front for the driver. To stick on the perches while the vehicle jogs and jumps along over the boulders which form the road, is a feat requiring much practice, and more than ordinary agility if not a special monkey-horse education. The average droshky-horse cannot stand still without support. He must either move along or be propped up against a lamp-post. In other respects he is much the same as any other horse-excepting that his fore legs are semi-circular instead of being straight up and down. The isvoschik himself must be seen to be appreciated. His garb consists of a long, blue kaftan, very like a dressing-gown, generally patched with portions of a faded predecessor, and surmounted by a huge and greasy fur-cap, from beneath which peers the wearer. He belongs to a class which never washes. One isvoschik is said to have been washed on a memorable occasion many years ago; but the experiment proved fatal, and was never repeated. I am told the facts of the case are, that, after rubbing the man with soap and scrapers for an hour or two, the experimentalist came upon an old flannel-shirt, the removal of which is said to have caused a violent cold, from which the poor fellow died. I cannot vouch for the truth of this legend. Judging from private observation, I should be inclined to think that no isvoschik could have ever, under any circumstances, been induced to undergo the operation of being washed. Of one thing, however, I am quite certain, which is, that for lofty contempt of what we are accustomed to call cleanliness," and general superiority to our insular fads about soap and water, Russians generally, and isvoschiks in particular, soar to heights incredible, and revel in a state of "unwashedness" which renders our finnikin notions by contrast contemptible and petty to a degree. REMARKABLE INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF JAY GOULD. VICTOR Fournel. Translated and Condensed for The Literary Digest from a Paper (28 pp.) in Le Correspondant, Paris, December 25. IT CANNOT be supposed for a moment that M. Fournel invented the extraordinary statements in this paper. He has doubtless selected them from various stories about Mr. Gould, manufactured by romancers on the other side of the Ocean. Besides the amusement to be derived from such a budget of fairy-tales, they prove, as has been proved thousands of times before, how easy it is to construct a mythology about the names of those who, for whatever reason, have risen above the general level of mankind. JAY AY GOULD held the first rank in that fantastic list of Yankee billionaires, in which the Vanderbilts and the Mackays come immediately after him. He had acquired his colossal fortune by speculation solely, and without troubling himself with excessive scruples. He was the King of Railways, just as Vanderbilt was the King of Steamboats. He was a man of the Stock Exchange, playing incessantly at raising and depreciating values in the market. His habits were simple. He neither drank nor smoked, and never went into society. He neither had, nor affected, any taste for the arts, despising the frivolity which caused his rivals, for the sake of showing their picture-galleries, to lose so much good money, which they could have placed in a vastly more advantageous manner. He was not the man to pay $60,000 for a picture by Millet or Meissonier. He much preferred to buy three hundred shares of the Submarine Cable Company. Nevertheless, by dint of much persuasion, he was induced to sit for his portrait to Herkomer, swearing, however, that he would give the painter five sittings, and not fifteen minutes more. Mr. Gould was astonished that a serious-minded artist should give so many hours to painting a picture, when so much money could be gained on the Stock Exchange during the same length of time. In the course of the fifth sitting, the sitter pulled out his watch and said to the astonished artist: "According to our contract, you have but twenty minutes more; if, at the expiration of that time, the painting is not finished, I will throw it on your hands." The portrait was completed within the time specified, and, like the prince who complimented a pianist, after playing his great piece, by saying to him with evident admiration: “Sir, I have never seen a pianist perspire as much as you!" so Mr. Gould testified his esteem for Herkomer in these words: He is an excellent painter; he is prompt to the minute." Mr. Gould was once persuaded by some friends to travel in Europe. It is told of him that when in Amsterdam his friends expected him to accompany them to the chief museum; he suddenly disappeared. He made his appearance at luncheon, rubbing his hands. Instead of going to the museum, he had gone to the Stock Exchange, where he had made $400,000. That was very much better than going to look at Rembrandt's "Night Guard." Jay Gould began to make his fortune when he was twelve years old. In his sixteenth year he was the proprietor of a great factory, the superintendent of which he made his own father, in order to prove that the latter was altogether in the wrong in saying that his son would never be good for anything. At eighteen he obtained a diploma as engineer, and was engaged in vast enterprises of public works. At twenty he erected an enormous tannery and founded a town, to which, like Alexander the Great, he gave his name, and called it Gouldborough. When he was thirty he was worth $3,000,000, and then it was that he