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"A very ingenious and valuable device for bringing historical events together in their proper relations of time and of cause and effect."-David Cochran, LL.D., Pres. Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn. "It holds an ocean of fact in a thimbleful of space."-Jesse B. Thomas, D.D. FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers, 18 and 20 Astor Place, New York. H PROHIBITION THE ONLY REMEDY. ́ELEN M. GOUGAR, A.M., whose strong, handsome face appears as a frontispiece in the March number of the Arena (Boston), contributes to that number, under the title "Christ and the Liquor-Seller," an answer to a paper by Henry A. Hartt, M.D., in the November Arena, which she characterizes as a labored attempt to place Christ and the liquorseller on the same plane as teachers and benefactors of the race." Passing over the caustic and rather pert criticisms of Dr. Hartt's position, and the argument as to whether the "wine" which Christ used was fermented or unfermented grape-juice, which appear in the earlier portions of Mrs. Gougar's paper, we shall endeavor to present the main points of her more sober and solid argument. We quote: "Dr. Hartt acknowledges, that there is a great practical evil caused by those who tarry long at the wine,' and this, too, after he has made Christ the author of this great evil by His example while on earth. It is refreshing to find that he does not laud drunkenness, the legitimate result of the use of his kind of wine, as a Christian grace necessary to salvation. But, instead, he sets himself in harmony with the right-minded by declaring drunkenness a sin against God and a crime against man; he also recognizes it as 'a germinal crime, the prolific source of all other crimes.' By this acknowledgment he overthrows his entire argument that Christ was the exemplary wine-bibber, even to symbolizing His blood with the poisoned cup. There is nothing in the life or teaching of Christ out of which evil could come to man. Out of the use of intoxicating liquors only evil to man can come; thus Christ must have repudiated their use by precept and example. 'Dr. Hartt asks: 'Can any way be found by which all true citizens, of every name and party, may combine to crush this evil?' I answer, Yes. It is an easy task, comparatively speaking, to suppress the evils resulting from the liquor traffic. Suppress the traffic, and the evils will end. When men will cease apologizing for and temporizing with the accursed traffic, they will not find its suppression a difficult task. "We can rid the country of drunkenness by quarantining the poisoner-generals by prohibition laws, with adequate punishments for violation of the same, enforced by a party elected to write, execute, and maintain these laws. This is within the legitimate province of civil government, being in the interest of public health, peace, prosperity, and general welfare of the people. "Dr. Hartt asserts: It is admitted on all sides that prohibition is impracticable and could not be justified, except as a matter of imperious necessity on the ground of public policy, after all the other ordinary methods of civil and political restraint had been tried in vain.” We have tried all these restraints in vain. I deny that it is admitted on all sides that prohibition is impracticable. I acknowledge that it has been the mission of the press and pulpit, very largely, to teach this pernicious doctrine. Manufacturers and sellers of liquors do not so hold. The National Liquor-Dealers' Protective Association is organized mainly for the purpose of securing the repeal of prohibitory laws, and preventing the adoption of more such legislation. Dr. Hartt says, 'These men are required to spend millions of dollars to protect their business.' From what? Prohibitory laws. Prohibition reduces their sales, and all know that the less poison consumed the fewer will be poisoned. Experience teaches that the most laxly enforced prohibition law is a greater protection against the liquor traffic than the most strictly enforced license law. In prohibition Kansas no man dares flaunt his sign in the eye of the public to entice custom; the liquor-seller is the sneaking boot-legger, skulking jointist, criminal, and outlaw, afraid of every shadow that falls across his hiding-place; while in high-license Illinois seven thousand and six men in a single city, with brazen effrontery, gild their signs. dazzle the eyes with electric lights, employ their agents to entice their victims, and turn their spawn of drunkards, thieves, and murderers out to curse the community. "Back of prohibition laws, we must put a prohibition party; in this party we must mass voting women, when prohibition of indiscriminate liquor-selling will be as effectually enforced as laws relating to any other crime. The time is at hand for men to cease coddling anarchy by asserting that they are unable to execute the laws they write, by declaring that prohibition is impracticable.' Let them rather demand that, by the grace of God and the majesty of the sovereign people, liquor-dealers shall obey the laws the same as citizens engaged in other occupations; then eleven million voters will be able to control one quarter of one million dram-shop keepers." Mrs. Gougar criticises unsparingly Dr. Hartt's "remedy "for the trouble, which is to "have every State in the Union enact a law making drunkenness a bona fide felony with an ignominious penalty "; and in proposing which he says it is the habit to cast the responsibility for drunkenness "upon the shoulders of those who are engaged in the liquor traffic, making the latter objects of unmitigated vituperation and reproach, until with all their intelligence and wealth, they may justly be styled a persecuted class, who require to expend millions annually to protect their business, which, when properly conducted, is as honorable and legitimate as any other in the field of commerce, from injurious legislation." Mrs. Gougar asks why the same method should not be employed for the treatment of cholera. 