« iepriekšējāTurpināt »
have been the efforts made by France to recover her old posi- been more conscientiously spent than it was under the Empire. tion in Europe ; and, if we are to believe that the organization Of course, we are not assuming that the charges made against and discipline of the French army are equal to those of the French public men are true—we hope most sincerely that they German, and that all the necessary stores and materials have will be all disproved. What we are pointing out is, that the been provided, then unquestionably France at the present mere fact that the Chambers have allowed five Senators and moment would be superior to Germany were war to break out. five Deputies to be charged with such grave offenses, is in itself Furthermore, the pamphlet goes on to say that were war to calculated to make Frenchmen pause and feel a doubt whether break out, Russia and France can put into the field a million they are really as well prepared for war as hitherto has been men and 1,700 guns more than Germany and her two allies. supposed. These figures are certainly remarkable, and cannot fail to
THE END OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE. have an influence upon public opinion in Germany. Whether
E. DE Cyon. they will break down the opposition to the new Army Bills
Translated and Condensed for The LITERARY Digest from a Paper (7 pp.) in remains to be seen; but unquestionably it will be difficult for the German Parliament to refuse the increase, if it be really
La Nouvelle Revue, Paris, December 1. true that the Triple Alliance is at so great a disadvantage, both N view of the feeling manifested in certain political circles as regards the numbers of men and guns, compared with France and Russia. Of course, it is to be borne in mind that and of a projected meeting between Alexander III. and Francis Russia has to hold in check many neighbors. She is exposed Joseph, it is useful, nay, indispensable, to explain precisely to attack not only in Europe, but in Asia; her people is not what these rumors amount to. homogeneous, and there may be at any moment a revolt, It is true that there was a project of a meeting at Skiernewice either in the Caucasus or in Poland, or elsewhere, if she should between the sovereigns of Russia and Austria during the be unsuccessful in the field. It is also true that mobilization month of September last. The ceremonial of the reception is difficult, slow, and costly in Russia; and, lastly, it is true had been arranged in all its details, and the guard of honor for that distances are great, and that armies cannot be thrown the illustrious Russian visitor had been selected from the regiupon a given point rapidly, as in Germany and France. Still, ment of dragoons in garrison at Kalisch, commanded by the if the fact be that Russia and France together can by a mighty brilliant Colonel Bistram. effort bring a million more men into the field than Germany, At the last moment, the journey of William the Second to Austria-Hungary, and Italy combined, the position is not one Vienna and some sudden opposition cunningly made at Pesth that can be acceptable to the German people, and it will be dif- put obstacles in the way of an interview. Yet neither the ficult for the German Parliament to refuse to grant what the unseasonable intervention of the Emperor of Germany nor the Government requires.
rain of decorations which fell on the Count de Taaffe has been The Military Bills have excited sears that the German Gov- able to prevent the reconciliation between Russia and Austria ernment is looking for war in the early spring, and the excite- becoming an accomplished fact; the happy conclusion of which ment caused by the Panama scandals has added to the fear; was the reception given to the Czarevitch at Vienna. France, while the publication in Austria-Hungary this week of a secret let me make haste to say, cannot but congratulate herself on an dispatch, addressed in May, 1877, by Count Andrassy (then event which, under the circumstances that have produced it, Minister for Foreign Affairs) to Count Beust (then Austrian must be considered a direct consequence of the Franco-Russian Ambassador in London), is certainly not calculated to allay the understanding. apprehension. In effect, the dispatch states that under no I speak without hesitation about this reconcilation between circumstances can Austria-Hungary allow Russia to occupy
Russia and Austria, because I was the first, and even the only, Constantinople, to dominate Bulgaria, to annex Roumania, person in Russia to advocate it at a moment when the relaor to hold Servia. Further, it goes on to say that the estab- tions between the two Governments had taken an almost open lishment of a great Slav State in the Balkan Peninsula at the character of hostility, and no one in Europe appeared to doubt expense of non-Slav elements could not be tolerated. Natu- that the conflagration which was destined to embrace the rally, people think that a dispatch of this kind would not be entire Continent would break out on the Russo-Austrian fronmade public now if there were not a political motive. Osten- tier. In February, 1890, I had the honor to submit to the sibly it is done to clear the memory of Count Andrassy ; but, Emperor of Russia a memoir, the contents of which are indireally, people believe it is a warning to Russia and to those cated by its title: “As to the Necessity