregationalist, Boston, is evidently not prepossessed with the plan proposed. Speaking of the differences in denominational families it remarks:

it possible, however, to arrive at a basis of
organic union without coming to a unity of
opinion. If consolidation is postponed until
all men believe alike, then union can never
come, and ought never to come. The Presby-
terian family are at one as to form of govern-
ment, but are divided in regard to doctrine.
Cumberland Presbyterians alone stand arrayed
against the other ten divisions on the doctrine
of election. So far as religious convictions
The personal element is most prominent in
are concerned, we would be as much or more
at home in several other Churches as we would these divisions. For example, there are sects
be in the Calvinistic Churches.
which have separated from the parent body be-
Cumberland
Presbyterianism is a protest against fatalism, cause it refused to denounce secret societies or
against hyper-Calvinism, against all forms of permitted Sunday-schools or refused to inclucie
in its creed a prohibition of dancing. Those
necessitarianism. Cumberland Presbyterians
are deeply convinced that destiny points to
who have thought it worth while to separate
their doctrines as the future doctrines of the for such reasons from Christians with whom
great Presbyterian family. They ask to be they have been in fellowship, are not likely to
permitted to stand as a protest against a doc-unite with them again on the confession of
trine which is becoming more and more offen- great doctrines or in carrying on great enter-
sive to the religious conscience of mankind.
prises for the salvation of men. Union be
tween different religious families is more pro-
The Watchman (Baptist), Boston, calls atten- bable than between different sects of the same
tion to several phases of the subject which family.

In our issue of April 15, we gave an extract from an article in The Independent showing the remarkable growth of the Church of Rome in New England. The Southern Churchman, (Prot. Epis.), Richmond, controverts the conclusion of The Independent that New England

"will not become alien because it is Catholic,"

and that of The Christian Register, of Boston, when it affirms "no backward step has been taken in any particular." The Southern Churchman says:

We are not so certain about this. There is so much superstition connected with Romanism, and in many respects it is the religion which human nature craves, that as the Roman Catholic Church continues to increase in the New England States, it will be certain to leaven society, and Puritanism be a thing of the past. The only hope that we can see for Puritanism to overcome Romanism is to turn to the Epis copal Church, which, holding the faith once for all delivered to the saints, has also the "Historic Episcopate."

Index to Periodical Literature. Hastings (the Battle of Prof. Freeman and the Brahminism, Past and Present. II. Prof. T. M. Lind