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man matters discussed with freedom cannot escape the conviction that very widespread doubt exists as to the permanence of Germany's unity and strength. Such views are prejudicial to Germany; they stimulate the eagerness of her rivals to test her strength. And they must be taken all the more seriously since German successes have aroused envy and generated the dislike which the parvenu has usually to submit to. In the language of Field-Marshal von Moltke, “We have won respect on all hands, but nowhere love.'

" Everywhere one hears the opinion freely expressed, that although Germany took France at a disadvantage in the last campaign, the latter has perfected her military organization so thoroughly that she will be victorious in the next war. The military measure in France, inaugurated by Boulanger in 1886, and carried through by Freycinet in 1889, in somewhat modified form, was the most thorough measure ever enforced by any country, the first that really involved universal military service, to the full extent that modern social conditions admit of.

" Simultaneously a movement was begun in Russia for rendering all the resources of that vast country available for war purposes; and now the numerical strength of the Russian Army, as is well known, considerably exceeds that of Germany.

“We are not bound to accept the conclusions of foreign nations, but they are deserving the most careful consideration. That France has surpassed us in military preparations is indisputable, and any argument based on an assumed superiority in the quality of German troops and leaders is utterly unreliable. As good patriots, let us by all means cherish the sentiment, but there are no evidences in support of it.

At the outbreak of the last war, Moltke laid great stress upon the fact that Germany could send 80,000 more men to the frontier than France could, and now France trains 42,000 men annually more than we do, and it is estimated by General Royuslovski that France, at the close of 1891, had 42,000 more trained soldiers than Germany.

“ The passage of the present Military Bill will tend to the establishment of an equilibrium, for France has already strained her resources to the utmost.

“It is possible that we may be simultaneously assailed by France and Russia, In such case we confide in our allies, distrusting neither their good faith nor their good will, but alliances are transitory, while danger of attack is permanent. The arms of our friends may be paralyzed when we most need their aid, and to base the military preparedness of a nation on the calculation of the strength of existing allies, would be as imprudent as to leave a frontier undefended on the plea that it could be reached only through neutral territory,

Current discussion of the subject byó able editors' in Germany renders it apparent that the gravity of the situation is not properly appreciated. The question of two or three years' service is discussed as if it were a mere academic problem, and not a vital question as to the efficiency of our troops in time of war. But the nation is beginning to realize that it dare not longer sit still while a hostile and numerically weaker nation annually trains 42,000 more men than we, while with us 60,000 serviceable young men are annually exempted from military duty.

This must be endured no longer. Sooner or later the day may come when our existence will be at stake and when, through our own fault, we shall be unable to put forth all our strength, or be compelled to take the field with hundreds of thousands of untrained men."


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HE discussion about the German Army Bill, and its signifi

cance as a portent of war, still occupies the most prominent place in the European political reviews. It is noteworthy that all the German writers deal with the war question in most serious fashion. Although, of course, German opinion as to the merits of the pending measure shows a wide range, there seems to be no dissent from the view that the danger of war is always imminent, and that serious consideration of the war danger is one of the most practical concerns of the day. A PRUSSIAN MAJOR-GENERAL ON GERMANY'S COMPARATIVE


The attitude of Russia as a factor of the general condition is discussed by an Ex-Diplomatist " in the Deutsche Revue for January. Concerning Russia's spirit he says:

The ground of Russian hatred of Germany is political, and dates from the Berlin Congress. The peace of San Stefano gave Russia ingress to the Ægean Sea, and now under pressure of the Powers, headed by Prince Bismarck, she was deprived of this advantage. It was all very proper for Prince Bismarck to act as ‘an honorable agent,' but Russia insists that he might and ought to have taken sides in her interest, and to have handed over Turkey bound hand and foot in Russian chains. Russia was embittered against Germany, the Drei-Kaiser-Bund was ruptured,

In the Deutsche Rundschau for January, the Prussian MajorGeneral, C. Freiherr von der Goltz, discusses Germany's preparedness for war. He regards Germany's present strength as inadequate compared with that of France.

“ People living abroad who have opportunities of hearing Ger

und, in consequence of Russia's attitude, Germany had to seek new allies. Russia was now as isolated in eastern as France in western Europe. Her plans on the Bosphorus were restricted more than ever, and her last campaign was rendered worse than useless. Austria from Bosnia, and England from Cyprus keep a keen lookout, and Lord Beaconsfield's .So far and no further' echoes through Europe still.

Germany has done nothing to provoke Russian hate. She has been Russia's truest and most disinterested friend on all occasions, and it would not be worth while to waste more words over it were it not that the Russian official press has taken up the subject, and is continually hounding on the people, and striving to make war popular on both sides of the Vistula."