and Possibility of a Balkan States that are likely to be united by Russian influence. Reconciliation Between Russia and Austria." At that time If the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister thinks it necessary there was need of a certain courage to be the champion of a to give such a warning in such a manner, then unquestion- thesis so paradoxical in appearance, and which shocked, not ably the situation is grave. Yet we cannot believe that war is only the routine ideas of our diplomacy-about which I cared likely to break out in the spring; firstly, because the Triple nothing—but the most deeply rooted sentiments of my politiAlliance will not begin the struggle, and, secondly, because cal friends, the representatives of Russian nationalism. Russia is not prepared for it. There is impending a great The whole history of Russia is a protest against dissension commercial crash. It will be odd, indeed, if the Russian Gov- between herself and Austria. The Russian sovereigns, who ernment chooses a time of famine, commercial crisis, and were truly great, Peter I., Catherine II., and even Nicholas I., financial discredit abroad for beginning military operations. regarded a good understanding with Austria as indispensable
There is one other reason for hoping that the danger of war to enable Russia to accomplish her task in the Orient. "It was is exaggerated, and it is, that what is going on now in Paris is only under Alexander II. that considerations of relationship calculated to remind the French people of what happened between the Russian and Prussian royal houses and the recolwhen the last war broke out. Every one will remember that lection of the part played by Austria during the Crimean War, the Minister of War of that day declared to the Emperor that caused the Russian Government to incline towards Prussia in France was prepared—even to the buttons on the soldiers' the incessant squabbles between that Power and Austria, gaiters—and that when war came it was found that nothing had Prince Bismarck applied all his infernal cunning to widen and been prepared. The garrisons had not been provisioned, and deepen every day the abyss between St. Petersburg and Vienna, tlie military stores had been plundered. If it be really true and that, too, at a time when the Dreikaiserbund seemed to that the public men of France are better than the crew that unite the three Courts closely. surrounded Napoleon III., still can there be any assurance I have not the right to disclose here the considerations that the money voied so plentifully for the army and navy las of political and military order which were the base of the memorandum which I submitted to my sovereign. The time at 40,000 eligible young men from preparation for participation which I submitted it was favorable to the project I recom- in the coming struggle. That they have been exempted hithmended. This will be admitted by every one who recalls the erto is bad enough, but in the natural order of events the time events of the year 1889 at Pesth, the struggle of the Hungarian must inevitably come when the Government will say, “ We opposition against the German policy of Tisza, which threat- cannot assume the responsibility any longer.” The Nation ened to terminate in insurrection ; the significant attitude of wants an army so admirably organized, and exercising its functhe unfortunate Archduke Rudolph, and the establishment at tions with such vitality, that, in the space of two years, it shall Vienna of an organ of the military party, which openly be capable of converting the raw recruit into the perfect demanded a reconciliation with Russia and also with France. soldier; it is only by so doing that it will be enabled to impart
With his sound judgment and his keen perception of the military training to the entire young manhood of the Nation, true interests of Russia, Alexander III. signified plainly his and develop German military resources to their highest possiwish that the cordial relations with Austria of former times ble capacity. Who can oppose anything to this demand? sliould be reëstablished. The indolence of certain Russian Was it not more than a mistake, was it not a moral wrong, diplomats and the routine ill-will of others retarded the execu- that 40,000, and, counting those who furnished substitutes, tion of the designs of the Czar. It is to be regretted that 60,000, young men, have been annually exonerated from the the Court of Prussia succeeded in preventing the meeting of greatest and most imperative of all duties—one to which their the two Emperors at Skiernewice. Numerous explanations, friends, brethren, and comrades are all subjected ? Is it not however, exchanged between the two Governments had already more than a mistake, is it not a crime, in the face of the immeasdissipated distrust and scattered the clouds which had accum- urable dangers which confront us, to have any portion of our mulated. The heir to the Russian throne, representing his strength unutilized, when it is seen that it can be advantagefather, came to Vienna, and had interviews with the Emperor ously availed of? The measure is in full accord with the miliFrancis Joseph and Count Kalnoky, and it may be said that tary requirements of the country, and the most prudent a complete understanding was reached by the two Govern- administration. ments in regard to questions on which there had been a difference of opinion.
