amenable to treatment by tonics, electricity, etc. The majority of cases, however, were found due to exhaustion and excessive stimulation of the muscles of the hand and arm; and when, in the beginning of the seventies, massage and curative gymnastics were coming into general recognition, the idea of utilizing them in the treatment of the muscular form of the disease took strong hold of the profession. This idea was first worked out successfully by Julius Wolff, originally a writingmaster in Frankfort-on-the-Main. Observing numerous cases of the incipient stage of the malady among his pupils he took up the treatment of the disease and study of the anatomy of the hand and arm at the same time. This department he has made peculiarly his own, for, although he has made no secret of his methods, but, on the coutrary, has done his best to advance the general spread of his treatment, none of his followers appear to achieve the same measure of success as he. As is thoroughly understood among physicians who recognize the theoretical value of the treatment, very much depends on the study and adaptation of the treatment to each particular case. As a matter of course this treatment has no efficacy in those cases in which the seat of the disease is in the brain or spinal marrow, but in all those cases in which the seat of the disease is in the muscles, Wolff's system, intelligently applied, has shown that they are amenable to treatment, and it is now contemplated to establish an institute at Frankfort-on-theMain for the free treatment of the afflicted. One of the greatest difficulties is the shock to the nerves attending the loss of power, and the difficulty in reëstablishing confidence, after the muscles have once refused to respond to the will. Moral influence here plays an important rôle, and it is here that the personal equation of the physician becomes an important factor in the treatment. But prevention is better than cure, and persons whose prime Occupation is writing, sewing, etc., should resort to such daily gymnastic exercises as tend to maintain the free movement of all the muscles of the hand and arm. THE BURMESE TRAITS. HENRY CHARLES MOORE. Fortnightly Review, London, November. HE frequent reports of fighting in Burmah might lead people at a distance to suppose that the Burmese are a very bloodthirsty race; they are also supposed by some to be halfnaked savages, with but little intelligence. A greater mistake was never made, for, except in some parts of Upper Burmah, they are a merry and contented people, fond of gay clothes, and extremely unwilling to take the life of man or beast, an unwillingness sometimes carried to the absurd length of sparing a mad dog or a snake which has bitten their children. Nevertheless they flocked to the Burmese "Zoo" a few months ago in expectation of seeing a woman sacrificed. A rumor had got about that a Hindoo woman had killed her baby and made it into curry for her husband's dinner, and that the English authorities had condemned her to be thrown alive into the tiger's cage. It is one especial trait of the Burmese that the more absurd a rumor the more likely it is to be believed. This is not because they are illiterate. but because their literature deals almost exclusively with the legendary and marvelous. And fabulous as is their literature, it is hardly more so than their history. Their defeat by the English in the war of 1824-26, and their enforced payment of an indemnity is described as follows: The white strangers from the west fastened a quarrel upon the Lord of the Golden Palace. They landed at Rangoon, took that place and Prome, and were permitted to advance as far as Yandabo, for the King, from motives of piety and regard to life, made no effort what ever to oppose them. The strangers had speni vast sums of money on the enterprise, and by the time they reached Yandabo, their resources were exhausted, and they were in great distress. They petitioned the King who, in his clemency and generosity, sent them large sums of money to pay their expenses back, and ordered them out of the country. Like many other estimable people, the Burmese have a very good opinion of themselves, but their independent spirit,coupled with their unbusinesslike habits, is likely, before long, to prove disastrous to them. Devoid of enterprise, and disliking exertion, they have allowed many golden opportunities to escape them, and the trade which should have been theirs, is now in the hands of Europeans, Americans, Chinamen, and Mahomedans. As clerks, or, indeed, in any commercial position, they are almost worthless, for they have a profound disregard for regulations and, at the slightest rebuke, haughtily resign. In spite of their high opinion of themselves, the Burmese confess that they are the breadth of a fingernail inferior to the British, but they hold themselves superior to the natives of India by the length of the arm. The Hindoo will calmly receive any amount of cuffing and kicking from a European, revenging himself, if he is a servant, by robbing his master, but a Burman would return a blow as quickly and energetically as any Englishman. Their superstitions are very trying to European masters. One of them is that during sleep the spirit leaves the body, and flits about at will, and that if the sleeper be suddenly awakened he will surely die, for the butterfly-spirit would be absent. The idea is certainly a very pretty one, but it is a worry to have a servant who will, on no account, wake you. You may argue with him, you may threaten him with dismissal, but you will never induce him to disturb your slumber. A lazier man than the average Burman it would be extremely hard to find. When it is absolutely necessary for him