Siberia would be the quick reply to bold spirits aiming at such reform.

Considering this aspect of affairs, the question of Russia's farther advance towards India becomes a very serious one. A hope can only be expressed that English statesmen, many of whom have so long misjudged the policy of the Muscovite autocrats, will, at the eleventh hour, awake to a full consciousness of the danger, and not allow the worst foe of all freedom to take possession of the very bastions of India.”


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CLEVELAND'S ELECTION AND ITS EFFECT UPON The conflicting interests of Russia and England in Asia

THE FUTURE OF THE NEGRO. cause constant speculation as to the chances of an armed Condensed for the THE LITERARY DIGEST from Papers (17 pp.) in struggle for supremacy in the East. This aspect of the

A. M. E. Zion Church Quarterly, Wilmington, N.C., January: European war question does not excite so much public interest as is occasioned by the conditions in the Continent of Europe,

This is a collection of papers from the pens of recognized

leaders of the Negro race, bearing upon the recent election, but its gravity is never lost sight of by political writers.

and written at the special request of the Hon. John C. Dancy, The subject is discussed, from the anti-Russian point of view, editor of the Quarterly. by Karl Blind, in Lippincott's Magazine for February:

NOT AN UNMIXED CALAMITY. Ruling an empire of two hundred and eighty-five millions with a European army of barely 70,000 men,” says Mr. Blind, * Eng

HE HON. FREDERICK DOUGLASS expresses his belief land has to be careful of her reputation-remembering the Sepoy that those who apprehend a violent change, either in Rebellion which in 1857 brought her dominion to the brink of the the general condition of the country or in that of the colored precipice. At the side of her own soldiers, England keeps 150,000

people North and South, as the result of the accession of the native troops in her Indian army establishment, and, moreover, 163,000 native armed police. A source of strength in ordinary

Democratic party to power, will be agreeably surprised. He times, these well-equipped bodies might, under critical circum- says: stances, become a cause of grave apprehension. The Feudatory

“ The first and natural effect will be to make the white people States within the English dominion in India contain armies of their own. According to the turn of affairs, they may act as serv

of the South still more indifferent to the claims of justice and iceable allies or go a different way.

decency towards their colored fellow-citizens.

Their " Yet it is the possession of India which mainly gives England

attitude will be contemptuous and defiant. This feeling will not, her standing as a great World Power, and which furnishes her

however, be of long duration. They will learn by and by that with the largest market for the export of her merchandise. An

their victory was not because of the treatment of the Negro, and English statesman, one might therefore expect, must have a watch

that it does not mean any national approval of their persecution

of the Negro and their application of lynch law to him upon mere ful eye upon the approach of Russia by way of Afghanistan, through which country, from the earliest times, all those great

suspicion of crime, but that it was won because the Southern historical invasions have come that have repeatedly, and funda

question was not made an issue by the Republican party at the

North. mentally, changed the fate of Hindostan.

The campaign proceeded on the recommendation “ If we look at the immense territory Russia has overrun and

of the Hon James G. Blaine, a recommendation which divested conquered within the last twenty years, from the Caspian Sea to

the campaign of every humane sentiment. Had the Republican the Afghan frontier, advancing' even into Afghanistan itself, it

party wished to hand over the reins of government to the Demmust become patent to the least observant what she is really aim

ocracy on the latter's own terms, it could not, for the accomplishing at. To-day Lord Salisbury would not give any longer the

ment of that end, have adopted a more effective plan of camsame counsel he formerly gave laughingly to the so-called alarmists, paign. There was not in it a single moral idea to warm the heart -namely, that they should buy some very large maps, in order

or stir the conscience." to see how far the Czar's Empire is still from the confines of

Mr. Douglass regards Republican defeat as a sort of Bull India.' Nor would Lord Beaconsfield look to-day with equanimity upon the situation which has been created since he thought

Run-a blessing in disguise. He still recognizes in the Repubit was still a long way from the Russian to the Indian fron- lican party the only true hope of the black man. But knowing tiers.'

the President-elect and his influence with his party, Mr. · Almost immediately after the last war against Turkey it came Douglass believes he will promote a sentiment of peace and out that a secret envoy of the Czar had plied the late Ameer of

good-will between the white and colored people of the South, Afghanistan with a proposal of an alliance, in view of a war to be waged some day by Russia against English rule in India. The

and thinks it probable that he will call a halt in the lynch law documentary evidence is printed in a bluebook. Nevertheless, the now so generally resorted to in the Southern States. English Government has allowed itself, year by year, to be

REPUBLICAN DISASTER. deceived, or appeased in outward semblance, by the diplomatic assurances of the Czar's Government. •China was not to be

T. THOMAS FORTUNE calls attention to what appears to him annexed. Sarakhs was not to be touched. Merv was not to be incorporated. Afghanistan was completely outside the sphere in

the patent fact that the development of a party is a long and which Russia intended exercising any influence.' All those tedious process, and that decay results only from a like long promises are recorded in so many words. All were successively and tedious process. The Liberty party, the forerunner of the broken without compunction.

