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459 461 461






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.. 474

471 472

VOL. VI. NO. 17.

FEB. 25, 1893 forward as a sort of compromise measure on which extremists

and moderates may unite. All these plans are presented by
Entered at New York Post Office as Second Class Matter.
Published Weekly by the

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ATTITUDE OP THE ADVANCED TEMPERANCE PARTY, Discontinuances.-The publishers must positively receive notice by letter or postal-card, whenever a subscriber wishes his paper discontinued.

In the Contemporary Review (London) for January, W. S.

Caine, M.P., presents “ The Attitude of the Advanced Tem-

perance Party" in England. By this expression he includes

all organizations whose objects are total abstinence for the THE DRINK PROBLEM IN GREAT

Verdi's “ Faistaff

individual or prohibition for the State. Foremost among such BRITAIN....

The Origin of the Opera....

organizations he places the British Temperance League, the POLITICAL :

SCIENCE AND PHILOSOPHY: The Irish Home-Rule Question.. 452 Recent Science...

United Kingdom Alliance, the Independent Order of Good The Stability of :he French Re

The Benefits of Vivisection.. public... The life of the Stars.

Templars, the National Temperance League, the Scottish A'Curious Poliical Proceeding

RELIGIOUS: in Switzerland....

Temperance League, the Scottish Pcrmissive Bill Association, SOCIOLOGICAL:

The Happiness in Hell...... 462

the Irish Temperance League, the British Women's Temper

Hadesian Theology ; ball Immigration

or, The strained ?

Gospel according to Satan... 463 ance Association, the great temperance benefit societies of

The Gradual Disuse of Hebrew The Agricultural Crisis in Russia 455

in Jewish Worship...


Rechabites, Sons of Temperance, and the Phønix. He says: EDUCATION, LITERATURE, ART:

Padre Agostino...

464 Poetry in the English Language. 456

MISCELLANEOUS : Modern Poets and the Meaning

“ I omit from this list one of the most active and useful temperof Life...

The Value of the Discovery Made ance societies in the Kingdom, the Church of England TemperThe Divina Commedia

by Columpus...

464 Literary Chicago................ 457

American Nomenclature......... 465

ance Society. Its rules do not prescribe total abstinence for the

individual, though most of its members are total abstainers, nor BOOKS.

does it agitate for prohibition, though many of its members are The Life of Catherine Booth, the

Studies in the Civil, Social, and among its most strenuous advocates.”
Mother of the Salvation Army. 466 Ecclesiastical History of Early


467 Mr. Caine claims that at least 700,000 of the electors of the

Kingdom are connected with one or other of these societies, POLITICAL:

who are personal abstainers, and look to prohibition as the Hawaiian Annexation..... 468 RELIGIOUS: The Cleveland Cabinet.

goal of their political action, and that for fifty years the

Lent.. The Gold Reserve.

The Pope's Golden Jubilee...... 474 Advanced Temperance Party has virtually done all that has The Kansas Troubles..


been done against the drink-habit and the public-house that The Home-Rule Bill......

General Beauregard...

ministers to it. INDEX TO PERIODICAL LITERATURE............ Books OF THE WEEK.............. 476


476 “ It is a mere truism to say that public-houses and all other

drinking facilities do not exist for the teetotaler, but for the The articles in the Review Department are not excerpts, but con

drinker; and the law is explicit enough in its intention that they

should exist, not for the drunkard, but for the moderate drinker. densations of the original articles specially re-written by the

“ It is equally certain that the social products of the liquoreditors of THE LITERARY DIG EST. The articles from Foreign traffic cannot be found in the ranks of the Total Abstinence Periodicals are prepared by our own Translators.

movement. Among these products are a million paupers, another
million drunkards, two hundred thousand jail-birds, and three

hundred thousand prostitutes. None of these are teetotalers; prac-
The Reviews.