to work, he usually hits on some means of saving himself a lot of exertion. Their method of farming is to burn the jungle, cultivate the soil a few years, and then let it run to jungle again. When a Burman has earned a little money he immediately proceeds to spend it, for the Burmese have no ambition to be rich and never hoard; consequently there is no aristocracy, no large land-owners, and the people are as nearly as possible on an equality. Should a Burman become possessed of a large sum of money, he builds a pagoda, or perhaps a travelers' resthouse, if anything remains, he gives a theatrical entertain ment. With theatrical performances and dances at night-time, and boxing-matches, cock-fights, boat, pony, and foot-races during the day, the Burmese manage to thoroughly enjoy life, and the greatest misfortune cannot damp their spirits for any length of time. Fires are of every-day occurrence in the hot season, but when John Burman sees his house on fire he does not excite himself or make any great effort to extinguish the flames. When he sees that his house is doomed he calmly lights a cheroot and sits down in the middle of the road, where his neighbors probable join him and talk the matter over. The Burmese dress is most attractive, both men and women being very partial to bright colors. The women do up their black hair in a tight chignon, and adorn it with a pink, white, or yellow flower. Their skirts are always of some bright color and sometimes daintily flowered; their peculiarities of gait and movement give them a very coquettish appearance. They enjoy as perfect freedom perhaps as any women in the world. The Phoongyees, or monks, invariably carry a large fan to screen their eyes when passing a woman, lest they should be tempted to admire her and thus destroy the serenity of their souls. Books. JAMES GILMOUR, OF MONGOLIA; His Diaries, Letters, and Reports. Edited and Arranged by Richard Lovett, M.A. New York and Chicogo: Fleming H. Revell Company. [James Gilmour, who is widely known in Missionary circles by his book, Among the Mongols, published in 1882, is described by his editor as one the real secret and value of whose life consists much more in what he was than in what he did, as is indeed the case with strong men generally. James Gilmour was in many respects a strong man. He had very clear and decided views. These not infrequently differed from those of his fellow-workers generally. This divergence was sometimes on matters of gravest importance, as, for example, the whole conduct and policy of missionary enterprise in China. He took a very decided stand, not only against opium-smoking, but against tobacco-smoking and dram-drinking, thus placing himself in line with Chinese reformers. He went so far as to refuse Church membership to all who would not pledge themselves to total abstinence from the whole three. Moreover, he treated the subject from an aspect that commended itself as just and logical to the Chinese mind. He dwelt on the economic aspect, arguing for the unreasonableness of appealing to Heaven for bet-ter harvests, while God's liberality was abused by the perversion of so much of the best soil to tobacco and opium, and grain for whiskey. His treatment of this subject constitutes one of the most interesting features of the book. Let him speak for himself.] IN N December, 1885, on entering a district of North China new to me, I preached to a crowd of Chinese and Mongols in a small marke town. The audience listened awhile to the truths I had been speaking, with fair respect and attention, but at the first opportunity for speaking they wanted to know how to get a good harvest. I waived the question at first, but as it was repeated after a while by many of them, and as they all looked cold and hungry, and evidently regarded the problem as a vital one, I answered them by another question, Do you think you deserve good harvests?" This question made them stare, and ask, Why not?" To this I would reply, "In the first case because of that tobacco-pipe in your mouth.” " At first this retort would be met by a laugh of incredulity, but when done laughing and asked to consider the folly of spending money buying a pipe and tobacco when the smoker was shivering in his rags and hungry, and especially when asked what was the good of smoking, they laughed no more. When pressed upon the subject of where the' tobacco came from, they would admit what had evidently never occurred to them before, that its cultivation took up no small proportion of their better-class land. Arguing the matter from this point of view, I forced them to concede that this was a misuse of the land, and that in cultivating and using tobacco they were doing what was wrong, and hindering heaven from feeding them. If they took good land and planted it with tobacco, with what face could they ask heaven to send rain, seeing that if rain came, what grew would not be grain but tobacco, a thing which they admitted was no use at all. I have dwelt at length on the tobacco question, not because it is the most important of the three things here spoken of (the other two are opium and whiskey), but because many good brethren have not been able to see with me on this point. They feel as I used to do before I went to that region, that tobacco-smoking is a small affair, not worth raising into prominence or the region of conscience or Christian duty at all. But these brethren have not seen how things work, as I have in this region. Tobacco is not the greatest cause of poverty and hunger in the district, but it is a much greater factor in poverty than would at first be supposed. But for its use in that district, a large number of men, women, and children, who are deficiently clothed