Republican party, held its first convention at Warsaw, N. Y., “Much of the strength of English rule reposes on the very contrasts among the populations of her vast polyglot empire in Asia. But

Nov. 13, 1838, and nominated James G. Birney for President at with a powerful rival or enemy before its doors, these internal Albany, April 1, 1840. In 1860, the Republican party elected divisions among Indians may some day become a great weakness Abraham Lincoln. This had taken twenty years of education for defense against an aggressive and unrelenting despotic power

in the principles of human freedom. The party held the uninwhich, if victorious, would step in with an oppressive military organization, having a host of half-civilized Cossack, Calmuck,

terrupted confidence of the people until 1884; that is to say, it Kirgise, and Tartar hordes as its retinue, and an administration took the party just as long to gain the confidence of the nation more corrupt than that of any Oriental tyrant.

as to lose it. Since 1884 it has been fighting for existence, “There is at least freedom of speech and freedom of the press until the final rout of 1892. Mr. Fortune says: in India under English dominion. The National Congresses' held every year, without hindrance, at Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, “ The party deserved defeat because it had abandoned the for the sake of claiming parliamentary rights, are certainly proof moral issue which had brought it into life, and it will not succeed, of a degree of liberty which could not be dreamt of under the or deserve to succeed again, until it ceases to be cowardly and Government of the Czar for his own subjects. In Russia, exile to treacherous in dealing with the voters of the country upon the

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in the United States and in Switzerland, and asks—regarding the suffrage movement in Holland,

“ Taking for granted that the 800,000 voters, which the proposed Bill would give us, succeed in creating a Parliament that would be a pure mirror of their political will and thought -does it follow that this Parliament will also have a programme which its majority will adopt and which its leaders are able to execute ? What is the work of such an assembly ? If, as in the German Reichstag, the representatives are only sent to lay before the Government the wishes and complaints of the people, and to ward off all laws which might be prejudicial to the welfare of the nation, then, indeed, we could not object to Universal Suffrage; it would not seriously affect the action of the Government. This would be very different were such an assembly to become a governing power.” The writer then proceeds to an inquiry into the results of Universal Suffrage in the United States.

deathless issue of equal rights for all, special privileges for none, under the Constitution."

THE NEGRO NOT LIKELY TO BE HARMED. BISHOP J: W. Hoon, of the A. M. E. Zion Church, sees nothing in the condition of things that need cause the Negro much anxiety. He says:

“There is now too much else to occupy public attention to leave much opportunity for the exercise of Negro hate. Indeed, we have come upon a time when very little can be done to injure one without hurting somebody else. Our interest is now to a large degree identical with that of the toiling masses of every race of American citizens. I do not admit it, but the Democratic party claims that its victory is largely due to the Negro vote. Right or wrong, it is necessary for them to hold what they claim to have gained in that direction.

I am sure that no other Democrat could have been elected who would have given so little uneasiness to the colored people.

If we must have a Democratic President, Cleveland is the best in sight by all odds."

CLEVELAND'S ELECTION A BLESSING. T. MCCANTS STEWART has no misgivings, either as to the Negro race or the nation; and believes that Mr. Cleveland's victory has been the greatest political blessing of a quarter of a century, in that it was the triumph of cause connected with the welfare of the masses of the people. He says: “ President Cleveland's administration

will do much toward checking the aggressiveness of corporate and plutocratic power. It will inaugurate a system, both economic and governmental, that will equalize public burdens, distributing them among the rich as well as among the poor, and opening to every citizen an equal chance to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.



THE HON. B. K. BRUCE finds the chief causes of Republican defeat in the infatuation for tariff-reform and the farmers' idea that their stress could be relieved by the issue of money directly to them by the Government. He says:

“A close analysis of the vote throughout the country shows that the Democratic vote was not increased above its natural increase, while the Republican vote in the States which decided the result was greatly decreased—having gone to the people's party. This shows that the Republicans who deserted in this contest have not turned away from the fundamental principles of the party and become Democrats, but have simply side-tracked to wait for that train freighted with the good things that have been promised them. If this state of things shall not come about, we shall see in the contest of 1896 this great body of independent voters returning to the Republican party, and giving it such a victory as it has not had since the war."

