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the alert not to starve, and they need this excessive keenness of the sense of touch. Sight is useless in the gloom, and it appears to be by the minute changes of pressure in the atmosphere that they recognize the approach of their prey.

Sometimes the chief tactile organ is the tongue, as in snakes; sometimes it is the foot, as in climbing reptiles, birds, and even some insects. The tails of monkeys are also keenly sensitive; while in cats and other feline creatures the whiskers have the most delicate sense of touch, and in rabbits the long hairs on their lips, owing to the nerve filaments at their base. Seals and walruses, too, have similar sensitive strong whiskers which are as useful to them as a staff to a blind man.

Taste, though the most limited in range of the senses, serves a special and useful purpose; for, unless we, in common with other living creatures, took pleasure of some kind in our food, we might cease to eat, and die of starvation; or, if food had no taste, we might unconsciously eat what is unsuitable, or even poisonous.

A singular development of this sense is seen in those insects which eat different food when in the larval and when in the perfect condition. The butterfly or moth, for instance, would not touch the leaf on which it lays its eggs; yet this forms the right food for the grub that will emerge from the egg. It is not to be supposed that the butterfly remembers its early existence, and reasons from this as to the probable food its young will require; so, in a happy tone of satisfaction, we call this "instinct," and think our explanation complete. Is not that word, however, used merely to cover our ignorance; for, after all, what is instinct? Who can define it, or say where instinct ends and reason begins?

Many experiments have been made in order to find out where the organ of taste is in the lower creation; but it is easier to say where it is not.

Though the exact locality of the sense of taste in insects is uncertain, we know that groups of cells in the tongue of animals, called taste-bulbs, form, in part, the ends of the organs of taste. These vary in number, increasing in the higher animals; they are very close and exceedingly numerous in man, while the tongue of even the cow has some thirty-five thousand of them. These taste-bulbs were discovered in 1867. It would be interesting to know, though I have never seen the question discussed, whether each special taste excites a special group of nerves, and that only-thus corresponding to the auditory

nerves.

RELIGIOUS.

THE NATIONAL TRAITS OF THE GERMANS AS SEEN IN THEIR RELIGION.

IT

PROFESSOR OTTO FLEIDERER, D.D. International Journal of Ethics, Philadelphia, October.

I.

́T may be doubted whether the well-known saying-As the man so is his God-can be proved to be true so far as individuals are concerned, who hold their faith as the historical inheritance of a national religious body. In regard to whole nations, however, the saying is doubless correct, only, here, too, we must draw a distinction between nations which have their religion evolved out of their own inner consciousness, and those which have received their religion from foreign sources. In the former case alone can an undeniable connection between religion and natural character be said to exist; in the latter instance, the question arises how much influence is to be ascribed to the foreign source, and how much is due to racial characteristics.

The history of Christianity is a continuous proof of this fact. Starting from Judaism it underwent a radical change in passing over to the Græco-Roman world; and when the Teutonic peoples as heirs of the old world received the Christian religion as part of its general culture, they in turn gave it a particular stamp varying with their national peculiarities. Especially is this true of the Germans, because, commingling less than

others with foreign elements, it succeeded in preserving intact the national character in speech and custom and was able to make Christianity its own in so special a way, that the Christian religion as developed by the Germans received a form peculiar to that people.

To pursue this investigation, we must take the heathen religion of our German ancestors as a starting point, roting those characteristic features which later on develop more clearly in the relation of the Germans to Christianity. Our next point for consideration is this same relation during the Middle Ages. Finally we shall see how, during the Reformation of the sixteenth century and its consequences, the German spirit made itself felt to such an extent in the body of Christianity, that a new development in the shape of Protestantism arose.

II.

The religion of the early Germans was a crude nature worship, similar to that which may have existed among the other Indo-Germanic peoples in earliest times. A deep love of nature, and a childishly poetical imagination, peopled hill and valley, forest and meadow, with half-human spirits residing in the creative powers of nature. In addition to these inferior deities there were higher gods, the ruling powers of heaven and earth, in whom the personification of the forces of nature had developed so far that, besides their significance in this respect, they served also as models and representatives of the various activities and social relations of men.