and fed would be warm and sleek. It must be wrong to make hundreds of men, women, and children go half clad and half fed simply that eighty or ninety per cent. of the adult males may indulge in tobacco. A more serious question, however, is the whiskey, and my audiences, after hearing me condemn tobacco, would frequently ask the question, How, then, about whiskey? " To convince them of the wrong of whiskey was never difficult. They did not need any argument to convince them that it was wrong to pervert the heaven-given grain to whiskey making. "Suppose," I would say, you bought food for your child, and he ate only half and threw the other half to the pig, would you be likely to buy him more just then, even if he said he was hungry?" This reasoning seems quite satisfactory and convincing to them. The evils of whiskey drinking are apparent to all, but custom requires that friends should be honored by being offered whiskey, and customs are hard to break through. As to opium, I never found it necessary to say much. Al. admit that it is wholly bad; yet the quantity of good land appropriated to its growth is really enormous. What other answer could any conscientious man have given a people thus circumstanced to their question, How are we to get good harvests? but, “Repent and cease this great waste." And is what is true of this district not true of the whole world? Is it not true that but for tobacco and whiskey there would be food and clothing for a much larger population? Do not tobacco and whiskey take the bread out of men's mouths and the clothes off their backs? And if so, has not every smoker and drinker a part in this sin? JESUS CHRIST'; GOD; GOD AND MAN. Conferences delivered at Notre Dame in Paris, by the Rev. Père Lacordaire, of the order of Friar Preachers. Translated from the French, with the Author's permission, by a Tertiary of the Order. New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1892. [Some of the most able vindications of Christianity against the assaults of modern unbelief, have unquestionably proceeded from the Catholic Church. The present series of Conferences or spoken essays were delivered at Notre Dame in the presence of the Archbishop of Paris, Monseigneur Affre. They are powerful rhetorical, logical, and incisive, and have attracted much attention in England. We subjoin here a slender sketch of one branch of the argument for the divinity of Christ.] BEFORE His friends, before the people, before the magistracy, in His life, in His death, Jesus Christ everywhere declares, that He is the Son of God, the only Son, a Son equal with His Father, one with His Father. This is the testimony which He renders of Himself. Mahomet come to replace the reign of idols, did not call himself God, but a simple envoy of God, and if we would go beyond idolatry in search of the arrogant impostures, we shall find, even in the heart of India, nothing but narratives without consistency, ages without date, a shapeless abyss in which our vision will be totally unable to discover any authentic mortal bold enough to declare that he was God formally and distinctly by those two words, EGO SUM, uttered in the presence of Pilate. Man is not capable of uttering so bold a falsehood, the improbability is too striking. It is also and too manifestly useless, for what could it profit? Jesus Christ in calling Himself the Man of God would have proclaimed something probable; but the very title of God, the apotheosis of Himself by Himself added nothing but difficulties to His enterprise. It was opposed to every Jewish conception of God. Before we examine whether what He said was true, an intervening question arises: we have to consider whether, in calling Himself God, He believed what He said. Between the affirmation and the reality, between saying I am God, and being God, stands the question of good faith and sincerity. Did Jesus Christ believe in His Divinity? Was He convinced of the truth of that vital dogma which He laid down as the basis of His teaching, and for which He died? Was He sincere? or, pardon the expression, was He an impostor? We know the character of Jesus Christ as the Gospel shows it to us. With regard to His intelligence-continuous sublimity; with regard to His heart-chaste and ineffable tenderness; with regard to His willabsolute certainty of Himself. Now this character is incompatible with the ignoble vice which I no longer dare even to name. Jesus Christ was sincere because He was sublime intelligence; He was sincere because His heart was open to men as a sanctuary of tenderness and chastity; He was sincere because He possessed absolute certainty of Himself. And we have other testimony, not willing testimony, but testimony wrung from those who would fain have denied Him. While the eighteenth century heaped insult upon the Son of God, in the very midst of that school which attacked Him, there was one who believed no more than the rest; a man as celebrated as the rest-the most celebrated among them with but one exception-that man then at the height of his glory, acquainted by his studies with past ages, and by his life with the age of which he was an ornament, had to speak of Jesus Christ in a profession of faith in which he desired to sum up all the doubts and convictions which his meditations on religious matters left on his mind. Coming to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, that soul, poised between truth and error suddenly lost its hesitation, and with a hand firm as a martyr's, forgetting his age and his works, the philos⚫opher wrote the page of a theologian, concluding with these words, which will resound throughout Christendom until the last coming of Christ: "If the life and death of Socrates be those of