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Renewals.-Two weeks after the receipt of a remittance, the extension of the subscription will be indicated by the yellow label on the wrapper. Discontinuances. The publishers must positively receive notice by letter or postal-card, whenever a subscriber wishes his paper discontinued. POLITICAL: Fraud at the Ballot-Box 85 The Franco-Russian Alliance and the Triple Alliance in the Light of History. 86 The Vitality of Parnellism 87 Morocco and the Morocco Ques tion 87 The Danish Constitutional Conflict.... 88 SOCIOLOGICAL: The Insurrection of Women.... 89 Labour and the Hours of Labour... 89 Social Work at the Krupp Foundries ........... 90 EDUCATION, LITERATURE, ART: ACH of the great American political parties has accused the other of seating a President by fraud. A Republican platform charges that Mr. Cleveland was elected by criminal nullification of the national election laws. The Democrats assert that Mr. Tilden was elected, and not Mr. Hayes. Professor Bryce says that this is the common opinion of publicists and educated circles in Europe. It is not surprising, therefore, that so cool and shrewd a judgc as President Harrison should affirm that fraudulent elections are now the greatest danger of the Republic. His words are memorable and are likely to grow more so as our history advances into a crowded and hazardous future. With the President's opinion our best publicists have expressed most earnest concurrence in recent months; and, meanwhile, signs of peril are increasing. In proportion to the number of legal voters the South has three times the power in Congress that the North has. This inequality is secured by the nullification of the national election laws based on the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution. The North cannot submit permanently to this outrageous injustice. Methods of political procedure which were supposed to be confined to the South have recently appeared in the North. In the Empire State a political trickster, who has been Governor and is now Senator, has employed such methods; and may justly be called the most forbidding political figure of our time. He is a specimen of the class of men brought to the front by lawlessness at the polls, by corruption of the press and of primary political meetings, and in general by the use of unscrupulous henchmen who degrade every sphere of influence that they dominate. This man is a portent in a young republic, an upstretching, lurid ray from the dawn of the day of doom of republican institutions, unless he and his tribe are decisively remanded to the obscurity they deserve. The liquor traffic grows more audacious with every decade. It now demands in New York State not only the abrogation of all laws restricting its activity, but also the legalization of the gambling-hell and the brothel. Illiteracy is on the increase among voters in many American commonwealths. Absenteeism at the polls increases. It is a terrific sign of the times that the number of murders annually committed in the United States has doubled within four years. When elections become corrupt, and judges are elective, the courts become untrustworthy, and so life grows cheap. It has been found in the Southern States that trickery in secular elections is swiftly imitated even in church elections. When fraud dominates in the political field, it very soon obtains a controlling influence in the courts, and the poison drips from these heights of secular authority upon the bases of trade, with the result that at last civilization is diseased, so that the Church obtains only unsound material with which to build a sanctuary for human hope. What, now, are some of the remedies, both secular and religious, for lawlessness at the ballot-box, North and South? 1. National power should be used to secure purity of national elections and equality of representation in Congress. If honest men of both parties cannot be brought to coöperate in measures to prevent fraud in national elections, the domination of political tricksters has begun and the rights of the people are vanishing. The balance of our Federal Government depends on purity of national elections. 2. A reorganization of politics in the South by the best educated class of Anglo-Americans and their safest friends is vastly to be desired, and seems already to have made a hopeful beginning. Carpet-bag rule disgusted both South and North. Successors of carpet-bag rulers claim to control the colored vote of the South. The repudiation of this claim by the colored men themselves is a hopeful sign of the times. 3. David Dudley Field has deliberately advocated three great measures of electoral reform, each of which is considered necessary to the others: Compulsory education, compulsory nominating, and compulsory voting. We are all agreed as to the necessity of compulsory educatian. By this is meant not only that the children shall be sent to school up to a certain age, but that illiteracy shall be a disqualification for the suffrage. Two millions of our voters in Presidential elections are illit erates. It is not proposed to take the ballot from any man who has it now, but to proclaim that all who have the privileges of our public schools and have not at a certain date, say 1900 or 1925, learned to read and write shall never vote until they do learn. Compulsory registration is always the rule in most of our commonwealths. Dudley Field would have every voter compelled, when he is registered, to declare his preference as to nominations. He proposes to abolish the caucus, and would have no man's name printed by puplic authority on the ballots unless he has been nominated by a tenth of the electorate concerned in filling the office. Three of our American legislatures have discussed favorably the project of compulsory voting. Several of the cantons of Switzerland fine a man who has the right of voting and does not exercise it. It is in no bravado of the love of novelty that our great law reformer makes these suggestions. His opinions are championed by many of the shrewdest experts and publicists in the field of political reform. What is wanted is to break up the rule of bosses and rings. Under the Australian ballot system the scheme can be made effective. 