At their head stood Odin, or Wodan, the god of the stormwind and of battles; the arbiter of the fate of nations and of individuals. Among the warlike Germans, like Indra among the Hindus of the Indus Valley, he superseded the common Indo-Germanic god of heaven, Dyaus-Tyr. Beside Wodan stood Thor, or Donnor, the thunder-god, Freyr, and his consort or sister, Freia, or Frouwa, the gods of fertility of the soil and of human love and marriage.

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But on the other hand, the German saw in his great gods, the prototypes of fresh, vigorous strength, and of courage in combat, the occupation and delight of his life. The struggle of the life-giving and sustaining powers of nature against the blighting and annihilating ones was the common feature of the Indo-Germanic mythologies. Among the Hindus and Greeks this combat was laid in the past, while among the Germans (as with the Iranians) it was continually going on, and constituted the essence of life in the affairs of gods and men. The conditions, both of the life of nature and of society were reflected in the religious conceptions of the Germans concerniug the life of their gods, who are represented as engaged in a never-ending conflict with the threatening powers of evil (the Giants).

To sustain the gods in this struggle for the existence of the world, and to emulate them in the development of strength and of death-despising courage, seemed a pious duty to the early Germans-the purpose and destiny of man, and the means of participation in the blessed life of the gods. They knew no happier fate than to fall in battle, and be borne in the arms of the wish-maidens of the father of the gods, the Valkyries, to the blissful abode of the gods, Valhalla, thenceforth to enjoy combat and sport and revelry with the heavenly powers.

In this faith, with all its nature simplicity, we can scarcely fail to perceive the germs of an elevated ethical idealism. On the one hand, we find a joy in living and a strong impulse to action; on the other, that delight in the sacrifice of life, which regards it as the highest consecration of life, and as a means of entrance into the blessed life of the gods. We can agree with Ev Hartmann, when he speaks of a tragico-ethical development of the nature-religion among the Germans, even if we

hesitate to ascribe to their universal natural religion, the entire myth of the twilight of the gods as found in the poem of Voluspa, of the Sæmund Edda.

In this myth the continuous strife of the gods with the powers of evil is to culminate in a final catastrophe foreshadowed in the death of the blameless god, Balder, through the cunning of Loki. Then a new world will arise out of the universal conflagration, in which the only blameless god, Balder, will come back to life and rule the new race of men in perpetual spring and peace. It is probable that this poem was written by the later bards, who, in view of the victorious advance of Christianity, foresaw the approaching destruction of the gods, and elevated it to a great world-tragedy.

At the same time it may pertinently be asked whether the old German faith could have produced such a swan-song so full of deep moral tragedy, had this ethical idea beneath the husk of nature symbolism not been a part of it from the beginning, though in a half unconscious way-namely, that the good alone can survive the critical conflicts of the world in that it is cleansed from earthly dross by the purifying flame of struggle and suffering.

The ancient Germans held the prophetic gift the prerogative of woman, and this religious reverence for women was the most beautiful side of early German morality.

A

AMERICAN JUDAISM.

M. ELLINGER.

Menorah, New York, November.

But

MERICAN judaism, which of late years has been proclaimed so often as something new, apart, something sui generis, is really a misnomer. Judaism, expressive of the religion and faith of Israel, is the same the world over, and has always been the same since its existence. The forms in which its principles are expressed, have assumed different colors and shapes in the passage of the religion through the ages. whatever changes took place, they did not affect the fundamental belief upon which the faith of Israel rested as upon an adamantine rock; and whether the forms were Talmudic, Kabalistic, Kafæan, or Chassidean, it was Judaism, plain and simple, that was professed and confessed. So did different forms in public worship prevail in the various countries of the Diaspora, in Spain, Germany, Holland, Poland, and Africa, but the Judaism at the bottom of all of them was one and the

、 same.

So it is with American Judaism. There is greater diversity and variety in conducting public worship in this country than in any other country in the world, but through every shade and variety of synagogue ritual the same Judaism is professed and proclaimed in principle.