The writer, here, after passing in review the attitude of the
Reichstag, appealing to the teachings of history, arguing for the All that, it may be urged, does not prevent the Treaty of the necessity of a nation adapting itself to the special conditions Triple Alliance existing Doubtless, and Francis Joseph is not which confront it, and criticising the action of the Government the man to be false to his signature. In diplomatic con- limiting service to two years by constitutional provision when it is ventions, however, the agreement as to the ends to be pursued
thoroughly understood that if a recurrence to the three years'
period of service should be found necessary it will be resorted to, is everything, and the written stipulations amount to nothing.
goes on to say: In so far as the Treaty is an arm directed against France and Russia, it has ceased to exist, since it became impossible for
The situation in many respects reminds us of the great miliWilliam II. to put Austria and Russia at loggerheads, in order
tary conflicts of William I., but there are many points of disto assure Germany and Italv full liberty of action against
ference which render the problem far less difficult for the France.
present Emperor than for his grandfather. The opposition To sum up, the Triple Alliance, while continuing to exist as
against the present military proposal is peevish; in the days of
William I. it was passionate. In those days the military cona matter of law, is substantially annulled in its aims and its consequences by the reconciliation between Russia and Austria. flict was at the same time a fight for constitutional powers, This is clearly understood both at Berlin and at Rome. The
and, hence, insoluble. To-day it is a mere question of best proof of its being so understood is the ardor with which
30,000,000 marks or 60 cents a lread of the population. To supWilliam 11. engaged in his campaign for the increase of the
pose that the Nation cannot endure this burden is ridiculous. German army immediately upon his return from Vienna.
There is not a servant-maid, not a laborer in the land, so poor
that he could not contribute his quota, if it were imposed in THE INTRODUCTION OF THE ARMY BILL.
the rude form of a capitation-tax. But there are many more Translated and Condensed for The LiTERARY DIGEST from a Paper (9 pp.) in
rational methods of direct and indirect taxation by which the
burden may be met and rendered endurable. Preussische Jahrbücher, Berlin, December.
I have in my possession one of the most precious pieces of THIS SUBJECT was broached by the same writer in the November
manuscript of Prussian history. It is the original proclamanumber of the Preussische Fahrbücher.* After commenting on
tion of Blücher to the conquerors of Belle Alliance, written by the officially reported strength of the Russian army, which on a peace-footing amounts to 987,000 men, of which only 100,
Gneisenau's own hand. It closes with the words, “ Prussia 000 are in Asia, and remarking that this is almost equal to will never fall if your sons and grandsons be worthy of their the united forces of the Triple Alliance, he says:
sires.” UT leaving out of sight the comparative number of the
With these words I will console myself in the troubled opposing forces, seeing, as I remarked in a previous
mood, which, like a thick, suffocating vapor, oppresses our paper, that conclusions drawn from them are subject to quali- people. No, Prussia shall not fall, for the children and grandfication by numerous other considerations; and turning our
children are worthy of their sires. attention to the relative increase we find very serious food for reflection. The Russian army has been increased from 800,000 Why France is a Republic.—More than forty years ago, in to nearly a million, while Germany's increase has been only 1849, when France was a Republic, and there were hopes in from 468,000 to 486,000 men. Who, having these figures, will Spain, then in a state of turmoil, that Republican institutions undertake to oppose an increase to our army-reserves-well, would cross the Pyrenees and be established in the Iberian what would be done with him if the news of our overthrow in Peninsula, a great orator, Señor Donoso Cortès, uttered in the the field should come, and he should attempt to vindicate Parliament at Madrid words which are worthy of reflection : himself by pleading: “But I saved each of you I mark 20 píen- “ All who have traveled in France agree in saying that there nigs (40 cents) a year?"
is not a Frenchman who is a Republican. I myself can testify The fundamental idea of the Army Bill now brought in by to the truth of this assertion, for I have visited that country. the Government is broad, simple, and clear. It is absolutely It will be asked, however, if there are no Republicans in France, impossible for a State like Germany, threatened by two such how is it that a Republic exists there. No one has given a powerful nations as France and Russia, to annually exempt reason for this, but I will give one. The Republic exists in * Vide The LITERARY DIGEST, Vol. VI., No. 6, p. 144.