tically, the whole are to be found among drinkers. We therefore
claim that, as an Advanced Temperance Party, we have purged a
population of at least six millions in this country from all this

inass of human corruption, and that the universal acceptTHE DRINK-PROBLEM IN GREAT

ance of total abstinence would bring with it the practical extinc

tion of poverty, drunkenness, crime, and vice, with such moral and BRITAIN.

material progress, that any country adopting our principles by

habit, and confirming them by legislation, must, in consequence, E present hereunder articles from a number of the lead

step into the first place among the nations of the world.” ing British Reviews in relation to the drink-question. The writer contends that the problem which all licensing laws As will be seen from the articles themselves, which are by some have tried to solve is, ' how moderate drinkers may obtain a of the ablest writers on the subject, all the advocates of tem- reasonable supply of intoxicating liquors without demoralizing perance are looking to Parliament and demanding legislation ; the community"; that nobody can want more than this; and he while there is a wide diversity of opinion as to the kind of adds: “The Advanced Temperance Party will not rest legislation that is wanted. There are three schemes which are satisfied with anything else.” He further holds that all past prominently urged at the present time in England. First, experience of licensing and control has failed to solve the the Direct-Veto system—or, as we would call it here, local problem, and that nothing short of prohibition will extinoption—which is urged by the prohibionists—or extremists, as guish the demoralization. He denies emphatically the charge they are styled by those who do not share their views. Second, tha, the Advanced Temperance Party has obstructed wise and the Manchester proposals, the main feature of which is gradual practical legislation in the past, and especially that this party reduction of the number of drinking-places by a time-limit to prevented Bruce's Bill of 1871 from becoming a law. Of this their licenses, and which has the support of many“ moderate"

Bill he says: temperance people. Third, the Bishop of Chester's plan, which

“ They [the United Kingdom Alliance) accepted it as a bold and is a modification of the Gothenburg system, and is brought comprehensive measure, containing elements of possible finality;

... 472


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they welcomed and approved those of its provisions which were calculated to limit or restrain the liquor-traffic, especially its frank acceptance of the Direct-Veto principle and those clauses designed to effect material reduction in the number of houses, a diminution of the hours of sale on week-day and Sunday, heavy penalties for breaches of the law, and a system of efficient inspection. The opposition of the Alliance was entirely directed to those clauses which created new vested interests, and exchanged a license granted for one year only for a license granted for ten years. Had the ten-years' clause been dropped, they would have accepted the Bill with enthusiasm."

Mr. Caine then quotes from a speech of Mr. Bruce to prove that the Advanced Temperance Party was not responsible for the abandonment of the Bill, adding:

• It is almost childish to urge that objection to a single element in a great measure, is fatal to the whole. . • The position of the Advanced Temperance Party

is unchanged from what it has been for the last thirty years. We know what we want, and we mean to get it. There is hesitation with regard to policy. Our legislative demand can be stated in six words—Sunday Closing, Direct Veto, No compensation.

· Our main proposal, the Direct Veto, has now been adopted by the Government of the day. Mr. Gladstone puts the Direct Veto into his election address.

The attitude of the Government is the natural result of the progress of public opinion.

We are not likely, therefore, to surrender our impregnable postion with regard to the main plank of our platform at the call of license reformers who cannot agree among themselves about a substitute; we shall insist upon the Direct Veto forming an integral part of any licensing scheme that may be brought forward as a final settlement. .. The Direct Veto does not interfere with, but is entirely supplementary to, any licensing authority, however constituted, and fits in with any and every change that may be made in the future.”

THE MANCHESTER PROPOSALS. The Rev. James Halpin, in the pages of the Month (London) for February, presents an article entitled “The Licensing System and the Manchester Conference.” Of the Gothenburg system and the system of Local Option (or Direct Veto) he says there is much merit in each, and that there are many who think such drastic measures necessary. On the other hand, he finds that many of those most interested in the social and religious welfare of the people do not believe that either of these systems can be made available in England. Of the Bishop of Chester's plan, he says:

“'That the scheme, or indeed any modification of the Gothenburg system, would be preferable to our actual licensing system is beyond question; whether it is the best and most suitable is a matter about which there will be much difference of opinion. To take one critic, more or less hostile, the Bishop of Manchester does not quite agree with his brother of Chester. He is not prepared to hand over the management of public-houses to the public bodies suggested; nor does he think that the British tax-payer is ready to advance the amount required for equitable compensation, and to set up the new establishments contemplated, and finally he believes that a simpler and sounder system may be found in the proposals of the Licensing Conference held at Manchester some time ago. It is to these proposals chiefly I desire to call attention.”