Nor has the aim of Judaism varied in making for the objective point, as that is after all the gist of all religions. To make men virtuous, pure in thought and action, loving and loveable, abnegating and altruistic, more spiritual and intellectual, has been the purpose of Judaism, at all times and under all systems. That the changes of form should be greatest and most radical in this country, making a deeper cut into the outward vestment of Judaism is quite natural. The conditions under which the Jews of this country live and move and have their being are at utter variance with the conditions under which they have lived, and now live, in other countries.

The barrier which stood between them and their fellow-citi`zens of other creeds have been removed here. There is no bar existing here excepting such as is of the Jews' own building. Wherever the Jew identifies himself with the life of the general community, wherever he takes an active part in the working forces that forge and shape the interests of society, he is readily and cordially admitted; whatever talent, energy, industry, and public spirit he displays is fully acknowledged. The exclusiveness which the Old World policy forces upon him disappears, and with it those regulations which, in the ancient

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religious polity, provided for a life of exclusiveness. Not only this, but the raison d'être of those ancient laws becomes more clear, and, as they become better understood, as their origin and rise are studied, they wilt, like leaves in autumn, and drop off.

Traditions which the synagogues in Europe had, up to the middle of the century, insisted on, as an integral part of Israel's religion-such, for instance, as the restoration of the Jewish State, the reconstruction of the Solomonic temple, with its Sacerdotal Cult, the coming of a personal Messiah, were discarded as conflicting with the tenets of men taught and educated in modern schools. These ideas did not originate in America. They are the products of the modern Liberalism which pervaded the German mind during the first half of the century, and were transferred to this soil by Israelites who had inhaled its bracing atmosphere, and who realized the necessity of a revision of the old Jewish code in adaptation to the new conditions of life.

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Thus American Judaism, in its essence nothing more than the Judaism as it sprang into life and marched through the ages, proposes to divest the mother of all the forms that gave the Jewish religion its shape, color, and distinguishing natural characteristics, and replace them with forms and shapes drawn from the bubbling waters of life, expressing the same idea and ideals as of old, changing only the raiment in adaptation to the times.

Religion, of whatever character, has for its object to make life purer, better, more unselfish, and therefore sweeter; to prepare for the world to come by a life of righteous conduct in this world.

This was the object of the Jewish religion in the past. This is the object of the Jewish religion of the present and future. But there is as yet no signs of any agreement as to forms. nor even as to principles. An American Judaism does not yet exist, excepting in so far as it manifests itself in the process of disintegration.

DOES THE BIBLE CONTAIN SCIENTIFIC ERRORS? CHARLES W. SHIELDS.

A

Century, New York, November.

LL schools of philosophy as well as all Churches and denominations have a common interest in inquiring whether the Bible can yield us any real knowledge within the domain of the various sciences. Indeed, all men, everywhere, will become practically concerned in this inquiry, if the oldest and most highly prized book in the world is now to be set aside as a mixture of truth and error, obsolete in science, if not also in morals and religion.

In approaching the question we must, however, distinguish between scientific errors, and mere literary imperfections, historiographical discrepancies, errors due to transcription, translation, etc. The Bible is admittedly full of such imperfections, and the phenomena is common enough in secular literature, and the authorship of famous works is here too open to criticism. But if it were proved that Shakespeare did not write Shakespeare, that incomparable book would still remain the masterpiece of genius that it is.

Perhaps, also, the Bible might be the Bible still in its most essential import, although its long-reputed authorship should now be discredited. It may be conceivable that such a Bible could have survived its own literary errors as a trophy of the most devout scholarship, but it is not probable. The plain statements of the inspired writers themselves, their apparent endorsement by our Lord and His apostles, and the consistent tradition of three thousand years still stand opposed to the conjectures of learned criticism. In comparison with this, what weight has mere internal criticism? In all Hebrew literature, early, middle, and recent, there is no stumbling-block like that of Lord Tennyson singing in the Yorkshire

dialect, as well as in the purest English. The feats of genius are as perplexing as the marvels of inspiration. The commonsense judgment of mankind is, that if there is any evidence at all of inspiration in the sacred writers, such evidence favors their long-established authorship as well as their canonicity, and their consequent accuracy no less than their veracity, as organs of divine revelation.