4. Many conservative men favor municipal suffrage for women. It appears to be feared chiefly by the corrupt elements in society. Under the reading-test and the system of compulsory nominating and voting, most of the perils of womensuffrage will be removed. Grant me those two reforms, and I will then, but not before, adopt as my watchword: "No sex, no shirks, no simpletons in suffrage.” THE FRANCO-RUSSIAN ALLIANCE AND THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY.* WE Deutsche Revue, Breslau, October. 11. E remarked at the close of the first article that the so-called "War in Sight" of 1875 exercised an enormous influence on the European situation, and this remark we proceed now to elucidate. On the French side it was confidently anticipated that, in the event of a German attack, Russia would come to the rescue. As a matter of fact, the only ground for this confidence was that both Alexander II. and Gortschakoff exerted themselves for the maintenance of peace, and even this, as will be shown, was due to the decided stand taken by Emperor William. As regards Prince Bismarck, there is no manner of doubt that he desired to precipitate a war, although, as might be expected, he repudiated any such intention, after having received orders to halt, from above. As early as February, Prince Reuss, being absent from his post owing to sickness, Bismarck sent Herr von Radowitz to St. Petersburg to impress Gortschakoff, in confidence, with the view that France was preparing to assail Germany, and that the latter might be necessitated to anticipate her; and to intimate that in this case he hoped that Russia would observe the same friendly neutrality as in 1870, taking advantage of the affair to carry out her designs in the East. It is difficult to understand how Bismarck could suppose that Gortschakoff would consent to the destruction of its one ally in case of a rupture with Germany. The pretense, too, was too flimsy, for France needed peace above all things. Gortschakoff replied drily that he was quite unable to credit France with the designs ascribed to her, and as to Russia's "grands projets en Orient," they had no existence. But although Radowitz returned empty-handed, Bismarck did not give up his plans, but ventilated them in the official press. The Kölnische Zeitung which from being the Chancellor's bitterest opponent, had now become his most obedient servant, and lent itself especially to the discussion of foreign subjects, was full of accounts of French intrigue for an Austro*See THE LITERARY DIGEST, Vol. V., No. 24, p. 648. Italian alliance againt Protestant Germany. The Post followed with the famous article by Dr. Konstantin Rössler "Is war in Sight" in which he answered' his cwn question by the assertion that there were influential persons in France who desired war, and who were striving for an Austro-Italian Alliance to that end. The Kölnische Zeitung discussed this article approvingly, remarking that the efforts of the French for increasing their army involved a strain beyond what the richest nation could long submit to, that the object of their preparations for war was patent to all, and that it would be impossible for France long to delay her hand. The provincial French presswas quoted, too, for articles predicting revenge. On the 20th of the month the Preussische Fahrbücher came out with the famous article by Wehrenpfennig, insisting that the enemy should not be left in peace to choose his own time, but should at once be confronted with the alternative of disarmament or war. Naturally enough this press-campaign created a great deal of uneasiness, but the matter was not confined to the press. German diplomatists adopted the same tone. Herr von Radowitz was said to have told the French ambassador plainly that Germany would be at any moment justified in entering on a war which was being forced on her. The Chancellor himself notified the Belgian Ambassador to advise his Government to be prepared for a French attack, and the attitude of Germany was pretty clearly defined in a speech by Lord Derby, in which he intimated that persons of the highest authority and position had said, "that if war was to be avoided it seemed necessary that French armaments should be discontinued, and there seemed good ground to fear that the next step might be a formal request of Germany to France to discontinue arming." The Strange to say, not a breath of these disturbing rumors reached Kaiser Wilhelm whose newspaper literature was prepared for him by the Press Bureau. It was only on the occasion of a short stay in Wiesbaden that his attention was first directed to the general anticipation of war. Much concerned, he decided to return to Berlin at once, and take measures to put an end to it. He reached Berlin on Sunday night, and the following morning, Count Schouvaloff, the Russian Ambassador to London, presented himself and was invited to dinner. At table, at which the company was very select, the Count commented on the general state of tension due to the universal belief that France and Germany were on the eve of war. Emperor replied