began his colossal speculations in rail ways. It was he who conceived the idea of fighting rival railways, not only by lowering the tariff of charges to the lowest limits, but by giving each traveler a ticket gratuitously, with breakfast. When he had ruined his competitors, and bought their roads and matériel at an insignificant price, he suppressed the breakfasts and raised high the tariff of charges. Still vividly remembered is a frightful duel à l'Américaine, conducted by him with blows from a locomotive, on the Susquehanna line, against the adversaries who refused to sell to him the end of the route of which they were masters, while he was in possession of the other end. Many human lives were sacrificed in this bloody encounter, in which he triumphed. Before he died he had monopolized nearly all the railways in the United States. There was something of the trapper of Fenimore Cooper in this little taciturn man, and it would have been necessary to scratch his civilized skin only a little to find the savage beneath. During his last illness he foresaw with an infallible scent the consequences of his death to the market. There would be a good profit in it, if not for him, at least for his son and heirs ; so from his death-bed he dictated orders to be sent to his brokers as soon as he closed his eyes. In that he showed himself a good father, and I am confident that Mr. George Gould will not shrink from a sacrifice of some hundreds of banknotes to get possession of the paternal corpse, in case daring speculators shall put hands on that family jewel, as happened in the case of Astor. What fortune exactly did this autocrat of the dollar leave to his heirs? The estimates made immediately after his death varied between a billion and a half and two billions, 180,000,000 francs, with a minimum revenue of 70,000,000 francs. Later information has reduced these formidable figures, I have seen an article which asserts positively that, in consequence of unfortunate speculations during his last years, Mr. Gould left at the time of his death $100,000,000 only. Can it be possible? If it be so, Mr. Mackay can repeat the words of old Rothschild. When he was told that Aguado, a financier who was thought to be worth $20,000,000, had left but half that sum, he exclaimed: "Ah! poor Aguado! I had always thought he was quite comfortably off." [To call this book a history, would be to misname it. The author, with entire candor, admits that he is quite unqualified for writing the history of the " Conflict," both by reason of having taken an active part in the struggle and because the events about which he writes are not yet sufficiently distant to enable any one to take a dispassionate view of them. He might have added that he has not been endowed with the judicial frame of mind which is essential to an historian. A Frenchman would call his book Mémoires pour servir. Still he has given a readable account, from his point of view, of a remarkable chapter in the history of the United States. How highly he rates the events in which he was a prominent actor appears in the second sentence of his work, "Had the pioneers of Kansas failed to make her a free State, slavery to-day would have been national and freedom sectional." The author speaks of himself with modesty, almost invariably in the third person. It is a curious thing that in his untiring efforts to keep slavery out of Kansas, Governor Robinson found most difficulty in wrestling, not with the "Border Ruffians," headed by James H. Lane, but with a section of the Anti-Slavery people, the followers of Garrison. We give a description of Governor Robinson from the Introduction by Isaac T. Goodwin, the author's picture of Eli Thayer, and his estimate of the Garrisonians, of John Brown and his family, and of F. B. Sanborn.] A acknowledge no government except one in Heaven, of which " Border Ruffians" in Kansas had no conception. That both James H. Lane and John Brown were monomaniacs there is but little question-one, like all timid men invested with arbitrary power, was cruel and bloodthirsty; the other believed he was commissioned by God to free the slave and exterminate the slaveholders. The friends of these men, however, will not permit the plea of insanity, and hence the other alternative must be accepted-if not monomaniacs, they were demoniacs. If history furnishes a parallel to the cold-blooded, unblushing, persistent, and unscrupulous lying of John Brown, his family, and friends, I have not discovered it. Yet it is of such men some people make heroes. And why not? F. B. Sanborn himself belongs to the same school. If a person who can, like Sanborn, make a hero of a man who went to the gallows with a lie upon his lips, and glorify a family who persisted in lying for nearly thirty years, and who can manufacture lies to order out of whole cloth on occasion-if such a man is shocked at a person who changes his views only when a new discovery of facts warrants the change, he must be peculiarly sensitive. It is to be hoped that but few such characters are to be found outside of the Concord School of Philosophy. THE FINISHED CREATION, AND Other poemS. By Benjamin Hathaway. Cloth, 12mo, pp. 209. Boston: Arena Publishing Co. 1892. NY history of Kansas without Governor Robinson as the promi- THE poetic temperament is almost inevitably, perhaps necessarily, nent figure would be like the "play of Hamlet with Hamlet left out." I first met Governor Robinson (then known as Dr. Robinson) in Boston, March 5, 1855, on the eve of leaving for Kansas with the Manhattan Colony, and was especially indebted to him for valuable suggestions. He was tall, well-proportioned, commanding in appearance, yet winning in manner; with a clear, keen blue eye, a countenance that denoted culture and intellect, and a will that few would care to run against. He would pass anywhere for a good-looking man, and in any crowd would command attention. With perfect control of himself, he could rule in the midst of a storm. No man could listen to Eli Thayer without partaking of his spirit, and no one, after listening to him, could entertain any doubts of the feasibility of his plan or of his ability to put it in successful operation. No other evidence was needed of the inspiration of Mr. Thayer than the fact that he could impart his inspiration to other people of all classes and conditions. At one of his meetings, J. M. S. Williams became inspired and subscribed $10,000 for the cause, and at another time Charles Francis Adams subscribed $25,000. Also William M. Evarts was taken by the infection and subscribed one-fourth of all he was worth, or $1,000. Mr. Thayer enlisted in his work the most conservative as well as the most radical, the richest and the poorest, the highest and the lowest. Among others his inspiration infected was Amos A. Lawrence. Mr. Lawrence was a conservative of the conservatives, a Hunker, as he chose to call himself, yet no man had greater enthusiasm or worked more persistently and earnestly than he from first to last. His great wealth and greater influence were thrown into the cause without reserve. Of the Garrisonians, Emerson said: "They withdraw themselves from the common labors and competitions of the market and the 'caucus. They strike work and call out for something to do. They are not good citizens, nor good members of society; unwillingly they bear their part of the private and public burdens. They do not even like to vote. They filled the world with long words and long beards. They began in words and ended in words." Similar opinions might be quoted indefinitely to show the estimation in which the Garrisonian advocates of no union, no voting, no government were held by the voting anti-slavery men of the time, and it requires no argument to prove that people entertaining such views of government could be of no use in arresting the progress of slavery by making a free State of Kansas. Being expert moral hair-splitters, they came to regard the Constitution as a shield for the protection of slavery, at least within the slave States, and authority for making every State in the Union hunting-ground for fugitive slaves. To justify this no-voting, nonaction position, they maintained that allegiance to a sinful government was sin, and, as no human government was perfect, they would associated with a keen sensitiveness to the world's praise and blame, and this one of America's latest poets makes no concealment of his craving for honest appreciation, nor of his efforts to steel himself against the hostile or incompetent critic's stab, while conscious that he has written under the inspiration of the Unseen Powers, and achieved something that deserves to survive. The measure that the critic meets is most All this indicates a keen craving for appreciation and sympathy, which is only natural in one who believes he has communed with the Unseen, but has no evidence of the fact save his own consciousness. Mahomet tells us that he had no perfect assurance of his divine commission until the honored Fatima assured him of her conviction of it, and poet and prophet alike, when listening to the whisper of inspiration within, crave sympathetic response to it from the world without. But Mr. Hathaway need not fear that his works will not meet just appreciation. There are blemishes, especially in the early poems, some of which indicate no more than a talent for verse-making; but many of the poems in the volume are skillfully constructed and powerful, and nearly all contain gems of rich thought which the poet has dug up by the wayside, and cut and fashioned and polished. Here is a charming little gem: As the clouds by morning gilded On the sunset, gold-impearled, So is thought to music mated, Of Eternity a part, Into fairer forms created Through the subtle alchemy Of the Poet's mind and heart. The volume is divided into Legendary Poems from the Old World and the New, Lyrical, Miscellaneous, and Earlier Poems. The native degends are charming in the rich setting in which they are presented in the volume, and the classic legends are both rich in thought and artistic in structure. The reader must content himself with a couple of stanzas from Actæon, or turn to the volume: So oft had he withstood The stress that puts high manhood to the proof, Feigning a coyness meet; while, far aloof, They yearned to him with hearts unsoiled of guile. Dear love! Oh, who can say How much of all thy sweetness runs to waste Oh, miracle of May, And yet, alas, how little fruit we taste, Rich, luscious, ripe, for all that wealth of bloom. THE REMAINS OF ANCient rome. By J. Henry Middleton, Slade Professor of Fine Art, Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum and Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Large 12m0, 2 vols., pp. 393, 448. London and Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black. 