None of the imperfections above admitted can of themselves impair the scientific or philosophic value of Holy Scripture, if it has this value. Such errors are merely superficial and transient, and not of the abiding essence of the revealed work. They may, indeed, and they often do, raise presumptions against the claim of inspiration in the minds of hostile critics, but they are not the proper pleas for friendly critics who look for scientific errors in an inspired Bible. Such critics take the dangerous ground that the Bible teaches nothing but religious truth, and may even teach such truth in connection with scientific error. This is dangerous ground, because it is ground lying inside the limits of an accepted revelation; because it involves not so much the mere human form, as the divine content of that revelation; and because it exhibits that divine content as an amalgam of fact and fiction, truth and error, knowledge and superstition. It is dangerous ground also because it opens the way for hostile critics to proceed quite logically from scientific errors to religious errors and the Bible; by arguing that, if it teaches false astronomy and crude physics, it no less clearly teaches bad ethics and worse theology. Literary and textual obscurities there may be upon the surface of Holy Writ, like spots upon the sun, or rather like motes in the eye; but scientific errors in its divine purport would be the sun itself extinguished at noon. Such a Bible could not live in this epoch. As judged by their own claims, the Scriptures, if inerrant at all, must be accounted inerrant as to their whole revealed content, whatever it be and wherever found, whether in the region of natural sciences, or in that of ethics and theology.

The Bible also shows that its physical teaching is implicated with its spiritual teaching in the closest logical and practical connections, with no possible discrimination between the one as erroneous and the other as true. If Christ deceived His disciples by pretending to cast out devils from people, afflicted with lunacy; if the entombment of Jonah in the whale's belly, as cited by Him, was a fable, and if He quoted Moses only to enforce His own teachings, He would have left the most momentous truths resting through all time upon a basis of prejudice, superstition, and falsehood.

The inspired writers of the Bible were probably no further advanced in scientific knowledge than their contemporaries; but then they may not have grasped the full purport of their communications. They may have spoken better than they knew. Even Pagan writers have unconsciously written for all after ages; and inspiration may at least be supposed to equal genius. It is the strict scientist who is returning from every conflict with the phenomenal language of the Bible, to interpret that language, as he has learned to interpret the phenomena themselves, in a richer sense and with a wider application. That the Heavens declare the glory of God, has become only more true since a Newton and a Herschel have illumined them with suns and planets. That heaven and earth were made in six days is none the less true because a Dana and a Guyot have been retracing those days of Jehovah as long cosmogonic eras.

Only the young and crude sciences, wrangling among themselves, are at seeming variance with Scripture. The older, more complete sciences, are already in growing accord with it. For this reason Genesis is still repeating the story of the earth, instead of becoming the forgotten myth of some Hebrew Hesiod; for this reason Jesus Himself is no mere Jewish Socrates of the schools. In a word, it is because the Bible, though non-scientific, is not anti-scientific, that it is true for

our time as for past ages, and is likely to remain true for all time to come.

The Bible, indeed, does not teach the empirical part of a science, its body of phenomena and laws, but it does teach its metaphysical complement, the divine ideas expressed in those phenomena, and the divine causes of those laws. As yet, indeed, these subtle connections between the rational and revealed material of each science have not come clearly into general view. Nevertheless, the large-minded leaders in all the Sciences are seeking some more rational ground for them than sheer ignorance or clear absurdity, and not a few of them are finding it practically by studying the works of God together with His Word.

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Herr Wermuth, who has proved his capacity for such work at the Australian World's Fair, has been chosen to take charge of the matter. He was in Chicago last fall making arrangements, and is now at work in earnest. A subsidy of three million marks ($750,000) has been granted by the Government. The Kaiser himself lost no opportunity to promote the enterprise, so that to-day every department of German life and industry is engaged in preparations for the Chicago Exhibition. Some 200,000 square feet of space will, in all departments, be taken up by German exhibits.