a sage, the life and death of Jesus Christ are those of a God." * Rosseau " Emile." THE BATTLE OF NEW YORK: A Story for all Young People. By William O. Stoddard. New York: D. Appleton and Company. [The Battle of New York referred to was the uprising towards the close of the Civil War, generally spoken of as the Draft Riots, but while it gives its title to the story under notice, it is treated only as one of the incidents of the Civil War, the battle of Gettysburg being described as stirringly, and with almost as much detail as that of New York. The chief boy-hero of the story was there, too, not as a combatant, but waiting the issue of the combat, that he might carry instructions to Confederate sympathizers or Federal traitors in New York.] TOWARDS OWARDS the close of the Civil War, a very ragged colored boy perambulated Wall street, New York, studying the business signs. Finally he appeared to catch sight of the address he was seeking, "Washington Vernon & Co., Bankers," and walked right in. "That'll do," exclaimed Mr. Vernon; "the next word will be Susquehanna, and it wont be long, either." "No, sab," said the boy, quickly, while the banker stepped to the door and bolted it. "But it's the Hudson, sah, an' de lakes. Dey's a-comin'." The boy pulled off his ragged coat, it had a lining, from within which he drew a long, thin packet, which he handed to Mr. Vernon, saying: "I tole de gen'ral I's gwine to giv' ye that. You's jes' one ob ouah folks. Now I's got anoder erran' to do uptown. Reckon I'd bes' be gwine." The following day a well-dressed young fellow entered the outer office of Washington Vernon, and, addressing the head book-keeper, asked if Mr. Vernon was in; being answered in the affirmative, he begged the book-keeper to inform him that he, the caller, had a verbal message of importance from a friend of his. His message was promptly given, and he was at once ushered into the private office. The banker bowed politely, and smiled inquiringly at his young visitor. "I am Davis Mason Randolph," said the young fellow, quietly. "I came up here to visit my mother and sister, but I was told that it might be necessary for me to get back at once to my relatives in West Virginia, just south of the Potomac." The bold boy was General Lee's spy, bearing dispatches, and instructed to pick up all the information he could. A boy, the son of the house in which his mother and sister were boarding, thoughtlessly mentioned young. Randolph's exploit of coming through the Federal lines, and he was arrested, but his mother and sister and the people of the house accompanied him to the military court where the boy's demeanor, his apparent readiness to tell all he knew about General Lee's movements, and his confident intimation that that distinguished leader would soon be in New York created the impression that if a spy, he was at any rate not dangerous. The Colonel set him at liberty remarking to the mother that the boy was 'plucky but too rash to be a good spy; and not careful enough of his tongue." This was not the view entertained by General Lee, when the exhausted boy, after again penetrating the enemy's lines, furnished him with very important views of the state of affairs in the North, and an intimation that if he won one great battle, the friends of the Confederacy would have full possession of New York within twenty-four hours after receipt of the news. General Lee's estimate of the boy's achievement may be gathered from the fact that, with his own hands, he covered him with the "Stars and Bars" while he slept. Randolph, bore the decisive news of the battle of Gettysburg to New York and was in time to distinguish himself in the defense of the house his mother lived in, and to see a great deal of the riot in the company of the son of the house, Barry Redding, whose father was wounded and won promotion at Gettysburg, on the Federal side. A very saucy little rebel, and one who plays a conspicuous part in the story, is Lilian, the sister of Davis Randolph. THE BEASTS OF EPHESUS. By Rev. James Brand, D.D., Pastor First Congregational Church, Oberlin, O. With an Introduction by Rev. Francis E. Clark, D.D., President United Society of Christian Endeavor. Chicago: Advance Publishing Co. 1892. [The beasts of Ephesus with which Paul fought were, perhaps, not those of the gladiatorial arena, at least both our author and the Reverend Mr. Clark appear to hold that the Apostle's statement that he had fought with beasts at Ephesus was figurative, and not real; that the beasts he had to contend with were the customs, ideas, and social influences of the city. These, at least, are the beasts of the modern Ephesus against which the young Christian is warned-the City, Money, Bad Books, the Theatre, Card-Tables, Clubs, the Popular Dance, Social Intluence, Market Infidelity, Public Opinion, Tobacco, are all discussed, and their evil tendencies condemned with no uncertain note. The concluding chapter is headed "Christ's Appeal to the Heroism of Young People," and is a trumpet call for valorous battle with the "beasts." We present a digest of the chapter entitled "The Young Christian and the Dance."] THE 'HE dance is not forbidden in the Bible. It is not necessarily a sin per se. It may sometimes tend to cultivate grace of movement. If conducted for strictly religious purposes, as in the case of David, and when the sex element is eliminated it will not be harmful. If the hearts of young Christians are in the dance more than in the cause of Christ, and if the parents in the home take no stand against it, then all other prohibitions are futile. In full view of these concessions, I feel compelled to hold that dancing, as it commonly prevails in society, is a menace to the