emphatically that such fears were unfounded, that France had given no cause of offense, and that he was resolved to keep the peace. Armed with this statement, Schouvaloff called on the Chancellor, and charged him to hold his hand, remarking with allusion to the intended visit of the Emperor Alexander: "If you do not withdraw at my suggestion, others will follow to whom you will be compelled to listen." Prince Bismarck saw that the game was up, and when on the following day the Kaiser expressed his hearty disapproval of the measures which had been taken to spread rumors of war, the Chancellor replied that it was simply the result of press gossip and stock exchange manoeuvres. The press at once showed a complete change of front and the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung declared that nothing whatever had occurred to disturb the peaceful relations between France and Germany, and that the press was solely responsible for the war rumors. So when the Czar reached Berlin, his first interview with his. imperial uncle convinced him that the danger had passed, and after his interview with Bismarck, concerning which history is silent, he remarked to a distinguished relative, that the Berlin hot-head had given every guarantee for the maintenance of peace. None the less he played the part of peacemaker, and at his reception of the ambassadors he appeared in that rôle and said to the Marquis Gontaut-Biron: "Comptes sur moi, si un véritable danger vous menaçait, je serais le premier a vous en avertir." Gortschakoff was less prudent than the Czar. Now that peace was assured by Emperor William's own act, his vanity prompted him to take the whole credit of it, nor could he refrain from taunting Bismarck with the failure of his plans. However, in due course he had to do penance for this gratification of his vanity. Meantime Emperor William, having obtained a glimpse behind the scenes kept a close eye on his Chancellor and took good care to inform himself of all that went on. The consequences of this affair were in the highest degree unfortunate. Not only had the Chancellor to recognize the first great mistake in his foreign policy, but the French, who had no idea of the part played by Emperor William, were full of gratitude to the Czar, whom they credited with staying Germany's arm. Thus was the way paved for an alliance between those two Powers. THE THE VITALITY OF PARNELLISM. La Nouvelle Revue, Paris, November 1. HE Irish Question! That is the rock on which the Gladstone Ministry will make shipwreck before six months have passed. Its pretended majority of forty votes is fictitious, for it cannot count on the passive obedience of the Labor party, and the Radicals, under the lead of the skillful Labouchere, will raise difficulties constantly. There will remain the eleven votes of the Parnellites, who will make the scales incline to whichever side they please. The policy of "dividing in order to reign," has not succeeded with English statesmen. The division in the Irish party which followed the fall of Parnell has rendered improbable the solution of the Irish question, at least, unless it be handled with a breadth of view which will greatly exceed anything which Mr. Gladstone has it in his power to propose. For the division of the Irish party there are two causes: jealousy between prominent individuals and a conflict of principles. Let us lay aside, for the moment, consideration of the first cause; the second and most important cause can be analyzed as follows: At the moment of the split, the branch of the Irish party which advocates federation, was obliged to rely on the good faith of the English politicians, and Mr. Gladstone, who had other interests to manage, not daring to declare clearly and with precision the measures he was thinking of proposing, the "Federationists" consented to accept, with their eyes shut, everything which it pleased the Liberals to offer them. The Parnellites, on the contrary, have a clearly defined platform. They insist on the programme made by their chief, which comprises an Irish Parliament and the control in Ireland of the judicial administration, the police, and the executive. They maintain that without the concession of these rights, Home Rule for Ireland would be, practically, something absolutely null and ridiculous. The conflict will break out as soon as a discussion of the question begins in Parliament. The last victory of the "Federationists" was gained only by the aid of the clergy, which was working, neither for the triumph of a principle nor for Ireland, but solely for the interests of the clergy. All the measures proposed by Mr. Gladstone, and the entire administration of his government, will be closely watched and severely criticised by men of all parties. New difficulties in the way of finding a solution of the problem will arise and a strong reaction towards Parnellism may be anticipated, a reaction so much the easier to bring about, because the "Federationists" are not a homogeneous and united party, but rather an amalgam of factions, none of which is fully satisfied with, or content under, English tutelage. There is but one means of saving Ireland and the English Liberal party: that is to give Ireland all that Parnell demanded for her, and permit an Irish Parliament to control the affairs of that country without interference or restraint. In no eventuality can Ireland be in a worse condition than it is at present. It can support in comfort fifteen million inhabitants; at present it supports in misery hardly four millions, while emigration to foreign lands goes on unceasingly. In America, in Australia, and, as history shows us, in all the countries of