The reverend writer says that in this Conference, held about two years ago, the two Bishops—the Bishop of Salford and the Protestant Bishop of Manchester—took a leading part, and that the proposals of the Conference deserve more attention than they have thus far secured. He says:

“They may be taken as representing what the more moderate reformers demand ; they are set before us in practical shape, for they have been embodied in a Bill; they deal with such vexed questions as compensation and licensing bodies, and we may conclude that something on their lines may be hoped for in the near future. The following are among the chief features of the proposals: The Councils, town and county, are constituted the licensing authorities, and they are to appoint out of their own body a licensing committee; in lieu of compensation, actual licenses would run for a period of seven years, any new licenses that may be granted would be put up for sale at auction ; and they would be granted only in a certain proportion, relatively to the population."

Proposal 5 of the Conference is to limit licenses which may

be granted at the expiration of the seven years' time limit, as foilows: In boroughs-One license if the population be under 1,500; two licenses is over 1,500 and under 3,000; three licenses

over 3,000 and under 4,000; and one additional license for every additional thousand. In districts not boroughs—One license if the population be under 900; two if the population be over 900 and under 1,200; three licenses if the population be over 1,200 and under 1,800; and one additional license for every additional 600.

• Provided, however, that if the ratepayers of any given district decide by a three-fourthis majority that no license shall be issued for the sale of intoxicating liquors in such district, none shall be issued.”

Mr. Halpin observes that the proposals are quite similar to those embodied in Mr. Bruce's Bill, which he considers a commendation in itself. He continues:

“Without a large reduction of licenses in every part of the Kingdom there can be no adequate remedy, nor, indeed, appreciable change for the better. But that brings us face to face with the question of compensation—a question which must be solved at the outset. Both the proposed measures deal with it, and on the same principle—that of a time-limit. It is on that principle, I think, or on some similar compromise, that the question must be ultimately solved

The question of the licensing authority is another matter about which diversity of opinion prevails. Local-optionists, and generally those who would be described as holding extreme views, are strongly in favor of boards elected ad hoc, and directly by the people.

On the other hand, there seems a strong prejudice against the multiplication of local boards.

In the proposals we are criticising

a special sub-comunittee ad hoc is to be appointed by the Council. In one of the conferences. it was suggested

that simultaneously with the election for the Council, there should be a special one ad hoc for the licensing committee.

“ The Direct Popular Veto Clause of the proposals goes some distance to meet the views of the party of prohibition. The clause would probably but rarely come into operation ; but there is some comfort for prohibitionists in the thought that even the most moderate people are prepared, in given circumstances, to give the public the right of self-protection to the fullest extent, if they choose to use it.


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Under the above caption, George Wyndham, M.P., follows: Mr. Caine in the pages of the Contemporary ; the special object of his paper being to present the scheme proposed by the Bishop of Chester for the solution of the liquor-problem in England. He, however, enters into a very general discussion of the whole question, and seeks to show that the plan proposed by the Bishop is the “fine contrivance" by which the “deadlock” between the Moderates and the Extremists may be broken. In his introduction, he says:

“ By private example and public exhortation the pioneers of temperance have done much

for the welfare of their countrymen. Within the sphere of Parliamentary action they have been less successful. In this connection it is indeed impossible, unless ironically, to speak of the temperance movement at all; since for many years the condition of temperance legislation has been one not of movement, but rather of stable equilibrium, resulting from the divergence of aim and vigor of purpose brought by the various schools of reformers to the task. So lame a conclusion to much fervor and hard work is the more disappointing when we reflect that on many preliminary issues there is no longer any difference of opinion. The chances of successful temperance legislation would at first sight seem greater than those of any other contemplated reform. For not only the existence of the evil to be dealt with, but also its magnitude is universally admitted. The normal development of public opinion upon any social ill has in this matter reached and passed the point at which the State is bound to interfere."