The Railroad and Transportation Department will be thoroughly represented. One of the chief, if not the main, exhibitions of German industry will be in the textile branch, in which all the great centres of German manufacture will be represented; musical instruments will come from every part of Germany; the exhibition of drugs and dyes will be profuse; the iron and steel industries of the great Westphalian and Rhenish mining centres are making every effort for proper representation; machines of every sort, those adapted to the peaceful pursuits of mankind as well as the monster engines of war, will be exhibited; another great display will be that of industrial art, which has attained great proportions in Germany. The famous porcelains of Berlin and Dresden, and the industrial art products of Munich, Carlsruhe, and Hanover, will be sent to Chicago in profuse abundance and wonderful variety.

Art will be worthily represented, and the purposes of science served by a large display of optical and scientific instruments and wares. Childhood, too, will be considered in a display of toys from the Erzegebirge, from Sonnenberg, and from historical Nurenberg.

The several departments of mines and agriculture will be liberally represented; it is proposed even to send over exhibits of cattle and horses. The wines of the Rhine and Main and Moselle, together with the famous brews of Munich and Berlin, will also find a place.

One of the most interesting features of the German display will be the department of Woman's Work. Her Royal Highness, Princess Frederick Charles, has consented to act as lady patroness of this department, and ladies of the highest social standing will assist. The business organization is in the hands of Frau Scheppeler-Lette, President of the famous Lette-Verein, which has done so much for the advancement of women in Germany. The exhibit will show the work of women in art, education, domestic work, social and verein work, in the work of charity, and of the care and education of children. It will also show the working of the Kindergarten system, and of the fresh-air fund, as they are carried on in Germany. The German Government will construct a separate building

on the fair grounds to represent Germany. A feature of the German Exhibition will be the "German Village of the Middle Ages," which will be built on the Midway Plaisance, under the auspices of the Bank of Berlin.

THE OLD STONE MILL AT NEWPORT. J. P. MACLEAN.

American Antiquuarian, Chicago, September.

Though much remains to be done, the work is. crystallizing THE quadri-centenary of the landing of Columbus at one of

into perfect shape, and there is no reason to doubt that Ġermany will have the right to be proud of her exhibits.

II.-RUSSIA.

J. M. CRAWFORD, CONSUL-GENERAL AT ST. PETERSBURG. It may interest the people of the United States to know that Russia will make a magnificent display of her industries in Chicago in 1893. Everything has been done that can be done by the Central Government at St. Petersburg to induce manufacturers and producers to take part; the Emperor even providing for the payment of all transportation and incidental costs out of the Imperial treasury.

All the leading manufacturers of the Russian Empire, European and Asiatic, as well as the Committees of Exchange in the several cities of Russia, all the Boards of Trade and Manufacture, the Governors of all the Provinces, have been officially instructed to make propaganda in their respective districts urging an active participation in the Columbian Exposition, and special invitations have been sent to the Archæological, Historical and other scientific institutions to take part. In fact, every department of Russian industry and interest will be fully represented.

The Imperial Government itself will make exhibits:

1. Through the Department of Public Domains of all natural products.

2. Exhibits of the War Department.

3. Exhibits of the Navy Department.

4. Exhibits of Public Instruction.

5. Exhibits of the Department of Appanage. 6. Exhibits of Ways and Communications.

Conforming to the request of the directors of the World's Fair, the model of the first ship of the Russian fleet, built by Peter the Great, will be an attractive feature of the Russian section.

A special Commission has been appointed under the supervision of the Ministry of Finance to make a complete exhibit of the industrial factories of all grades in the Empire.

As regards exhibits of private merchants and manufacturers, I am able to state from personal observation that a very general participation may be confidently expected, covering almost every form of Russian wares. The exhibition of art, too, in all its branches will be very fine, and will surprise many a connoisseur of art.

Lastly, as the result of an earnest appeal made in a beautifully worded and model letter written by Mrs. Potter Palmer to Her Imperial Majesty, the Empress, a Board of Lady Commissioners has been appointed of which Mrs. Vizmgratski, wife of the late Minister of Finance, is President. Madame Marishkine, one of the first ladies of influence in the Empire, is a very active member of this Commission and she has assured me that a very complete exhibit of woman's work will be made. A set of dolls dressed to represent the fashions of the several Imperial Courts of Russia from the time of the early czars to the present day, and also a set of dolls dressed to represent the national costumes of the peasantry of European and Asiatic Russia will be an interesting feature of the Woman's Department. In this Department will be exhibited everything that woman has done in Russia.