the Old World, the Irishman has manifested qualities and faculties of the first order. It is only at home, in Ireland, that he is unfortunate and desperate, through the deleterious effect of English tyranny over his beautiful land. Misfortunes never come singly. If the Irish problem is not solved in a definite and satisfying fashion by the next Parliament, the English Liberal party, already disunited, will go to pieces. It is probable, moreover, that at the next election its adversaries will return to power, which will delay, for another quarter of a century, the accomplishment of the reform so ardently desired, especially if, as is to be feared, the Tories range themselves on the wrong side in the European complications which are sure to come sooner or later. MOROCCO AND THE MOROCCO QUESTION. GUSTAV DIERCK. THE Nord und Süd, Breslau, November. THE condition of affairs in the Shereefate of Morocco has, in recent years awakened a very lively interest in Germany as well as in all the other great European nations. This is especially the case since Lord Salisbury, who correctly appreciated the gravity of the situation, drew attention to the grave dangers involved in the (sooner or later) inevitable interference of the European Powers in the internal affairs of Morocco. In the immediate neighborhood of Europe and most advantageously situated for playing a distinguished political and industrial rôle, Morocco under the Shereefs has effectually succeeded in excluding the highly developed civilization of Europe, which it frowns upon in its barbarism, like some hoary ruin of the Middle Ages; and while light is being rapidly shed on the dark places of Central Africa, Morocco the seat of a vigorous civilization centuries before our era, is almost a sealed book to European investigation. And this, although the Berbers, who constitute the main element of the population, are the direct descendants of the Libyans and kindred stocks, who, in spite of foreign influence and dominion, have preserved their ancient customs and characteristics unchanged. It was Berber troops which, under the leadership of Hannibal and Hamilcar, contested the supremacy of the world with old Rome. These, too, were the troops which, under the Caliphs, achieved Moorish dominion in Spain. And these Berbers are still amenable to culture, in so far at least as it does not antagonize their political and religious principles; and they are, to-day as ever, the prime factors to be considered in the proposed introduction of any innovations. It would be impossible to introduce any radical, comprehensive, political changes without their coöperation. The experience of France in Algiers should teach us something, but the people of Morocco are still more difficult to deal with. The Berbers may be annihilated, they cannot be wholly subdued. The Morocco question is by no means the artistic product of modern international politics, it dates from the Middle Ages; but within the last fifteen years European conditions have given it a new aspect. The development of industry, the necessity for new markets for manufactured goods, and of new and fertile fields for the production of raw materials, has awakened a spirit of colonial enterprise among all the nations of Europe, and naturally all eyes are turned to Morocco,a fertile land, with unlimited natural resources, a fine climate, and all the natural conditions favorably to its taking a lead in com merce and industry, but shut out from all participation by its low stage of culture. The two chief pretenders to Morocco are France and Spain. The former, already securely seated in Algiers, is ambitious to found a great North-African Empire, which shall extend from the Mediterranean to the Senegal. But Spain presents special claims, she withstood the onset of the Moorish invasion, and at length drove the invader back upon Morocco, where she claims to follow him by right of reprisals. England, however, has exerted herself to oppose the occupation of the country by either claimant, and succeeded in negativing all their efforts. She has stayed her own hand, although she might have laid claim to Tangier, but the trade is so almost wholly in her hands that her interests could hardly be better served than by the maintenance of the status quo. the Rigsdag is not in session, if they do not conflict with the Constitution; and they must always be laid before the next Rigsdag." The section on finances contains the following stipulation: “No taxes can be collected until the Finance Law for the year has been approved. No expenses may be incurred, which are not sanctioned by the Finance Law." These words of the original Constitution have been incorporated into the revised Constitution. One would think that the interpretation of these two sections must be the same as it was under the original Constitution, since the wording is identical and there are no modifying clauses. But they are not thus interpreted. The original draft of a Constitution for the kingdom of Denmark which in 1849 was laid before the Rigsforsamling made no mention of a provisional law-making power for the King. The Committee, to whom the draft was referred, added the words "the law-giving power lies with the King and the Rigs But every one familiar with Morocco realizes that the continuance of existing conditions is incompatible with the main-dag together," simply in order to provide for an exigency. In tenance of international trade, and impossible; and this knowledge raises considerations which go far to accelerate the solution of the Morocco question. There are only two methods of achieving this result. By force, or by peaceable measures to lay the foundation of