1892. . [These volumes are an admirable pendant to Lanciani's "Pagan and Christian Rome," noticed in our columns last week. The object of the two books is different. Both Lanciani and Professor Middleton, however, are very learned and enthusiastic Roman archæologists, and the two publications combined afford a complete knowledge of the antiquities of Rome, from both a Christian and Pagan point of view. The work now under consideration is a revised and greatly enlarged version of two one-volume books which have been the delight of scholars -since they appeared, Ancient Rome in 1885" and "Ancient Rome in 1888." A great part has been rewritten, accounts of the recent discoveries have been added, and a large number of illustrations have been introduced. This version contains three Colored Plates: "Map of Ancient Rome," "Map of Modern Rome," "Plan of the Forum Romanum," and 48 Illustrations in the text. The work is the more valuable because the march of improvement in the capital of Italy is sweeping away many important remains of ancient and mediæval Rome. The citations which follow show what valuable additions have been made to our knowledge of ancient Rome during the last few years, and also demonstrate how thoroughly Professor Middleton has performed his task, beginning, as he does, with an account of the ground on which the city was built, and the materials of which its buildings were composed.] M UCH additional knowledge with regard to the Archæology of Ancient Rome has recently been acquired, owing to the fact that the last few years have been extraordinarily fertile in the discoveries of hitherto unknown remains, and in the new light that has been thrown on many of those that have long been visible. To excavations made during the last fifteen years are due the complete exposure of the whole area of the Forum Romanum and much of the ground near it; the determination of the real form of the Rostra of Julius Cæsar; the discovery of most important remains of the Temple of Vesta, the House of the Vestals, the Regia, the Domus Publica, and the line of the Nova Via. The great Servian Agger, with countless early tombs and houses of all dates, has, during the same period, been brought to light, by the extensive excavations made in laying out a new quarter of modern Rome Most important of all, in its relation to the early history of Rome, has been the discovery of a large Necropolis on the Esquiline Hill, the objects found in which show that at an early prehistoric period a settlement existed there in which the Etrurians were the predominant and civilizing influence, and that the inhabitants were largely dependent upon Oriental, probably Phoenician, traders for a great proportion of the objects, both of use and ornament, which they possessed. The nine or ten hills and ridges on which the city is built are formed of great heaps of tufa or conglomerated ashes and sand, thrown out of the craters of a number of volcanoes now extinct, but which were in an active state down to a comparatively recent period. That some of these craters have been in a state of activity at no very distant date, has been shown by the discovery at many places, of broken pottery of a primitive character, and bronze implements below the strata of tufa or other volcanic deposit. Traces of human life have been found even below that great flood of lava which, issuing from the Alban Hills, flowed towards the site of Rome, and only stopped short about three miles from the city. The tomb of Cæcilia Metella was afterwards built on the very edge of this great lava stream. The superficial strata on which Rome is built are of three kinds— first, the plains and valleys on the left bank of the Tiber, which are covered, as it were, by a sea of alluvial deposit, in the midst of which, secondly, the hills of volcanic origin rise like so many islands; and, thirdly, on the right bank of the Tiber, around the Janiculan and Vatican Hills, are extensive remains of an ancient sea-beach, conspicuous in parts by its fine golden sand and its deposit of pure grayish-white potters' clay. From its yellow sand the Janiculan Hill has been sometimes known as the Golden Mount, a name which survives in the title of the church at its summit, which is called S. Pietro in Montorio (monte d'ore). The rapid growth and the permanent stability of Rome were very largely due to the richness of its site and the immediate neighborhood in a variety of excellent building materials, including several kinds of stone, and the different ingredients of the most desirable concrete, cements, and mortar that have ever been produced. The principal materials used in the building of ancient Rome were: 1. Tufa, already mentioned. This was the only stone nsed during the early prehistoric period of Rome. It is usually a very bad "weather-stone," but the harder varieties are of ample strength for building purposes, when protected from frost and wet. Even in the earliest times, it was probably never used externally without the pro- ' tection of a coating of stucco. II. Lapis Albanus, so called from its quarries in the Alban Hills, still worked at Albano and Marino. This also is of volcanic origin. It is a moderately good weather-stone, and is quite fire-proof. Its modern name is peperino, so called from the black scoriæ, like peppercorns, which stud the stone. It con III. Lapis Gabinus (also called peperino) a variety of the Alban stone, found at Gabii, near the modern Lago di Castiglione. tains less mica than the Alban