Christian life and Church, which needs the immediate, careful, and conscientious consideration of all Christian people. The well-founded objection to the dance is that it is naturally dangerous to social purity. Its chief fascination lies in the relation of the sexes. It brings them into improper relations with each other, and thus sets the passions on fire. It is useless to mince matters on this point. The danger of the promiscuous dance lies in the too familiar handling of each other's persons when the sexes are together. When we add to this the dissipating and fascinating attendant circumstances, and especially the mode of female dress usually adopted for the dance, it is impossible to doubt the existence of moral peril. The form of dress is, doubtless, innocently adopted; but it is nevertheless a vulgar and subtle, though unintentional, temptation to young men of both pure and impure mind. [Of smoking, he says, humorously, but forcibly: The old Scotch woman who objected to the minister's wearing a mustache because she didna like to hear the Word of God come whizzin' through hairs," may have been over-fastidious. but it is a dictate of clean, religious sentiment to object to hearing the" Word of God come whizzin' through" lips tainted with the evidence of a filthy self-indulgence.] As to THE DEATH OF CENONE, AKBAR'S DREAM, AND OTHER POEMS. By Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Poet Laureate. 12mo, pp. 113. New York and London: Macmillan and Co. 1892. [Twenty-four poems are collected in this handsomely made volume. when they were written there is an indication in two cases only. A Note to "Riflemen Form!" says that the poem was first published in the London Times, May 9. 1859. The last poem in the book is on "The Death of the Duke of Clarence "and must, therefore, have been written this year. Some of the poems depict human nature in its least attractive phases. In "The Death of Enone,' a wife, who had come to hate her husband, refused to aid him in his dying moments, though when she sees his corpse on the funeral pyre, her early tenderness for him revives, and she leaps upon the pyre and is burned to death thereon. In "The Bandit's Death" a wife narrates how she stabbed her husband to death in his sleep and cut off his head. We extract some lines which may have been written not long before the poet's death, and, in that case, may be supposed to embody a question which was puzzling him.] The Press. POLITICAL. OLD ISSUES AND NEW. gressive elements in American politics, North | which new issues always create, and it is diffiand South. The South is solid for the Democracy cult to see how it can regain popular favor. It only because the Republican party still lives. dare not appeal to the moral and Christian eleIt will be solid as long as that party lives. It ment in its ranks lest it offend the immoral and is folly to ignore this stupendous fact. Just so the debased who stand ready to knife it when long as the fight lies between these two parties offense is given. It is unable to extricate itself the 159 Electoral votes of the Southern States from the dilemma in which it is placed. On are in self-defense going to be cast in solid ar- the other hand the Democrats are in possession ray for the Democratic candidate. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY-THE WHIG PARTY-publican party is near its death, but the nation the liquor power without driving off any conThe Re- and have obtained the friendship and favor of THE PARTY OF THE FUTURE." still lives. The same spirit of progress, the siderable number of their voters. They can New York Voice (Proh.), Nov. 17.-The same high-minded patriotism, the same sound bid for the slum vote with less danger than can hour has struck for a great historical movement moral sentiment that created that party in the the Republicans, and it is to be expected that that shall inaugurate a new era in American 'fifties, and carried it forward on its path of they will control the element which, with a politics. The progressive forces of the nation glorious achievement, survives to-day, and large foreign vote, will give them a lease of must rally around a new centre, under a new can reproduce, along a new line, on a power which can only be shortened by a new banner, for a new crusade. Just forty years new plane, the wonderful accomplishments political organization which can unite the reago the Whig party received its death-blow. of the past. The time is ripe for such a new form elements of the nation and force the batThe Democratic party went into the White readjustment of forces. Taking the Pro- tle on new and living issues. We shall look House with 254 Electoral votes to 42 for its hibitory Amendment elections from 1880 to for the "break up," and shall be disappointed rival. The Whig party had represented the 1889 we find that 1,676,603 votes were recorded if it does not come before 1896. progressive, liberal elements of the country against, and nearly 900,000 not voting. If this for Constitutional Prohibition, to 1,960,994 The death of that party was almost imme-could be achieved by this issue in mere sporaddiately followed by a readjustment of those elements. For a year or two it was ic conflict, with the political machines of both a matter of doubt whether that readjustment old parties and the daily press, for political would be around the class issue presented by reasons, arrayed against it, what can we not the Know-Nothings or around the issue of hos fairly look for in a great national movement tility to slavery. At first all the signs pointed along this line similar to that which took place to the Know-Nothing movement as the one along another line in 1854? The liquor evil is that was to