France, and will continue to exist there, because it is the neces
sary form of government for a people who are ungovernable.” trade and manufacture, and the tyranny and menace of corporate Doubtless, between the period when these words were spoken
power. and the present, time, habit and the rising tide of deniocracy
· Rodbertus proposes a remedy for the correction of this terrible
depravity in our economic relation. Its ideas are few and simple, have produced differences which must not be overlooked. but sweeping. Practically they reduce to two. Doubtless, also, the accession of the Empire appeared to belie One is that the State shall own and administer, as the universal the predictions of Señor Cortès. And perhaps it would not be entrepreneur, the two essential aids to human production, viz., rash to assert that the France which was thought to be ungov
land and capital proper. Wealth, destined for personal use,
though produced by the State, could be purchased and be subject ernable is the easiest of all nations to govern. With these
to private ownership. The other is that everybody would be reservations, nevertheless, the opinion delivered by the Spanish employed by the State and paid according to the character of his orator is one of those profound observations which suit all work in labor-time-money. The prices of all things to be fixed
and stated in terms of the same medium. countries and all times, and of which it is not permissible to
In issuing this labor-time-money, or certificates to pay labor, say: What is true on one side of the Pyrenees is false on the
the hour or day of ordinary, unskilled labor is to be taken as the other side!-Louis Joubert, Le Correspondant, Paris, Decem- unit, and all forms of skilled labor to be reduced to a common
denominator with this, by accurately ascertaining the time and
cost required to master those higher forms. An Italian View of the Panama Canal Scandal.—It is not easy
“Each product of labor, on the other hand, is to be stamped with to foresee how this scandalous affair of the Panama Canal will
the number of hours spent on its production, the skilled labor, if
any, being reduced to its equivalent amount of simple labor,” end. Every one perceives, however, that it will leave behind through all France an ugly scar, and a deep irritation against
Having stated Rodbertus's views in some detail, the author that handful of insatiable wretches who, in order to support
passes on to a shrewd criticism of the difficulties of reducing the expense of unbridled luxury, use every means which will
the system to practice, and concludes as follows: enable them to amass money without work and fatigue. There “ Finally, let the Socialist deny or disguise it as he will, his orderare too many of these shameful affairs which nourish the blind ing of our economic life would certainly dull energy, repress perfury of those who have nothing, and who riot infrequently are
sonal initiative, and level humanity downward a good way while wrestling with hunger, which urges them, through sheer
leveling it up, as it might, a little. The whole administration of
Socialism must be a process of lumping and arraying, wherein the despair, to violent means. Undeniably France, notwithstand- best men would be mulcted for doing their best, and the poorest ing the attractive appearance she presents to foreign countries, not mulcted for lagging behind and taking things easily. Socialis sick. In no way has she been bettered by the change from
ists tell us that in their millennium no charity will be given. They Imperial to Republican government. The vices that were eat
cannot, however, mean to let the honest victims of accident or
misfortune starve. And how will fraud upon the eleemosynary ing her away before are still at work in her; the unrestrained
fund be prevented then more than now? There can be no miscupidity, the immoderate and openly exhibited luxury, the take: the thrifty will continue to be the prey of the thriftless. reckless and visible prodigality, reduce almost to zero the
Without an entire transformation of human nature, no system of excellent qualities of the French who live in the country, who
Socialism yet devised offers any relief that cannot be had by other
means; while any such resort must threaten evils the most dire work with ardor, who save with perseverance, and who yet
and desperate." throw away two billions on a foolishi enterprise like that of the cutting through the Isthmus of Panama. Between one thing
SOCIALISM AND THE REPUBLIC. and another, the Nation, despite appearances to the contrary,
“Modern Socialism," says Jean La Rue Burnett, LL.D., in is getting on miserably.—Nuova Antologix, Rome, December. the American Journal of Politics, (January), “ is the protest of
human nature against fifteen centuries of cruelty and supersti
tion." He then goes on to argue that its outbreaks have been SOCIOLOGICAL.
most violent wlierever human misery has been greatest and the
rights of man least respected. His remedy is the Great SOCIALISM: VARIOUS ASPECTS AND VIEWS.