CONSIDERS THE SITUATION HOPEFUL. JOHN M. LANGSTON, while reiterating his own unalterable Republicanism, recognizes in Mr. Cleveland a wise man, and a statesman of no mean ability, sagacious and vigilant in the interest of his party. From what he knovis personally of the President-elect, and judging from his former administration, Mr. Langston is led to have great hope of him so far as the colored American is concerned, and believes “that no action of his, tending to advance and promote the general good of the country, will be wanting.”

(OW, now, does America escape the dangers which may

result from the power of the representatives ? Nowhere have people greater reason to put this question than in the United States itself.

The results of Universal Suffrage justify in but a small degree the illusory hopes of those excellent men who at Philadelphia framed the Constitution.

True we cannot well speak of disappointment in reference to Universal Suffrage to-day. But it is only because the present generation no longer shares the high hopes of its ancestors.

An American would probably be very much astonished were we to ask him is the representatives at Washington can in any measure be said to picture the views of the American people. He would most likely reply that politics is simply a matter of business and money-making.

The foul play which is so closely bound up with the exercise of the right to vote, proves a most sorrowful fact prominent in the political life of the States; the fact being that the best, the purest, the most able and most advanced men more and more refrain from participating in the elections, because they will neither become victims nor accomplices of such foul play. And thus the very nation that has given the widest scope to selfgovernment, is least attracted by political questions.

A few months before the Presidential election this antipathy of course ceases. But it is mostly for personal reasons. It is the chance of their particular candidate which attracts the sport-loving Americans.

The daily papers do little to keep public attention fixed upon the actions of Congress. Their account of the proceedings is usually very short and of little importance. For the publicity of parliamentary sessions is nowhere so purely nominal as in the United States. Matters of importance are with sew exceptions settled in secret sittings and committees.

Yet, the people are often unjust in their criticism of their representatives. Americans aver that their legislators stand as a body far below those of other nations. But this is only partially true, especially with regard to those who meet at Washington.

It is true that one will not find men of high culture among them, nor men of science and learning. But they are a more uniform body than the men who people European parliaments, and there cannot be pointed out such absolute nonentities as in the English House of Commons during the golden days of the “rotten boroughs.” They are plain business nen, certainly not wanting in common sense. The want of a higher type of men is very much felt, but many causes act together to make their presence impossible.

On account of the partition of the legislative and executive branches of the Government, Congress cannot become a school for statesmen. The highest offices are generally given to men who never were members of an assembly, or at least played but a secondary part in it. But there are causes still stronger than these,-causes not established by law but by usage, yet so firmly established that they cannot be removed. Menibers are seldom elected more than twice. Thus inen whose views


J. T. Buys. Translated and Condensed for The Literary Digest from a Paper (75 pp.) in

Gids, Amsterdam, December. THE AUTHOR of this paper, formerly a member of the Lower

House of Holland, and at present one of the leading political writers of that country, endeavors to prove that Universal Suffrage has everywhere tended to depreciate the value of the assemblies elected. He warns against the dangers which may result from giving too much power to such an assembly, and seeks to show that in the two model republics, the United States and Switzerland, the people place comparatively little confidence in their legislators.

He says that all nations have been compelled to adopt safeguards against the possible vagaries of their legislative bodies—safeguards which have been gradually increased both


are broadened by a long term of service are an unknown quantity, and representatives are always elected from the inhabitants of their own district.

This may be quite right from an American point of view. These delegates are expected to look after the interest of the district, and who can do this better than a man who lives in it? But many districts are totally wanting in proper candidates; for in America, as everywhere else in the world, the elements most fitted for a good representation gather together in the larger cities. Out of all these talented persons only one can be chosen, the others are not eligible unless they change their residence.

The power of the House of Representatives is much less than that of the Lower House of any of our constitutional monarchies. In these the majority of the house becomes also the Government, and directs the administration. In the United States, the Ministry is altogether outside of the parliamentand does not even attend its meetings. The Cabinet is chosen by the President at his discretion, and its members are responsible to him alone for their actions.

It may be asked if this sharply-defined dualism of the executive and legislative powers does not weaken the State. But the public is not blind to the fact that the State must be a unit and obey but one will ; and this will is centred in the people theniselves. “We, the people of the United States”—these opening words of the Constitution define the sovereign power from which all authority is derived.