sweep the country. John P. Hale, a greater moral evil than slavery was. It is the candidate of the Free Soil party, repre- more dominant in politics than the slavery senting hostility to slavery, had polled but related to industrial questions as slavery ever power was. It is as closely and importantly 155,000 votes in 1852. The Know-Nothing movement, on the contrary, spread like wildfire at first. Here are the words of an historian: A very large proportion of the Whigs, hoping to transfer the political issue from slavery to native Americanism, joined the [Know-Nothing] order, and for some years it had extraordinary success in State elections; but, as Horace Greeley predicted at the time, it was destined "to run its career rapidly and vanish as suddenly as it appeared. seem as devoid of the elements of persistence as an anti-cholera or an anti-potato-rot party would be." Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections, p. 193. It would The attempt to ignore the great moral issue of the day by an appeal to prejudice, if it spread like a wild-fire, expired as quickly. The progressive, liberal elements began to find their centre of crystallization around the party which declared in its platform that slavery was a relic of barbarism." Hear James G. Blaine in regard to this crystallization: was. As for the Prohibition party, it should main- New England Home (Proh., Hartford), Nov. [2.- -The situation demands a new party. The Prohibition party holds the essential vantage ground for the future. It is not tenaclous of its name or its personnel. But it is tenacious of the principle for which it stands. We hold that this principle, the principle of uncompromising hostility to the alcoholic drink traffic-an institution easily distinguishable from the proper medicinal and mechanical uses of alco- Philadelphia Evening Telegraph (Ind.-Rep.), holic compounds-must be the groundwork of Nov. 15.-The Prohibition party has existed, the new party, because that traffic is in itself as a national and State organization, for twenty the chief menace of the republic, declared by years, and although dominated by a great the Supreme Court the chief source of crime moral idea, and composed almost entirely of and misery; and it is also the chief recruiting the most estimable class of citizens, it has source of the corrupt elements that give monop- been unable to make any headway. The Peoolists their grip on government. In aple's party, as constituted to-day, has infinitely word, the alcoholic drink traffic consti- less claim to general public confidence and retutes in itself and its relations the most spect than the Prohibition party. Moreover, The Republican party had meanwhile been organiz-important economic, and therefore the first when it becomes entirely clear that this moveing and consolidating. During the years 1854 and 1855 it had acquired control of the governments in a major ment can accomplish nothing to promote the ity of the free States, and it promptly called a National interest of its adherents, the latter will be ready Convention to meet in Philadelphia in June, 1856. The Democracy saw at once that a new and dangerous to cast their fortunes in with those with whom opponent was in the field-an opponent that stood they can coöperate intelligently and effectively. upon principle and shunned expediency, that brought General reorganization, of political lines within to its standard a great host of young men, and that the next quadrennium is quite possible, but no won to its service a very large proportion of the talent, the courage, and the eloquence of the North. The general rally will take place around the organConvention met for a purpose, and it spoke boldly. It ization controlled by such flighty theorists as accepted the issue as presented by the men of the General Weaver. The National Convention South, and it offered no compromise.--Twenty Years at Memphis will go through the motions again, send out its lecturers, keep up the agitation, and continue to attract a measure of public attention, but when the serious question of another division in the public mind comes up the work of leadership will be found in different hands. The People's party of 1892 simply completed the work of destruction entered upon by the Alliance in 1890. Reorganization upon a more intelligent and enduring basis will take place, and if a new party comes to the front in time for the next Presidential contest it will be one with national aims and purposes, with a platform broad enough for men of all classes to stand upon, one which can be used effectively in every State in the Union. Let the Populists abandon some of their foolish notions and prepare to align themselves with the friends of good government and justice to all. They have conducted a class movement that can have no great future on its present lines. history of political parties in this country abunThe dantly confirms this view. in Congress, Vol. i., page 126. political problem of the time. The Prohibition Four years later the party that had in 1852 se- Indianapolis News (Ind.-Rep.), Nov. 12.Now there is a President truly not sectiona}, but national. Nearly half his vote comes from the Northern section of the country. To have the "solid West" broken is a notable thing. 