stone, is harder, and stands the weather much better. IV. Lapis Tiburtinus (modern travertine), so called from its chief quarries at Tibur (Tivoli), or rather on the road to Tibur, near the Aqua Albula. It is a pure carbonate of lime, very hard, of a beautiful creamy color, which weathers into a rich golden tint. It is a deposit from running water, and is found in a highly stratified state, with frequent cavities and fissures, lined with crystallized carbonate of lime. It is an excellent weather-stone, but is easily calcined by fire. The exterior of the Coliseum is one of the most conspicuous examples of the use of travertine. V. Silex (modern selce); this has no relation to what is now called silex, or flint, but is simply lava poured out from the now extinct volcanoes near Rome. It was used in great quantities for the paving of roads, and when broken into pieces and mixed with lime and pozzolana formed the hardest and most desirable kind of concrete. VI. Pulvis Puteolanus (modern pozzolana), so called from the extensive beds in which it exists at Puteoli, near Naples. It also exists in enormous quantities under and all round the city of Rome, lying in thick strata just as it was showered down out of the neighboring volcanoes. It is a chocolate red in color, and resembles a clean sandy earth, mixed with larger lumps about the size of coarse gravel. When mixed with lime it forms a very strong hydraulic cement—having the power, that is, of setting hard even under water. This pozzolana, more than any other material, contributed to make Rome the proverbially "eternal city.' Without it a great domed building like the Pantheon would have been impossible, as would also the immense vaulted Thermæ and a wide-spanned Basilica, such as that of Constantine. Besides all these stones, excellent sand and gravel abound near Rome, and also contributed to the strength of the Roman mortar and cement, The Press. POLITICAL. THE SENATE AND THE COMING AD. MINISTRATION. It is still very uncertain how the United States Senate will be divided when it assembles after Mr. Cleveland's inauguration. The present Senatorial situation is really unprecedented. In no fewer than six States the Legislatures are so close and party conditions are so complicated that the results of their Senatorial contests cannot be foretold. THE SENATORIAL SITUATION. The present Senate contains 47 Republicans, 39 Democrats, and 2 Farmers' Alliance members, or Populists. until the end of December no one could tell which party was entitled to a majority (even on the face of the returns) in the House. The complexion of that body appeared to depend on the decision in the case of a tie vote in Coffey County. The State Canvassing Board (Republican) settled the tie by lot, and the certificate was awarded to the Republican candidate. But the Populist members of the Canvassing Board refused to participate in this proceeding. When the House assembled, a majority of the members effected a Republican organization. The Populist members refused to recognize this body as legal, and organized another House. The Populist Gov. ernor and Senate recognized the Populist House. On the other hand the Republican House was strengthened by the accession of several Democratic legislators, who felt that it had the best claim to legality. This Kansas struggle has developed a great deal of bitterness, with charges and counter-charges of tyranny and usurpation. At the last elections the Republicans did not gain a Senator in any State. All the seats now held by the Democrats in those States where vacancies are to be filled by the new Legisla-A tures will be retained by the Democrats. Besides, they secured decisive control in New York and Wisconsin. The People's party obtained decisive control in Nevada. It is ex DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATION PROBABLE. In order to organize the next Senate by a strict party vote the Democrats must have forty-four votes in addition to the vote of the Vice-President. Accordingly they need to win in three of the six doubtful Western States. If the Republicans should win in every one of the Congressman W. Bourke Cockran, the Tammany orator, had a long interview with Mr. Cleveland last week, and afterwards, in an interview (printed in the New York Tribune for Jan. 14), he said: "I am not informed that there had been a quarrel between Mr. Hill and Mr. Croker, but one thing I do know, and that is that an enemy of Mr. Cleveland cannot be friendly with the The future of the New York Democracy. Democratic party in this State, in my opinion, lies with Mr. Cleveland. His course has put the party where it is to-day. He has proved himself the man of the party, and the New York Democracy will support him against all comers. There is not the least doubt about this. The idea of any Democrat attempting to embarrass the Administration of Mr. Cleveland is utterly absurd. We are all with Mr. Cleveland, and we are going to do all in our power to aid him in his Administration." THE MORAL OF THE SENATORIAL CONTESTS. Baltimore News (Dem.), Jan. 13.