After briefly reviewing the statistics of drunkenness and its consequences, as set forth in reports to Parliament and elsewhere, Mr. Wyndham proceeds to say:

For twenty years there has in all probability been a majority of voters in favor of imposing further limitations (1) on the number and disposition of public-houses; and (2) on their character and management. Yet, for lack of agreement between moderate and

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extreme men on a method of giving effect to this desire, nothing has been done in the first direction, and little in the second. It is, unhappily, safe to predict that, in the continued absence of any agreement, the future will prove as barren as the past. The outlook is, indeed, blacker than it has been for years; for each of the two parties has recently pledged itself more deeply to principles which the other is determined to reject. Unless, therefore, some new road can be discovered which both may follow with honor, at least for some little way, the present impasse is certain to endure,

“What chances have moderate reformers along the lines they have hitherto pursued? The essence, broadly speaking, of the proposals put forward in 1888 by the late Government, and in 1890 by Lord Randolph Churchhill, lay in the transference to a local authority, popularly elected, of all control over the liquortraffic.

So far the policy met with a more or less friendly reception. The contingent provision, on the other hand-viz., that the non-renewal of licenses, not for misconduct of the holders, but solely in the interest of residents, should be accompanied with compensation, provoked such a storm of opposition that the whole scheme had incontinently to be dropped. In the face of such defeat, inflicted on a powerful Government, flushed with a recent and signal victory at the polls, none but the most sanguine can believe that, within any near term of years, imperial or local funds will be devoted to extinguishing annual licenses.

The writer proceeds to say that in 1890 another scheme of the Government, whereby a portion of the money derived from fresh taxes upon liquors might be applied by local authorities for buying and suppressing the cheapest and worst of the public-houses, fared no betier than the other. He thinks the prospects of the advanced reformers no more promising. Admitting that a small majority of the new House of Commons stands pledged to the Direct Veto (the principle of prohibiting the sale within a delimited area, upon the vote of a certain proportion of the ratepaying inhabitants), he nevertheless believes that the resistance to this scheme will be so potent as to defeat it, and that, even should the measure de agreed to as a principle, there would be such differences in regard to the proportions of the majority that should decide upon the question of local prohibition and upon the abolition of a business without compensation, as to render agreement upon a detailed plan impossible.

The writer does not formulate in detail the plan proposed by the Bishop of Chester, but we glean from his discussion thereof that it is virtually the Gothenburg system, as modified and improved upon by Norway. As the readers of THE LITERARY DIGEST are already quite familiar with this system as applied both in Sweden and Norway,* it is unnecessary to go into any of the details here. Mr. Wyndham quotes approve ingly from the Report of the Lords' Committee, 1879, setting forth the advantages of such a system :

“1. The control of the local authority over the issue of licenses.

“2. A great diminution in the number of public-houses, and an improvement in their convenience, healthfulness, and management.

3. By the provisos that no individual should derive any profit from the sale of intoxicating drinks, and that the managers should keep a supply of good tea, coffee, and other refreshments, it is hoped that the present drinking-houses might gradually assume the character of eating-houses and workmen's clubs-places of harmless resort."

The writer points out that as the company which would have absolute monopoly of the trade of a town, is allowed to make only 5 per cent. profit for itself, there would be no inducement to multiply the number of public-houses or to make any efforts to secure liquor-buying patrons; and that employés, while receiving a regular salary, would also be allowed a percentage on sales of food and non-intoxicants, but none on spirits or beer. He continues: “ The system

would in England still be open to the objection that such bodies (local authorities) draw a portion of their income from licensing fees. This difficulty

is met by leaving the discretion as to the number of licenses, at all events

for the present, in the hands of the magistrates. The immediate results following upon the adoption of the scheme in any town can hardly be overestimated. The number of public-houses might be reduced from 50 to 75 per cent. in a day, and the character of those remaining completely changed in the course of a few weeks. The substitution of large cafés on prominent sites for gin-shops in slums would of itself alter the whole tone of those public resorts to which, upon any reasonable forecast of the future, the jaded workers of large towns will continue to repair for change and refreshment after a day of sameness and fatigue.