1 It is an auspicious thing, It augurs well for | hate, must go. The Democratic party is not course, their share of influence, but the conthe future. The solid South cannot claim a the only party of principle, but it is the only trolling purpose of the men who made up the partnership with the Democratic denomina- one with a history extending to the formation organization was a sincere and earnest desire tion furnished by New York and Indiana for of our Government. It had its birth in the to free their country from the shame of slavery, the exclusive possession of the President. Convention that framed our Constitution, where and to make the great Republic, more than There is no one State in the Electoral column the principles of government were discussed was ever possible under slavery, the worthy that makes Mr. Cleveland President that can by the ablest of men and purest of patriots. object of the admiration and affection of the not be dispensed with; not even New York. Thomas Jefferson, planting upon himself upon whole world. The downfall of the party has The far-off West and Northwest, sweeping to these, is really the founder of the Democratic been altogether as melancholy as its rise was the New England States, through the Middle party. He was emphasized by Jackson and inspiring. The great issues which had called it States, unite with the South in making the since has been solidly confirmed by the Ad- into existence having been settled, its original President, and thus, as we say, for the first ministrations of Polk, Pierce, Buchanan, and aim was gone, and it had no sufficient excuse for time in nearly forty years the sectional division Cleveland. Now, shall not the second Ad-being. But shrewd men saw that here was an in President-making is broken. Add to this ministration of Grover Cleveland so crystallize organization of tremendous force, which could the diversion which the fusion vote has made all, that Democrats will administer this Gov- be used for personal ends as it had been used in hitherto Republican States, and it does not ernment for many terms-indeed, until some for public purposes. Gradually it ceased to be seem too much to say that a new era of poli- other party of expediency based upon an "the party of great moral ideas," and became tics begins with the national contest just emergency shall succeed-if, indeed, that can the party of great speculators. The power of closed. To be sure, "One swallow does not again be done? taxation the greatest and always the most make a summer," and it is easily possible that jealously guarded of powers-was employed, the contest of 1896 may be attempted on the at first with much secrecy, later more and more old lines that have prevailed since the war, but openly, to promote the fortunes of a comparait is not probable. Everything points to a tively small class of manufacturers at the readjustment in this particular. North-precisely as before the war the whole influence of the Federal Government was exercised to protect the human chattels of the slaveholders at the South. The still surviving admiration of the Republican party's early record and the still lingering distrust of the Democracy rendered it more easy than it should have been to blind the people to Republican misdoing, and to alarm them with fears of national misfortune in case of a Democratic triumph. The greed of the protected interests at last wrought their downfall. Detroit Tribune (Rep.), Nov. 12.-The Republican party will now become the party of opposition, and of very vigorous opposition. It is not going to pieces, any more than the Democratic party went to pieces in the thirty-two years of its sojourn in the wilderness. Harrison is not as badly defeated as Greeley was in 1872. The Democrats recovered from that disaster in four years. In a Presidential term an opposition party can accomplish a great deal, and there is no reason to believe the Republican party will be unable to appeal to the country in 1896 with entire confidence. Pittsburgh Leader (Dem.), Nov. 13.-The bigoted partisan detests the Mugwump. Trueblue partisanship involves the obligation to swallow any and every dose served up on a party platter, without the option of refusing to sanction vicious men and vicious methods. The prevalence of hide-bound factionalism of this type is essentially dangerous, and the longer and more firmly it endures in any party the more certain is that party to lapse into errors that may come unpleasantly close to being political crimes. The Republicans owe their defeat of Tuesday to this failing. Depending upon the mortgage on the popular vote apparently guaranteed in 1888, they undertook to inflate the tariff according as millionaire manufacturers dictated, to pass a law Harper's Weekly (Ind.), Nov. 19.-The new giving the Federal Administration practical phase in American politics opened by the eleccontrol of national elections, and to adopt tion of Mr. Cleveland may be summed up thus: Troy Standard (Ind.), Nov. 12.-The Repub- other high-handed measures which the intelli- Like the Federal party during the Administralican party has now an opportunity to pledge gence of the people could not sanction. The tions of Washington and John Adams, and itself to carry out the plans offered by the most rebuke administered by the people in the State like the Democratic party from the election of progressive of its statesmen. If it will do this elections of 1890 did not cause the party man- Jefferson to the victory of the anti-slavery it may absorb the elements once a part of it, agers to alter their course. In the intemper- movement, the Republican party was from the but which are now leading an independent exance of power they pressed ahead in the same first election of Abraham Lincoln to our days istence to the great detriment of the Republican objectionable path, and trusted to the cohesive what might be called the leading party of the party, especially in the West. But the proba- power of partisan loyalty to hold their follow-period, because it embodied in itself, as the bilities are all against the Republican party ers together, and insure a repetition of the Federal and the Democratic