-The bit terness of the Senatorial contests in several of the Western States has given new interest to the question of changing the present mode of electing Senators, and the feeling is daily pected that the People's party in Nevada will reelect Mr. Stewart, who has been a Republican hitherto but is now classed as a Populist. six States they would still be unable to effect a growing in strength that they should be elected Thus if all the other States should continue to be represented politically as they are now, the next Senate would be divided as follows: Re publicans, 44; Democrats, 41; Populists, 3 The Republicans, with exactly a half of the Republican organization without the support of Senator Stewart or some other Populist Senator. It seems most reasonable to suppose that the organization will fall to the Demo members, but lacking a majority, would still crats, for the Populist Senators are regarded has added much strength to the movement for as more friendly to the Democrats than to the be unable to organize the Senate, unless Mr. Republicans. But the control of the Senate in Stewart or some other Populist Senator should vote with them. THE WESTERN CONTESTS. The six States in which there are close contests are California, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Wyoming. It is remarkable that in the Legislature of each of these States the result hinges on two or three votes. The balance-of-power members are variously classed as Populists, DemocraticPopulists, Independent-Republicans, Independent-Democrats, etc. The Democrats confidently expect to elect the Senator in California. Until within a few days they have been almost equally confident in Wyoming and Montana. But the Populist members of the Wyoming and Montana Legislatures have taken an aggressive stand, and it is expected that the Senatorial elections in those States will be eventually controlled by Populis influence. matters of party legislation is likely to depend upon the action of three or four Populist Senators, and as many more members of Populist affiliations. NEW STATES. Accordingly the question as to the attitude of the Senate as a factor of the coming Admin istration is an exceedingly interesting one. The most prominent aspect of this subject is the probability of the admission of three new States-New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah. It is thought that these new States would send six Democratic Senators to Washington, and so give the Democrats absolute control unless should be displaced by the results of elections present Democratic Senators from other States during the next two or three years. MR. CLEVELAND AND THE SENATE. The closeness of the Senate has been regarded in some quarters as endangering Mr. Cleveland's ability to carry out certain lines of by direct popular vote instead of by the Legislatures of the various States. The nomination of Mr. Edward Murphy, Jr., by the Demo-. cratic caucus of the New York Legislature, a nomination which is equivalent to an election. has also aroused a great deal of discontent and a new electoral system for the upper House of the Federal Legislature. Mr. Murphy was not acceptable to the majority of his party, and his election by the Hill-Tammany machine in spite of the protests of many of the best Democrats of the State has drawn attention in a striking way to the defects of a system under which it is possible for a clique of politicians to force upon the State a man utterly unfit to represent it. The triumph of Democratic principles at the polls in November is also in part accountable for the reaction against the present system. The election of such important officials as United States Senators should not be committed to an electoral body like a State Legislature, but should be participated in by the new Senator is to be. The present system all the voters of the State whose representative is undemocratic in itself, and is always liable to be abused by the leaders of the dominant party, as it was in the case of Mr. Murphy. The strength of the popular sentiment in favor of the change was shown by the vote cast in California at the recent election. The electors of that State were called on to express their views on the subject at the polls, and by the overwhelming odds of 187,958 votes to 13.342 they decided against the present system and in ple. In North Dakota the Republicans are supposed to have the best chance, but the inde- policy and secure confirmation of nominations favor of election by the direct vote of the peo pendent elements of the Republicans, and the Republicans with Populist leanings, are quite strong. The complications in Nebraska and Kansas are most puzzling. In Nebraska the Populists and Democrats are strong enough to choose the Senator, but they find difficulty in coöperating harmoniously. THE KANSAS TROUBLE. objectionable to the so-called Hill wing of the party. The choice of Mr. Murphy as Senator from New York (against Mr. Cleveland's protest) has been generally characterized, therefore, as a challenge to the new President, and as notification that war will be waged upon him in the Senate. But in the last week there have been significant disavowals of such an intention. The New York Herald last Monday printed this statement from Senator Hill, made to its Washington correspondent: In Kansas the situation has many remarkable features. The Populists (with Democratic help) carried the State last fall for their Electoral and Gubernatorial tickets. They also "Mr. Cleveland, as President, will have no carried a majority in the State Senate. But trouble with the opposition. The presumption BEHAVIOR OF THE KANSAS POPULISTS-STRONG CONDEMNATIONS AND A STRONG REPLY. Topeka Capital (Rep.), Jan. 12.