Republic, where the explosions of fanaticism, so disastrous in
the Old World, lose their force under the free and life-giving RODBERTUS'S SOCIALISM.
administrations of the Republic, of which he presents the folN the December number of the Journal of Political Econ- lowing graphic picture:
In a country where individual freedom is assured, where the from the point of view of Rodbertus's presentation of it, and pro
mind can expand to its fullest extent, where press, pulpit, and nounces the subject deserving the most thoughtful and careful platform are free from the vexatious control of the censor; where study. At the outset, however, he is careful to assert that Pagan, Jew, Catholic, and Protestant stand equal, where no landSocialism as represented by Lassalle, Bebel, Liebknecht, or the
aristocracy controls the supply of food, where every citizen can
live and die under his own roof; in such a country, the discontent Zurich Social Demokrat, is unworthy of serious consideration.
of the few is drowned in the blessings of the many, and we need “ Personal liberty and the opportunity for untrammeled indi- not fear the Republic's dismemberment by political faction, nor vidual development,” he tells us, “are the best products of be alarmed lest her sons trade in the blood of socialistic strife." civilization.” But on this point Rodbertus was thoroughly
SOCIALISM AND THE STATE. orthodox. Indeed our essayist recognizes in Rodbertus an economist of no mean ability, whose character he respects,
In the same Magazine, Mr. J. W. Smith treats the matter of
Socialism in the Republic as a much more serious matter. while regarding his remedial proposals as fallacious. Of his
Summing up the philosophy of history as the evolution of the system he says :
individual man from a condition in which he was but a mere “ To do full justice to Rodbertus's philosophy we should have to rethink his criticism of society as now constituted economically.
monad, too insignificant to claim recognition, to a condition He tells us, what every reflecting person knows, that there are of joint sovereignty; le regards with alarm the ominous cry dreadful insanities in existing economic arrangements. Only far of Collectivism; and describing Communism or Socialism, as more impressively than any of us can do without long and hard
he sees it, stripped of the poetic garb in which its devotees study, he sets forth the height, depth, and sweep of these evils, and tries to show that they are not necessary to the good con
have bedecked it, he denounces the dream of such a state as nected with them, and often made their apology.
the sheerest lunacy. There are evils undoubtedly, but the law “Panics, he tells us, are the necessary consequence of faulty and can remedy them. (Mr. Smith, by the way, is a member of the inequitable distribution.
Pennsylvania bar.) Speaking of what he deems the selfishness " Other crying vices of economic life, as now regulated, are riches without merit, poverty without demerit, men forced to serve men,
of capitalists and the ignorance of the laborers he says: cross purposes in production inducing infinite waste and injustice, “ The great lesson to be taught to both capital and labor is the idle wealth that might be aiding industry, but is not, fraud in consideration due to brotherhood and humanity on the one hand,
and the irresistible claims of the law on the other. It is time that trouble to the disorganization of the farming-industry by the capitalists should recognize that laborers are men with rights to sharp competition of foreign food-supplies, and consequent fair treatment and just wages; and that hard conditions imposed lead to popular discontent and class-prejudices which, in a popular migration of the country people to the great cities, where the government, must tend to limit the prerogatives, if not to weaken oldest and least capable go to the wall. the securities, of all capital. And it is high time that both capital He then suggests a remedial measure, designed to attract and labor should learn that the laws of the land limit the rights of people from the city to the country. To this end all he asks both, that criminal conspiracy by capitalists is as punishable as the same offense by laborers, and that numbers can never excuse
is legislation to facilitate the transfer of land in small parcels. lawlessness. The people have too much interest in the railroads
This secured, he is of opinion that the Englishman's longing and great manufacturing plants of this country to allow any trade- for a piece of land which he can call his own, would encourage guild or labor-union, however large, by violence to interrupt the numbers of young people of both sexes to save money, with running of either. A strike without lawlessness is useless and con
the design of marrying, and settling down on their own little sequently rare. A strike with lawlessness is so common, and has
farms. such political influence, that the law is seldom vindicated, and thus ceases to be a terror to like evil-doers in future.