“Here, then, is a plan which will at once reduce the number of public-houses, and reform their character; which goes far to solve the difficulty of compensation, and avoids that of paying fees to licensing authorities; which, as a crowning recommendation, can be tried to-morrow, without change in the present machinery of control, and without prejudice to future changes.”

RESTRICTION A PUBLIC NECESSITY. The Lyceum (Dublin), in its issue for January, replies editorially to an article in the Irish Times defending the action of the Vintners' Association, against the strictures of the Lyceum, in its December number.* The following paragraph is quoted from the Times :

“ Is it necessary to say that there is not one word in any public document issued by the Association or in any speech made upon its platform which excuses an allegation that it claims at any such position [the right to dictate Parliamentary elections and legislative action]? The trade place themselves in no attitude towards society that society hitherto has not been willing to accord them.

Society has not shown an inclination to proscribe this trade, or sanction the principle of coercing men to be abstemious to the extent of teetotalism. The coercion is the point at which society finds the difficulty, and not the influence which a comparatively limited class can in the constituencies exert. There is in the minds of those who write in a different sense a false fundamental notion of what the Legislature is. It does not exist for the purpose of controlling the wills of national people against liberty, even for their good. It has no such function, and if it strove to exercise it the result must be discredit of its own authority and repute.

It is the extravagance of agitation which discards persuasion, and asks for closed shutters and the utter confusion of local option, which must be repudiated, not by the trade only, but by all who desire to see the community manfully moral, and the self-control that exists such as shall be worthy of a free people."

Upon this the Lyceum makes the following comments:

“ This passage sums up the best of the arguments which the advocates of the liquor-traffic urge in its defense.

The Legislature has never been invoked for 'coercing men to be abstemious to the extent of teetotalism.' It has been invoked for the purpose of preventing them from getting drunk; and if drunkenness be a crime against society, it has rightly been so invoked. Again, it is wholly beside the point of controversy to assure us that the Legislature 'does not exist for the purpose of controlling the wills of rational people against liberty, even for their good.'

It is not the control of rational wills acting rationally that the advocates of reform demand,

it is the control of human wills which are acting irrationally. Last year, in the City of Dublin, 11,651 persons, of whom 3,453 were women, were arrested by the police for drunkenness, and 3,870 persons, of whom 1,936 were women, were arrested for drunkenness and disorder. It is for the benefit of this melancholy total of 15,521 out of our city population of 350,000 that social reformers call for the intervention of the Legislature. If it is the business of the Legislature to check public crime, it would appear that there is nothing ‘fundamentally false’in the notion these reformers entertain of the functions of the Legislature.... We do not propose that any one should be forced to be abstemious.

We ask no more than that he shall not be tempted to drink. Free Trade in liquor, the abjuring of that pernicious principle,' which prevents the grant of new licences '—to quote the words of the Vintners' Conference—means the existence of a body of traders who compete with one another in the sale of intoxicating drinks—whose interest it is to promote the largest consumption of such drinks which their business ability can compass.

We object wholly to a liquor-traffic in which it is to the interest of one man to induce his neighbor to drink.

“ That restriction is needful we can convince ourselves in the most fashionable business streets of the city. We shall easily find a point from which we can obtain a view of five or six gaudily equipped public-houses within a radius of a few hundred

* For a lucid explanation of the system as applied in Norway, see THE LITERARY DIGEST, Vol. IV., No. 8, p. 202.

* For the Lyceum's December article, see THE LITERARY DIGEST, Vol. VI., No, II, p. 286.

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