'Instead of establishing a rigid quarantine, let the infected immigrant land at pleasure and scatter his microbes right and left. Arrest those who become infected; if found in the throes of cholera, treat them as bona fide felons, impose upon them an ignominious penalty, and induce the original infectors to . educate the people on the beatitudes of microbe dispensers. "Their (the liquor-dealers')' wealth' is wrung from the woes of their helpless victims, and adds nothing to their respectability; it entitles them to no immunity from censure more than the wealth gained by the highwayman who robs for personal gain. Woe unto him that giveth his neighbor drink; that puttest thy bottle to him, that makest him drunken.' A CANADIAN VIEW. Quite in accord with the foregoing is an article in the March number of the Methodist Magazine (Toronto), from the pen of the Rev. J. L. Dawson, A.B., of Halifax, and entitled Value of Entire Prohibition." He says: The Half-way measures must always contain concessions to the evils with which they grapple. Local-option laws are all half-way measures. They assert the right to prohibit. Some of them assert it very strongly. The Nova Scotia 'Liquor-License Act, 1886,' for instance, is remarkable in this respect; for it makes thirty-four prohibition voters stronger than sixty-six voters who favor license, in every polling district outside of Halifax city, and forty-one stronger than fifty-nine in that provincial stronghold of the traffic itself. The Scott Act is not nearly so strongly prohibitory, for it merely furnishes the prohibitionist even chances at the polls with the anti-prohibitionist. But both Acts concede the legal right of the traffic to exist in the community, provided it can secure a certain number of votes in its favor. It is true that the Act first named places license at a great disadvantage in its struggle against prohibition, but it nevertheless makes license possible." The writer argues that "licensing a great moral evil like the liquor traffic" is a thing which no prohibitionist can conscientiously be a party to, and hence the duty of a prohibitionist cannot be bounded by the limits of any local-option law. "He is not simply a citizen of a polling-district, nor even of county or city. Every Canadian prohibitionist is also citizen of a province, and of a Dominion composed of many provinces; and being such, it is his duty to inquire if his entire country, taken as a whole, does not number more prohibitionists than anti-prohibitionists among her electors, and, on finding it so, to demand, in the best interests of majority and minority alike, that the liquor traffic, in all its branches, be outlawed by the Dominion Government at once and forever. It is his duty also to do what he has lately done in Manitoba-obtain the opportunity to express himself on the question of provincial prohibition of sale, and then make his voice heard. What could the pro-traffic cry of Halifax, or St. John, or Charlottetown, for instance, avail in such a case against the anti-traffic shout of the province at large?" He sums up the advantages of Dominion Government prohibition to be: That it would prohibit everywhere, and no district or community could disregard it. That the weak would be protected by the strong; it would carry the strength of prohibition sentiment from those sections where superabundant, to guard sections where the traffic is strongly entrenched. That it would strike at importation and manufacture as well as sale. That the officers appointed for the enforcement of a Dominion prohibitory law, deriving their authority and salaries from the Federal Government, would be less subject to local influences than similar officers under existing statutes. He admits, however, that with a party in power at Ottawa inimical to the enforcement of a prohibitory law, such law would be nearly a dead letter; but he believes such a forecast that of an improbability. In conclusion he says that with such a law "The Dominion Government would no longer be under pressure from a traffic that must be both financially and politically strong so long as it has any legal status. Every man of the better class engaged in it would speedily retire from the business, and those who remained would suffer from unwonted limitations on the one hand, and from a continual sense of illdesert and insecurity on the other. Consequently their political weight would be but a small fraction of what it is now. The value of entire prohibition will indeed be great, and its day is drawing. constantly nearer." LICENSE LAWS TO BE TESTED IN THE SUPREME COURT. In the March number of Demorest's Magazine (New York), is a paper by John Lloyd Thomas, on "The Unconstitutionality of License Laws." The writer first calls attention to some of the decisions of the courts, by which laws prohibiting or restricting the manufacture and sale of intoxicants in the United States, have been fully sustained. He mentions the following: "License by the United States to carry on the wholesale liquor business in any State, does not give power to carry on such business in violation of the laws of the State. "Restrictive and prohibitory State legislation is not contrary to the Fourteenth Amendment. Companies for the manufacture and sale of liquors have no greater rights than individuals possess, and are not exempt from restrictive or prohibitory State legislation. State prohibitory laws are not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States. Commenting upon these decisions, which he claims constitute a wall of strength to the cause of prohibition, and, being by the highest court, will stand as long as the Constitution, he says: "The above decisions have been evoked through efforts made by the advocates of the license system to overthrow prohibition, and their effect is simply to sustain statutes specifically prohibiting the liquor traffic. License was the aggressor, Prohibition was on the defensive. Prohibition, victorious, now takes the aggressive, and the opponents of the liquor traffic carry the war into Africa. Steps have been taken to bring the license sys tem to the bar of enlightened jurisprudence, arraign it as a relic of semi-barbaric legislation, an effete folly out of harmony with the latest findings of physical and political science, and in direct opposition to law, which, according to the legal maxim, 'is the perfection of reason." The writer proceeds to say that for this object the National Anti-Nuisance League was organized in the city of New York in 1888, to institute legal proceedings attacking the constitutionality of liquor-license and revenue laws, and to abolish the alcoholic-beverage traffic as a public nuisance. In reply to the objection that such a decision as that sought by the League would revolutionize accepted law and practice, the writer answers: "1. There is no inherent right in a citizen to thus sell intoxicating liquors by retail; it is not the privilege of a citizen of a State or of a citizen of the United States.-California vs. Christiansen. If there is no inherent right, then such a right as is claimed for the traffic is received from the legislature. But can the legislature grant such a right to the traffic in alcoholic beverages? Here again the Supreme Court replies: "2. No legislature can bargain away the public health or the public morals. The people themselves cannot do it. . . . Government is organized with a view to their preservation, and cannot divest itself of the power to provide for them.-Stone vs. Mississippi. "3. For we cannot shut out of view the fact that the public health, the public morals, and the public safety may be endangered by the general use of intoxicating drinks; nor the fact, established by statistics accessible to every one, that the disorder, pauperism, and crime prevalent in the country are, in some degree at least, traceable to this evil.-U. S. Supreme Court in Kansas Cases. "The statistics of every State show a greater amount of crime |