-Governor members of the Legislature, is a more serious Lewelling, defying the constitutional rights of matter than talking anarchistic rot at picnics. There is no white slavery in Kansas, no mobs crying for bread, no citizen deprived of his rights, except Republican members of the Legislature, and the people of Kansas will make no mistake about this rebellion of which the Governor is the executive head. Topeka State Journal (Rep.), Jan. 12.-It behooves the Populists to at least follow the Lawrence (Kan.) Journal (Rep.), Jan. 13.— The Journal was severely criticised some time since when it said that the election of a Democrat to any office was far better than the election of a Populist. Democrats are not anarchists, they are not revolutionists. They will fight for the honor of the Government as quickly as any other patriotic citizens. They are generally conservative and safe. For these and other reasons, when the choice comes between a Democrat and a Populist, no good citizen should hesitate an instant as to his duty. Leavenworth Times (Rep.), Jan. 14.—The Populists, with but fifty-eight members, five less than a quorum, have not only claimed to have organized the House, but have proceeded to oust ten Republicans who hold certificates of election. And it is this Populist House, so constituted and so organized, that Governor Lewelling has recognized as the legal House of Representatives of the Kansas Legislature! The Populists professed to be anxious to lead men nearer to "the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God," but the proceedings at Topeka are in the other direction. There is less brotherhood and a great deal more hell in Kansas than there was a week ago. Anarchy is every man for himself, and the forms of law. Anarchy may be very pleasant | Returning Board cast lots, behind locked | the late canvass was the identification of the as an ideal state, but we should like to see a doors, and the LUCK (as it always has before Hill-Tammany machine with it. It was thus few million cases of personal reform before we and always will when such railroad agents as made odious to the better sentiment of the try to do without a government. Bill Higgins is manager) gave the Republican country in all parties. Now the Administrathe certificate; yet the Supreme Court de- tion of President Cleveland is virtually relieved cided that Rice could be counted out, and from responsibility for this machine by its own there was no redress. Then there was Rosen-action. It never had the shadow of a shade of thal of Haskell County, who was elected by sympathy with Cleveland. It supported him over thirty majority, which was admitted by under compulsion in the late election in its all, even by the County Clerk who made the Tammany section, and was treacherous to mistake on the face of the returns showing that him in its Hill annex. Its only possible claim it was the Republican, insisted that Rosenthal, on him could have come from the formal conand not the Republican, had over thirty majori- tinuance of that support on the part of Tamty; but true to their instincts, a partisan railroad many. monopoly court said if the Clerk and the Canvassing Board made a mistake (willful) there Chicago Times (Dem.), Jan. 12.-It does not is no way to remedy it. Then talk of stealing; to be his colleague, propose to repeat the folly appear that Senator Hill and Murphy, who is but a party that could steal a President of the of Conkling and Platt in the matter of resignaUnited States as the Republicans did Hayes tion. If they do meet the President's nominamay well cry "Stop thief!" Then when one tions with the view of defeating them because contemplates the thousands of fraudulent Re- they have not had what they considered the publican votes cast all over the State by men proper courtesy, they must take into considerwho were in no wise entitled to vote, the thou-ation that no quarrel of this kind has been sands shipped in and from place to place by long-continued or successful. The like trouble the railroads on free passes, the intimidation was part of the charge against Andrew Johnby police and marshals, is it any wonder they son when he was impeached, but the party that are fearful lest the people would see that their set itself the task of disgracing and dismissing "Steal the rights are no longer thwarted? Johnson failed. Considered merely in cold House!" Strange words to come from a party blood, with reference to tactical opposition, a that has been bought body and soul by British President has greatly the advantage over any gold to sell out the rights of the American indus- Senator, or combination of Senators, for to antagonize worthy appointments is a difficult task. To be successful in such conflict a Senator must plead his own hurts, and showing of Such a fight cannot long be continued, and sore toes is never agreeable to healthy persons. when the Senate is not in session the President has the advantage of sending all people to their them but is always willing to take his chances posts who bear his commission, and not one of of confirmation by the Senate. devii for them all. New York Tribune (Rep.), Jan. 14.