parties had doing anything to save itself. It is more likely Republican victory of '88. The result speaks done in their times, the prevailing thought to totter along into the political graveyard and for itself, and gives promise of exercising a and aspiration of the popular mind. This stay there, while the Populist party or some tremendous influence for good in the admin- the Republican party has ceased to do, other organization takes the place it once oc-istration of national affairs hereafter. It and therefore it has ceased to be the cupied. shows that the people have been doing leading party of the period. It has yielded their own thinking instead of letting the that place to the new Democracy, as reprepoliticians do it for them, and that the sented by Mr. Cleveland, which, reënforced as popular disposition, on the whole, is to it is by the matured reform sentiment as well punish those entrusted control by the young intelligence of the country, is now of the Government if they fail to do their duty to be regarded as being charged with the work conscientiously and well. Party lines are thus of the time. The Republican party sinks down obliterated in the face of public need, and the to the level of a mere opposition, to live mainly politicians on both sides are made to under- on the faults committed by the party in power. stand that if they are weighed in the balance It will occupy a place in our politics very and found wanting, a party shibboleth will not similar to that which was filled by the Whig save them. Hence, if the Democrats give the party from the first election of General Jackson country a weak and damaging Administration, to the year 1852. It will, indeed, not be led it may be relied upon that they will be kicked by men nothing like Clay and Webster, but in common between the Farmers' Al out of power four years hence with as much has talent enough in its ranks to do valuable liance and the Republicans, the energy as marked the overthrow of the Repub- service as a critic. It may deter the party late election shows. Indeed, wherever the lican régime last Tuesday. Undoubtedly, in power from wanton abuses of its ascendAlliance has coöperated with any party it has Mugwumpery is in the ascendant, and it is hard ency. It may very efficiently promote reforms been the Democratic. The Prohibitionists and to conceive how any thoroughly good citizen of high importance. It may also be able to the Republicans have some elements of adhe- can dispute the benefit accruing from its ascen- carry a Presidential election again, as the siveness, but the combination would not be for- dancy. Whig party twice succeeded in doing, but only midable, and besides in some States the Repubas a temporary corrective, by way of episode lican party is dominated by the Germans, who -unless the Democrats in power show themhate Prohibition worse than anything else. So selves utterly incapable of fulfilling the mission the Republicans must henceforth remain a before them, and the Republicans then have waiting party, a party of observation and opcourage and largeness of mind enough to position, ready to take advantages of any misthrow overboard their old doctrines and aims, takes in the administration of affairs by the and to take the task of the period off the great organization which will in a few months hands of their opponents. It is not probable, enter upon its new duties. however, that the Democrats under their present leadership will give them such a chance. Salt Lake Herald (Dem.), Nov. II. - What, indeed, is there for the Republican party, with high tariff abandoned, on which to rally their defeated and scattering forces? It cannot take up free silver coinage, for its leaders are commited against that, and besides free silver has more friends among Democrats than Republicans, and the issue cannot be nationalized. Financial problems will be settled in connection with the tariff, trade relations with other nations, monetary congresses, or national legislation at home, before another Presidential election. There is as Atlanta Constitution (Dem.), Nov. 13.-The election of 1852, which destroyed the Whig party, is repeated in the Waterloo defeat of the Republican party. And the question is, Will this defeat finish the career of that party? The probability is that it will. The Republican party would not have endured as long as it has, but for the feelings and prejudices engendered by the war. This has gradually died out, and the party of an emergency, kept up by sectional with the it New York Evening Post (Ind.), Nov. 10.An era in our politics is definitely ended when States which began going Republican in 1856, and have continued Republican ever since, at last go deliberately Democratic, and when the Democratic candidate receives support in the East, the Interior, and the West only less hearty than in the South. It is an extraordinary era which is thus brought to an end. In its early history the Republican party was one of the noblest organizations of men for the accomplishment by united efforts of good ends Providence Journal (Ind.), Nov. 10.-The that the world has ever seen. There was most practical present question regards the less of sordid selfishness, more of broad- future of the Populists, and touching this there minded humanity and patriotism, in the party is room for a great diversity of opinions. It of Abraham Lincoln, William H. Seward, seems reasonable to say that the feeling of unCharles Sumner, and John A. Andrew rest for which the existence of this seperate pothan in any other party in our history. Ambi- litical organization of grangers stands, will not tion and other purely personal motives had, of be entirely and immediately subdued whatever |