He notes the proposals of the Social-Democratic party—the “Let the discontented sons of toil remember that for all the restricted labor-day, communal workshops, etc.—only to proinjustice which they suffer the remedy is in their own hands.
nounce them inadequate to a solution of the vexed problem. Capital cannot operate without labor, and the law may adjust differences by doing whatever the greatest good of the greatest num
SOCIALISM FROM THE BIBLICAL POINT OF VIEW, bers may require. The power of the State to regulate railway In the A. NI. E. Church Review (January), the Rt. Reverend charges has been conceded. A like control over all private corpo- James Theodore Holly discusses the problem from the Biblical rations which exercise functions delegated by public law would logically follow. When all laborers are intelligent as cap
point of view. Only that Book, he tells us, can afford a clue to italists they will not be compelled to work for less than their just
its solution, and thie thread is to be found in the words of Jesus share of the profits of any business. · Aggregations of cap
in the Sermon on the Mount“ Seek ye first the Kingdom of ital, whether corporate or individual, may be reached by the taxing- God and His righteousness, and all these things shall be added power. A graduated income and inheritance-tax would be the most
unto you." equitable and reasonable mode of distributing the public burden,
The Christian Church, and the Christian State, have vioand preventing great aggregations of capital.'
lated the law and defied the repeated warnings of the Almighty, ETHICS OF SOCIALISM. The Hon. C. H. Reeve continues the discussion of the labor
until they now stand on the edge of the abyss : disputes in the same Magazine from the point of view of the
· When Judaism had reached a similar fearful declivity, such as
that now just ahead of Christendom, the tender-hearted Christ Ethics of Strikes and Lockouts. In this connection he traces
wept tears of sorrow over Jerusalem. But there will be no such the evolution of the capitalist and laborer in the progress of Divine sorrowing over the fall of Christendom, the mystical social evolution down to the present, when :
Babylon of the Apocalypse ; for it will have committed the blas“ Strikes are inaugurated on one side, and lockouts on the other ;
phemy against the Holy Ghost, the unpardonable sin of the ages, capital is wasted on the one side, and starvation suffered on the
for which all past eternity has waited to witness its accomplish
ments.” other, in a vain war to compel natural forces to move in a direc
LABOR: A REVOLUTION AND A PROBLEM. tion they cannot operate in, and to substitute artificial force for the natural and irresistible forces arising out of the conditions human
Under this head Prof. M. H. Richards, D.D., takes
up the action has created by a false use of opportunities, under a false subject in the Lutheran Quarterly for January, and discusses conception of the true relations between capital and labor.”
what might be done by the parties to the dispute, if they would The writer, then, after observing that capitalists have ob- all approach it in the right spirit, but pronounces any such tained control of the legislature and perverted it for their own hopes as vain. He consequently finds it necessary to enlist ends, passes on to the discussion of the proposition that “a the good offices of some external agency, and says: man may do as he likes with his own ” as it presents itself in
The one agency capable of performing the task is the Church the social problem. This proposition he relegates to the same of Christ. The mass must be leavened, spiritualized, for its own rank as the right of withdrawal from the Union enjoyed by the
sake and ours. The only solution of all these conflicting claims several States under the Constitution, and asserts that we have
is to be found in the general diffusion of Christian principle and
the influence of the habitual recognition of Christian duty on the outgrown it: that under the changed conditions of modern
part of employer and employed. When men learn to be more lise too many vital interests are affected by strike or a lock- solicitous about their duty than tenacious for their rights, society out to render either admissible :
is safe, and its problems are solved in calm discussion and gener“The great steel and iron works of the Carnegie Company,
ous concession. The difficulties in the way are immense. We employing 20,000 men, feeding 100,000 women and children, in
shall find employers and captains of industry just as hard to deal volving perhaps 10,000 or more homes built on the Company's
with, just as wordly-minded, just as wise in their own conceits as lands sold or leased to the laborers as an encouragement to stay
those whom they employ. But for all these things there is but as laborers for life and their sons after them, have created such
one remedy-aggressive missionary work on the part of the
Church.” conditions that they have no right arbitrarily to lock out these men ; nor have the men a right to strike arbitrarily. Strikes and lockouts are matters of public concern, and the law must provide means for Dr. Heinrich Geffcken, who became widely known several averting them
Difficulties, as they arise, must be ad- years ago because of his imprisonment and trial by Prince justed by a special tribunal, with power to investigate, adjudge, Bismarck, upon the charge of high treason for publishing the and enforce its decree. Either party resorting to a strike or lock
diary of the late Emperor Frederick, writing on “ German out before resorting to the tribunal, should be deemed guilty of an offense equal to insurrection, and treated accordingly.