The evident feeling of genuine friendship shown by the Russian, of whatever class or creed, for America or Americans, and which has become intensified greatly by the humane contributions of the American people to the sufferers of Russia, during the past year, has done much to further Russian interest in the World's Columbian Exposition.

the West India Islands, has caused renewed attention to be given to what are claimed to be, with more or less probability, proof of the pre-Columbian discovery of America. The advocates of the discovery of our continent by the Norsemen again put in evidence the old stone mill at Newport, and, like many of their predecessors, claim that the building was erected by Scandinavian immigrants to this land five hundred years before Columbus was born. With the question of the discovery of the New World by Norsemen, I do not propose to meddle at present. My only object is to show that, as a piece of testimony in favor of such discovery, the old mill is worthless. If the tower was standing when Rhode Island was first settled, it would have been a work of so great wonder as to have attracted general attention. Newport was founded in 1639, and in none of the early documents is there any mention of the Old Mill. There was no tradition concerning it among the people, but it was universally referred to as a windmill, showing for what purpose it had been used. It is positively known that the structure, during the eighteenth century, served both for a mill and a powder-house. It is first distinctly mentioned in the will of Governor Benedict Arnold of Newport, in which it is called "my stone-built wind-mill." Had it been an ancient monument, Dr. Danforth, in 1680, or Cotton Mather, in 1712, would not have failed to mention it.

The first house in Newport was built by Nicholas Easton; but he makes no mention of the Old Stone Mill. In 1663, Peter Easton wrote, "this year we built the first wind-mill," and, in 1675, he wrote, "a storm blew down our wind-mill."

Benedict Arnold must have been a very popular man in Rhode Island, for he was several times governor, the last time from 1677 to 1678. He came from Providence to Newport in 1653. He built a home upon a lot of sixteen acres, the eastern part of which includes the mill. Governor Arnold died in 1678, aged sixty-three years. His will is dated December 20, 1677, in which he says: “My body I desire and appoint to be buried at ye northeast corner of a parcel of ground containing three rods square, being of, and lying in, my land, in or near the line or path from my dwelling-house, leading to my stone-built wind-mill, in ye town of Newport above-mentioned." Edward Pelham, son-in-law of Governor Benedict, in his will dated May 21, 1741, in a bequest to his daughter, Hermæoine, mentions:" Also one other piece or parcel of land situated, lying, and being in Newport aforesaid, containing eight acres or thereabouts, with an old stone wind-mill thereon standing, and being and commonly called and known by the name of the mill field, or upper field." In 1834, Joseph Mumford, then being eighty years old, stated that his father was born in 1699, and always spoke of the building as a powder-mill, and he himself remembered that in his boyhood, or about 1760, it was used as a hay-mow.

In the foregoing citations it will be observed that Governor Arnold does not call the building an "old" mill, but my "stone-built wind-mill." At the time that Pelham made his will, the structure had been standing not less than sixty-five years, and hence he very properly designates it as "an old stone wind-mill."

Besides the documentary testimony there is the evidence derived from the mill itself. The mortar is composed of shells, sand, and gravel. In the year 1848, some mortar taken from an old stone house in Spring street, built by Henry Bull, in 1639, some from the tomb of Governor Arnold, and some from various other buildings was compared with the mortar of the old mill, and found to be identical in quality and character. The poet has very fittingly said of the attempt to Norseize the old Newport mill:

Alas! the antiquarian dream is o'er;

Thou art an old stone wind-mill-nothing more.

Books.

GOD'S FOOL; A Koopstadt Story. By Maarten Maartens, New York: D. Appleton & Company. 1892.