a higher culture which shall enable the natives to take their place among the civilized peoples of Europe. The attempt of any one nation, for example the English, to assume the control and regulation of the internal affairs of the country, would at once arouse the opposition of French and Spaniards, and probably involve a European war. The same result would follow if France or Spain, or Italy, were to attempt to solve the problem by force. If they were all to unite and agree for a division of the spoils, they would have to reckon with the opposition of the natives, and not improbably inaugurate a religious war in which all the Mahometan races of North Africa would unite against the invading Christians. The peaceable solution of the question in order to avoid all possible cause of jealousy, must be by the combined action of all the Powers. The civilized Governments, under a guarantee of 'national independence, must secure from the Government of the Maghreb a treaty imposing stipulations consistent with modern requirements. It must embody reform of the tariff, the opening of all important harbors to commerce, protection to foreigners, the concession of all rights and privileges tending to promote civilization, the establishment of railways and telegraphs, the construction of roads for traffic, and the appointment of mixed tribunals. These would be the most important, necessary reforms, and once acceded to by the Shereef's Government, the other parties to the treaty would of course have to see to their enforcement. Under existing conditions the several rival claimants, realizing the gravity of the situation, shrink from attempting a solution by force, and advantage should be taken of this fact to inaugurate a peaceable settlement, to avert the danger which will continue an ever present one until a thoroughly satisfactory solution shall have been reached, and one which some untoward event might, in the absence of any general understanding, be precipitated immediately. THE DANISH CONSTITUTONAL CONFLICT. THE HE conflict now turns upon the conditions necessary for the enactment of "temporary" laws, and particularly for the continuance of such laws in force, after the conditions that made them necessary shall have ceased to exist [§ 25 of the Constitution], and also with regard to [§ 49] the enforcement of the 'temporary' Finance-Bills. The conflict, then, turns upon two of the most important sections of the Constitution. The section on provisional laws runs thus: "In very pressing cases the King may issue "temporary" provisional laws, when giving the reasons for the additional clause, the Committee emphatically stated that the law should be laid before the next Rigsdag and should be null and void if that Rigsdag did not approve. The amendment was approved by all but two members, who "would not thus give away a part of the people's lawmaking power." In that sense the law has been understood by the Government; the Rigsdag, and constitutional lawyers until 1866. In 1857 a further definition of the law was given in the Landsthing, when the meaning of the constitutional requirement, that the law "must always be laid before the next Rigsdag" was declared to be that the Rigsdag was not simply to be informed of the existence of such a law, but that the law was to be laid before it for approval. Such, then, was the understanding of the provisional power until 1866; and it was understood, also, that "a Ministry, which did not get the necessary authority to collect taxes, had lost the confidence of the representative bodies and would be obliged to resign." How different things are now! The provisional power is not now invoked simply because the Rigsdag is not sitting. No, the Government sends the Rigsdag home purposely that it may thus have the right to make provisional laws. The Government does not even try to hide its plans and purposes, and the Supreme Court upholds the Government against the will of the people and the past interpretation of the law. That section of the Constitution which was in the interest of freedom has been used against the people's rights, and the power of the Constitution is virtually overthrown. Now, the Government requires simply a majority in one of the Houses, and finds it in the Landsthing, which is composed of friendly members from the upper classes and those appointed directly by the Crown, and all, apparently, according to the Constitution. But is there no remedy? Yes; the Ministers are responsible, and the Folksthing can impeach them and bring them before the Rigsret. Here, again, the Landsthing frustrates the efforts of the Folksthing. The Rigsret is now so composed that the members from the Landsthing which have seats in it can always prevent a judgment or make it a farce. All these evils result from the revised and amended Constitution of 1866. In the Parliamentary debates of 1885-86 a hope was expressed that these evils would cure themselves in time. But this speaker could not say when. The majority, however, fear to wait for such a time. Many, even friends of the Government, begin to see that the power which the Government has been in the habit of exercising during the many years it has broken the Constitution may be a two-edged sword, which may be readily turned against those who now are, and in the past have been, the supporters of the Government. They begin to see absolute monarchy rise on the horizon. With them go many who never before took any interest in political affairs, and who never have expressed themselves on the questions of to-day. It may be said that the current is slowly, but strongly, setting in, which shall lift the Danish Constitutional ship off the rocks. |