Socialism and Literary Sterility " in the Forum for January, Pending investigation, if the business ceases, and the interests of designates the German Social-Democrats as those affected demand its continuance, the affairs should be put
Simply a people discontented with the present situation. If in charge of a competent State official, to be operated until the
they read at all, it is party papers and cheap popular books or adjudication is ended.”
novels, cleverly compiled to excite the passions of the masses by THE SOCIAL PROBLEM IN ENGLAND.
incendiary diatribes against the existing order of society, and The Deutsche Revue for December publishes a letter from painting in glowing colors the material well-being which would Mr. Jules Simon, the first of a series on important problems.
await them with the victory of Socialism. In fact, Social-Democ
racy in Germany is not so much a party-doctrine as a creed. This letter was given in THE LITERARY DIGEST for January 7.
These ignorant masses do not discern that the very name of the In the January Deutsche Revue Mr. John E. Gorst gives his party is in itself a contradiction, that in the Socialistic State there views at some lengtlı on the Social Problem as it exists in Eng- would be no democracy, but a despotism compared to which land to-day. After asserting that the Liberals propose to
Russian autocracy would be liberty. The policy of the leaders is,
above all, to excite hatred, to revile religion, and to preach matemeet the difficulty by their universal panacea of ballot-reform,
rialism; to discourage thrift by attracting the workmen to frequent and that the Conservatives regard any change as dangerous to socialistic meetings, where they spend their wages in drink, and social order, he first states the problem by attributing the are intoxicated by the speeches of the agitators,”
EDUCATION, LITERATURE, ART.
has souglit this field because he is tired of the modern naturalism and anaiysis of details.
‘DANSKEREN (No. 6; Vejen, Denmark) gives a review of RECENT DANISH AND GERMAN LITERATURE.
Danish literature, and adds valuable notes on German writers.
From the paper of S. K. Sörensen we extract the following: THE DANISH literary critic Vald-Vedel reviews recent Danish
literature in the January number of the Tilskueren (Copen- It is not very flattering to German pride, but a fact, neverthehagen), and starts by this general characterization :
less, that most of the recent German literature found its sources
in the North, in Russia, and in France. It is pessimistic to ENMARK is not a country of parties and schools. The
the core. Gerhart Hauptmann's Vor Sonnenuntergang is only Danes do not swear fidelity to any colors. In that is
a larger and niore terrible edition of Ibsen's Gengangere. In their strength and their weakness. They escape the dangers
most novels we are satisfied with the exhibition of a few vices attending the minor forms of civilization, but they miss the
and murders, but Hauptmann has outdone everybody and greatness of the larger, because they spread out and thus lose
everything. He has gathered together all the vices of Zola's strength. Danish literary talents lie like glowing embers in
novels and Ibsen's dramas, and added to them Tolstoi's Powashes, each trying to keep up the fire, but never coming
ers of Darkness, and has painted all the faces so black that we together to make one great fire.
hardly know whether we see real human beings or masks. His He then reviews the works of the most prominent authors Einsame Menschen is rather trivial, but, as a matter of course, thus :
full of licentiousness, and ends in suicide. Herniann Balır Like a faint, but never fully burnt-out ember is the author- imitates Goncourt. The productions of Arno Holz and Johanship of Edv. Brandes. It never flames up. It never burns nes Schlaf are expressions of the author's names; they are like a consuming fire, nor produces great effects. His plays “woody” and “sleepy,” but entirely in the line of modern are not satisfactory, they do not fascinate you, nor grow upon naturalismi. Felix Hollander's Magdalene Dornis and Ola Hanyou like great art. Some of his books are like flowers, but son's Alltagsfrauen are brutal and reckless. their perfume is not strong and their colors are pale.