[The Koopstadters are highly respectable people engaged in the pursuit of wealth and social position, and conforming, in all matters which are likely to be made public, to the standard of Koopstadt public opinion. The ladies of Koopstadt are not the types of ideal womanhood that romantic young men dream about, but nevertheless such as, in their blindness, they sometimes select for wives. There are two weddings in the story, but no love to speak about. The chief centre of interest in the story is the great house of Volderdoes Zonen, the chief character, Elias Zonen, the God's Fool, who gives the book its title. The accident of birth made Elias the acknowledged head of Volderdoes Zonen. A mischievous prank of his half brother injured his brain in childhood, and deprived him, first of hearing, and later of sight, thus incapacitating him from filling the position which was naturally his. Shut off for the most part from intercourse with man, and left to undisturbed communion with God, Elias developed some Christ-like qualities, but he was a fool, beyond all question.]

OLD

LD Elias Volderdoes had got beyond the million, and they made him President of the Chamber of Commerce and bowed low to him. He had only one child, a daughter, and Hendrik Lossel loved her, at least he said so, and that she loved him there could be no question. He had such beautiful eyes! Lossel was not a bad man: he was worse-one of those men not bad enough to get better.

Old Elias initiated him into his business, taught him how to make money wholesale, and died. Mrs. Lossel gave birth to the little Elias who had a pretty good time of it until he was four years old, when his mother died.

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When the twins were three years old they stood on the balcony, and the younger of them, Hubert, threw down a flower-pot on Elias's upturned face. The doctor said there was no hope, and that it was Hendrik Lossel, gathering from the remark that if the child did live he would be an idiot, shut the door and told the doctor impressively that there must be complete recovery or no recovery at all. The doctor expressed his determination to save life if possible, and Hendrik foreclosed a mortgage he held on his house.

Elias recovered his health, but had lost his hearing. They taught him the deaf and dumb alphabet, but he lost his sight. Then he himself suggested communication by writing signs on his cheek or neck. He could talk freely but his mind never developed, and in time his memory became much impaired. His stepmother could not expose her boys to such painful association, and Elias had a cottage of his own and his devoted old nurse to attend to him.

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Hendrik Lossel died, and the papers showed that old Elias had left his interest in Volderdoes Zonen, amounting to eighty-five per cent., his grandson. Hendrik Lossel had only fifteen per cent., and at death his debts exceeded his assets.

A new arrangement was now entered into in all proper form: Elias paid his father's debts, and allowed his stepmother a suitable income. Hendrik and Hubert were each allowed fifteen per cent. of the shares of the firm, with power to buy stock at a predetermined figure. Hubert had not much ambition, but Hendrik took an active control of the business, resolved to buy out the others and become Volderdoes Zonen in time.

The Lossels had a distant cousin, a young lawyer, Alers, who regarding Hendrik as a rising man with exceptional opportunities determined to secure him for his sister, a disappointed spinster on the shady side of thirty. He communicated to Hendrik that on his way down town he had received information from his Amsterdam banker of the coming lottery numbers, of which, he said, his sister held the highest prize. Hendrik was sorry as he had intended to propose her. Alers begged him not to let that influence him, promising to keep the matter secret until the engagement should be announced, if he would only carry out his intentions without delay. Within half an hour Hendrik proposed; the two were seen together later in the day, and that evening all the ladies of Koopstadt were engaged in tearing the bride elect to prices. Alers had mistake the number!

Hubert was sent out to manage the Chinese branch, and, step by step, Alers led Hendrick into risky speculations. There were losses which necessitated deeper plunging. Elias's power-of-attorney had expired, but Alers had forged a new onefand drawn half a million of the firm's property for a big venture in Sumatra tobacco shares, into which he had tempted Hendrik. Hubert had just returned from China, got wind of his brother's wildcat speculations, and rushed off to Amsterdam to see if Volderdoes Zonen's capital was intact. An order for the

row.

remaining million had been presented by Alers that day, and refused for slight informality; it would probably be presented again to morHubert left instructions to refuse payment, and hurried back to Koopstadt to warn Elias. Entering by his own latch-key, he heard his brother and Alers in angry altercation in Elias's room, concerning the document which Alers had forged and which Hubert had obtained possession of. Elias became aware that there was a stranger in the room, and demanded of Hendrik to say who it was. A blow on the head stunned him. When he recovered, he remembered that he had been struck, and was indignantly furious; he got hold of Hendrik and pummeled him, and Hendrik fell lifeless on the floor. He was dead, stabbed in the back, and Elias was troubled, for he thought he had killed him in his anger.