-The uprising of Western Populists does not do them credit, if the venerable rule is to be ap: plied, By their fruits ye shall know them." Men who have a just cause, or any real grievance, or any sincere desire to benefit their State, do not resort to or countenance lawless overturning of the people's will. The farmers of the West, be it said with profound thankfulness, are not as a rule men of the Populist pattern, but it is disheartening to find even a minority of these property-owning and indus1rious citizens so strangely misled. New York Evening Post (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 13. The most extraordinary feature of this whole business is found in the facts that Kansas is, on the test of illiteracy, one of the most intelligent States in the Union, that it has an excellent public-school system, many college institutions, and a State university; that it has few cities, and not a large foreign element; and that it has always been considered a fair sample of an American commonwealth, in which the system of self-government was work. ing out its perfect fruit. Such an unexpected outbreak as this of the last two or three years shows at least that it is not only in the cities, where the foreign-born swarm, that demagogues may thrive and the doctrine of revolution be preached. New York Sun (Dem.), Jan. 17. It looks as if the Kansas Populists had come to the end of their rope. They have hurt the credit of the State, and made it ridiculous. Having done all they could to steal away its good name, they are now trying, without any shadow of right, to get control of the entire Government of the State. They cannot begin their favorite business of attacking the rights of property and trying to load the statute-books with nonsense unless they can get control of the House. It is fortunate for the sensible population of the Sunflower State that this usurpation for the purpose of forming a Government of cranks for cranks and by cranks has little chance of succeeding. We used to think that the insane asylum was a proper home for the Populist ranters. Apparently a good many of them would feel more at ease in the penitentiary. Wichita (Kan.) Commoner (Pop.), Jan. 12. Republicans talk of the Populists stealing the lower House of the Legislature, when every well-informed man and woman knows that positive proof was presented to the Supreme Court that Rice of Coffey County had a majority of one, and it was not denied; yet the 1 trial mssses. The Hazzard circular, the Buell circular, the demonetization of silver in 1873, the Exception Act, the National Bank Act, the Contraction Act, the Credit Strengthening Act (Stealings Act), the Funding Acts, the Resumption Act, the Contraction Act, the Credit Mobilier and many others, both national and State, all bear witness and point to the THIEF. "Steal the House!" Who are your leaders? What their calling and their character? That they are not yet behind prison bars does not prove their honesty, but only implies who are the prison keepers, the Supreme Court members, the executors and enforcers of law. Denver News (Pop.), Jan. 13.—The Demo- publicans are reaping in Kansas the kind of a in the history of the world. CONCERNING THE NEW YORK SENATORS. Kansas City Times (Dem.), Jan. 12.—When the New York Senators open their fight on the President they will find themselves very much alone. Mr. Hill has not made allies since he has been in Washington. The other Senators do not approve his methods. He is provincial (and local. His political style is arrogant, but for Washington it is impotent. He has no influence with Democratic Senators. If he and Murphy have a battle in contemplation they must join the Republicans, and the Republicans have a regard for Senatorial dignity which will make a close union a doubtful project. Any politician but Cleveland would have peace. temporized and listened to artful proposals of And he would have been caught betweep the hard selfishness of the New York machine and the interests of the country. He would have been embarrassed and perhaps crushed. THE SENATORIAL ELECTION IN CONNECTICUT. him back to the " upper house" of Congress. New York World (Dem.), Jan. 14.-It is Boston Advertiser (Rep.), Jan. 13.-The acnot necessary to assume that Mr. Edward tion of the Republican caucus of the ConnecMurphy and the three or four men who nomi- ticut Legislature in renominating General hated him for Senator intended that action as Hawley for the Federal Senatorship reflects an embarrassment to Mr. Cleveland's Admin- credit upon both the caucus and the Senator istration, though there are some facts which himself. General Hawley has shown during make it appear so. But it is perfectly obvious his Senatorial career ability, integrity, and from Mr. Cleveland's words, and from the cir-statesmanship of the best order, and the State cumstances of the case, that Mr. Murphy's elec- of Connecticut will lose nothing by sending tion will prove an embarrassment. Must it not inevitably be an embarrassment to the President to have the newly-elected Senator from his own State a man who is utterly destitute of the "training and experience in public affairs" to "advance and defend" in the Senate the principles and policy of the party? Turning from the negative to the positive side, will it not inevitably embarrass the Administration to have a Senator from New York whose interest in party success has been chiefly in the spoils and perquisites of victory? Mr. Cockran is entirely right in saying that "the Democracy of New York will support Mr. Cleveland in every way." If the Democratic machine meant to support him, it should have chosen a supporter as Senator. Boston Herald (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 14.-The weakest spot in the whole Democratic line in The fallacy of the claim made by General |