Where is the source of this literature? In Schopenhauer Peter Nansen is, like Edv. Brandes, a Copenhagener by
and the works of Eduard von Hartmann. Both of then agree nature, but arrayed in Parisian garb, particularly so in his little with Marcus Aurelius that the true thing to do is “to leave book Et Hjem. It is the story of a young wife who cares as the world as one goes out of a room filled with smoke." It much for the friend and lover as for the husband, a domestic is that spirit which has set all the younger men to "put every goddess, moving about gently and filling the cup of desire problem under discussion," and has ended in a descent to the equally between the two." She is evidently, a Danish rival to slums, and a desire to “ destroy the world.” Gervaises, who divides herself between Coupeau and Lantier, Quite distinct from this sphere of thought lies that which but because she is Danish, she is “moral,” and not “ beastly"; roots in Rembrandt als Erzieher and of which Frederik that is, the author throws a veil of mystic charni around her, Nietzsche was the apostle. In all its natural tendencies and through which he shows her to uz as a good angel," who logicai consequences, it is best expressed in Paul Radiot's novel “befriends" a liomeless young man and thereby“ redeems her L'Elite, roman èpique moderne. (Paris, 1892.) It is a cynical own existence.”
production, which ridicules the old ideals. Its own ideal is Gustav Esman's latest book appears under a cover of Ernst
this: The mass of the people is no better than mules for heavy Bojesen's fantastic and witty drawings, but is itself neither work. The nobles, who represent the “ beautiful” type of the witty, nor instructive. His In Copenhagen pictures the snobs rapacious animals, have the right to kill such mules when they of the city, and, by an inevitable irony, represents the author please, and they ought to torture them before killing them. as the greatest snob of all. His fear of laughter drives him Cruelty and severity are the most desirable traits in a “lord,” into snobdom. He also describes the Copenhagen faubourgs, that he may inspire the people with fear, To create such and its bal mabile, only to show, by contrast, that Copenhagen traits young nobles should be diligent in the chase, for to hunt is not Paris. Its viveurs are mere schoolboys; its demi-monde
beasts teaches them to hunt down the rascals." The object too reserved ; its beau monde eats but two courses for dinner. of this torture, so freely recommended is the “regeneration" "Though Copenhagen life is the life of a capital, it is provin- of the “mules." All this is the Darwinian “struggle for existcial compared to that of Paris.
ence," the nobles making the “selection.” The author Einar Christiansen is more robust than the other two, and
teaches thus in perfect earnest. Indeed, this "white" ghost better educated. His Letizia shows an attempt to break
puts the “red” of Socialism to shame. These ideas have gone it lirough the bonds of inmaturity. Many passages prove a
abroad and found a fruitful soil in Germany, the land of strong personality and deep feeling. It is well said that joy is oppression. And this book is not simply the ravings of a sick * the life nerve” of existence. When Mori takes Letizia French brain, it expresses a tendency of the times, which around the neck and looks upon her, saying: “Letizia, thy
a strong government." name is joy; it is bird-song; if breathed it is warm like a
TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES OF SUPERSTITION. summer night, and rich like thousand caresses,” then we feel
Translated for THE LITERARY Digest from a touch of romantic love.
Die Gartenlaube, Leipzig, December. Mr. Vedel next reviews the works of a number of less promi
IN PREVIOUS numbers we have already furnished the readers of nent writers, and expresses himself in severe language about THE LITERARY DIGEST with translations of some of the very Danish literature in general. He then proceeds with Karl Larsen, admirable series of papers under this head, collected by the of whom he says:
Gartenlaube. *To pass in review from Einar Christiansen's production to
The present paper—The Detection of the Offender by Means
of a Balanced Sieve-is especially interesting from the fact Karl Larsen's book, Den brogede Bog, is like seeing part of a that it is traceable to its source in an ancient figurative use play in one theatre and the balance, as opera, in another. of the process of sifting meal, as emblematic of Justice sepFrom the direct and prosaic words we are translated to a arating the false from the true. sphere of symbolism and music. Larsen has fallen in love N some parts of Germany the peasantry have a well-known with some of the flowers of the Middle Ages. He has distilled and perfectly reliable means of recovering lost property, their escence and made a modern bouquet of them. His book and detecting the thief; this is the family key. An old, valued reproduces many old legends, with their heavy atmosphe:e, house-key, which has been handed down as an heirloom, is dark passions, and sweet-only too often sinsul—loves. He
placed in a similarly old yong-book or the family Bible, so that