Everyone supposed that Elias was the murderer, but Hubert went to the authorities, and directed suspicion to Alers. The servant admitted having let Alers in, and let him go up to Elias's room in consideration of a tip. Did not know Alers, but recognized his portrait. Elias reproached himself with the murder, but when told about the knife in the back, he kept his own counsel until Hubert came, when he said: "We were wrong to kill Hendrik, your motive was purer than mine, you wanted to save Volderdoes Zonen, and I was prompted only by anger; it was you who put the knife in him. I felt you in the room when I was recovering from the blow, but I will say nothing, I will take the blame on myself."

[The story ends abruptly here. Hubert justifies the murder to himself, for his brother had brought irretrievable ruin and disgrace on himself and family, and for his own sake was best out of the world. Alers was his real murderer, he argued, and it was right that he should suffer for morally slaying Hendrik, and rendering him "unfit to live."]

TEN YEARS' DIGGING IN EGYPT, 1881-91. By W. M. Flinders Petrie. With a Map and one hundred and sixteen illustrations. New York and Chicago: Fleming H. Re12mo, pp. 201. vell Company.

[The discoveries made in Egypt during the last ten years by Mr. Flinders Petrie are familiar to all who have read his numerous works. In the present handy volume, he gives non-scientific readers a summary, without details, of what he liasdis. covered so that, "out of consideration for their feelings, hardly a single measurement or rigid statement can be found here from cover to cover." A novelty in the book is that several of the finest objects found appear here, for the first time, in illustration. Mr. Petrie's narrative is supplemented by four chapters: one shows what" Fresh Light on the Past" has been thrown by his labors; another explains The Art of Excavating"; a third describes "The Fellah," whose present condition, though with redeeming features, is miserable enough, yet not incapable, it is thought, of greati mprovement; a fourth gives practical directions to "The Active Tripper in Egypt." To the last-named person a few "Addenda to Baedecker's Vocabulary" of Arabic phrases will be useful. Not the least interesting portion of the "Ten Years' Digging" is the claim it makes for a reversal of the generally accepted view of the indebtedness to Egypt of Greece and Europe for their civilization. On this point we make some extracts.]

WE

E have in the Egyptian records, the accounts of a great European confederacy, which smote Egypt again and again-Greece, Asia Minor, Italy, and Libya, all leagued together. We now know, from the objects found in Egypt, that these people were dwelling there, as settlers, so far back as 1400 B. C., if not indeed before 2000 B. C. From the chronology of the arts now ascertained, we can date the great civilization of Mykenæ at about 1600 to 1000 B. C.; and we begin to see a great past rising before us, dumb, but full of meaning. Some of the metals were known in Europe before they appear in use in Egypt; the use of bronze is quite as old in the north as to the south of the Mediterranean; and the tin of Egypt probably came from the mines of Hungary and Saxony, which most likely supplied Europe at that time. Iron appears in use in Europe as soon as in Egypt. The best forms of tools were known in Italy two or three centuries before Egypt possessed them.

What, then, may be concluded as to Europe, from our present point of view? That Europe had an indigenous civilization, as independent of Egypt and Babylonia as was the indigenous Aryan civilization of India. That this civilization acquired arts independently, just as much as India did, and that Europe gave to the East as much as it borrowed from there. As early as 1600 B. C., it appears that a considerable civilization existed in Greece, which flourished in the succeeding centuries, especially in alliance with Libya. Probably it was already beginning in the period of the thirteenth dynasty in Egypt, before 2000 B. C. By about 1400 B. C., a great proficiency in the arts is seen; elaborate metal-work and inlaying were made, influenced by Egyptian design, but made neither in Egypt nor by Egyptians. Glazed pottery, painted with designs, was successfully made, and the arts of glazing and firing were mastered. By 1100 B. C., this civilization was already decadent.

Moreover, this was not in a corner of Europe only. It had contact with the North as well as with Italy and Africa, and is at one with

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