There are also some powerful weapons to prevent the House from rising to undue prominence. The strongest of these is the Senate, undoubtedly the most powerful Upper House in the world, for it rests upon as strong a basis as the lower Assembly. If the latter represent the people, and therefore individuals, the Senate represents States. The Union is just as much concerned for the independence of its States as for the national unity. The two Houses are entirely independent organs of the two great principles of the Union, that which gives the Lower House its greater influence in other parliaments, the fact that it directs the movements of the Government, is altogether wanting here, for this right belongs to neither of the assemblies. If either, the Senate has more weight not only because it has more influence in some of the departments, notably the foreign relations, but also because it is better organized.

Next to the control exercised by the Senate comes the supervision by the President, who can veto all resolutions and bills passed by Congress.

This is only the same right which is given to the ruler in constitutional monarchies, with the difference that it is but seldom used in the latter, while in the States it is regularly exercised, often with the extreme approbation of the people.

To all this must be added that the United States Supreme Court can set aside all laws which, in its opinion, are contrary to the Constitution—a right which is given nowhere else to a judiciary body.

Thus we see that the United States is well prepared to repel all arbitrary actions of the people's representatives, although, unfortunately, neither the President nor the courts use their power as much as could be wished.

into three territories under native chiefs, subject to French protection. The capitals of these districts would be Aboney, Allada, and a town on the Quémé river, and strong garrisons would be left in each of them. The French Government has approved of the first part of the scheme, and the coast towns are now being taken over. The question, however, of the occupation of the interior has been postponed, and not without reason. Dahomey is composed for the most part of malarious jungle and marshland, alternated with densely wooded forests. The oppressive moist heat is almost insupportable to Europeans, and scarcity of fresh water is a formidable difficulty. Its natural products are altogether insignificant, and offer no opening for European commerce. From such a country the French can hope to gain nothing in return for the lives and money they have expended, and the Government shows its discretion in refusing ťo entertain without further consideration the question of its annexation.

Whatever may be the future policy of the French with regard to the recent annexation of Dahomey, there is no doubt that in another portion of West Africa they have been adding to their territory year by year with a steady and unvarying

Soudan Français, as they term a vast area of land watered by the Senegal and the upper reaches of the Niger, is the growth of a single decade. In 1880 a few isolated posts on the banks of the Senegal represented all the land possessed by them in this wide-reaching territory. The town of St. Louis itself, which is the centre from which both the colony of Senegambia and Soudan Français have sprung, is only of comparatively recent origin, and was not finally assured to France till 1817. From that date to 1854 St. Louis made but little progress. From 1860 to 1880 the French confined themselves to sending peaceful missions from St. Louis to explore the interior. By 1888 the line of posts between the Senegal and the Niger had been completed, while several towns on the upper reaches of the Niger above Bammako had been taken and fortified.

With the rapid growtli of Soudan Français, St. Louis, the centre from which all this territory has been acquired, has increased proportionately, till she is now undoubtedly the best-built, and contains the most Europeans, of any town on the west coast of Africa. St. Louis stands on a small island or sand-bank, formed by two branches of the river Senegal, and is only a mile and a quarter long by a quarter of a mile broad. The population at present is said to be from 18,000 to 20,000 inhabitants.

A bridge of boats connects St. Louis with the island of Sor, which a second bridge on piles puts into communication with the true southern bank of the river. It is in this island that the railway which runs between St. Louis and Dakar, lying about 100 miles south, just below Cape Verde, has its terminus. Dakar is the port of St. Louis—for only ships of very light draught can pass over the bar at the mouth of the Senegal; and the railway, which was completed in 1885, is of great importance to the capital. St. Louis has much niore of the garrison town than the trading settlement in its appearance and composition. It is the depot from which the military stations throughout Soudan Français are supplied, and everything is made subservient to military interests.

The future of Soudan Français offers a large field for speculation. There is no reason, indeed, why the French should receive any serious check in their armed progress across Africa, as long as they are willing to pay the cost of their annual expeditions. So far as the supply of native soldiers is concerned, little difficulty is encountered, for during the campaign prisoners and slaves who have escaped from the enemy are incorporated in the regiment of tirailleurs. Ransomed slaves are also brought to St. Louis from the southern rivers and enrolled in the native corps, which now numbers some twenty companies. The territory actually under occupation by France includes the country watered by the Senegal, and also the upper reaches of the Niger from Segou almost to its source. But French influence extends from Soudan Français to French


Condensed for The LITERARY Digest from a Paper (14 pp.) in

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, January.
OW that the campaign of the French troops in Dahomey

is at end, conjectures as to the fruits of that arduous undertaking naturally present themselves to consideration. General Dodds, the successful commander of the expedition, recommends that the whole of the coast-line, including the towns of Whydah, Grand Popo, and Kotonou, should be annexed by France, the rest of the country being divided up

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