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This is an imitation of the English system of property quali-
The Royal Referendum is an entirely new phenomenon in
The plebiscitarian character of the Royal Reserendum is
to the people, and a much more dangerous procedure than the
N October i there assembled in Brussels the Committee of
the Chamber appointed to consider the amendments to
the people against the arbitrary rule of their representatives, Suppose this remission of duty be applied to one country the Royal Referendum is no less a weapon of the Crown only: as, if we remitted the duty on coffee from Venezuela, against an injudicions and unruly Chamber. And not alone retaining it on that from other countries. The Venezuelan of the Crown, but still more of the people, for in the last coffee-planters, and not the American consumers would get resort it is they who have the decisive vote, It would appear, the benefit of the remission. Venezuela supplied only onethien, to be not inconsistent with the forms of constitutional tenth of our consumption of coffee. The remaining ninegovernment.
tenths, coming from other countries and still paying duty, would That the Crown is likely to abuse the new weapon is in the be higher in the United States by the amount of the duty. highest degree improbable. The appeal to the people is too The Venezuelans would not sell their coffee less than others : double-edged a weapon to be resorted to unnecessarily. What why should they? They would simply pocket the amount a rôle for a king, to appeal to the people on a question in which
which otherwise would be paid in duties. In general, any they should promptly support the parliament !
remission of duties which does not apply to the total importaWe have now to consider the prospects of the introduction tions, puts so much money into the pockets of the foreign of the proposed amendments. The Government has an- producer. nonnced the duty of amending Article XIII. of the Consti- The United States had an experience of this kind through tution, and the Constituency has been elected to give effect
its treaty with
awaii, by which certain commodities, includto the proposal. The How? is their affair. The decisions of ing sugar, were admitted free. Other sugar paid duty, and the the late Chamber have consequently for the present, only an free sugar from Hawaii sold here at the same price. All the academic value. They, however, afford some basis for prognos- profits went to the Hawaiian producer. ticating the future.
Suppose now a remission of duties to a number of countries. The proposal for a Referendum proceeds directly from the so considerable and important that all the importations came King, he makes it the unqualified condition of his assent to an in free of duty. The remission is virtually the same as a genextension of the franchise, and is not likely to surrender his eral reduction or abolition of the duty, and redounds to the claims. It appears probable that the two great parties will,
benefit of the domestic consumer. The effect is the same if however unwillingly, accede to the King's demands, as the Ul- the favor is granted only to one country, if that country is able tramontane Cabinet has already done, subject, however, to to supply the entire consumption. the understanding that the right of Referendum shall be lim- Obviously, the probabilities are strong that reciprocity will ited :
operate in this second way, as cases like our Hawaiian treaty (1) To a conflict between the Ministry and a majority of the popular representatives.
Let us now consider the operation of the law of 1890. A (2) To cases of irreconcilable differences between Chamber duty has actually been imposed under this law upon Venezuand Senate.
elan coffee. The Venezuelans must now either sell their coffee (3) To cases in which a law has been passed in the Chamber to us at a price lower by the amount of duty-i. e., they must by only a small majority.
pay the duty—or else must send their coffee to another But the Government is firm in its demand that the appeal market. It might cause temporary loss to find new consumers, to the people may be made at any time, and even on ques- and this temporary loss would represent the effect of the meastions of principle; while the Chamber demands that no appeal ure on the non-reciprocating country. The Anierican public shall be made until after discussion in both houses. The ideal would not be affected. of the Radicals is a compulsory Referendum for all questions, The situation would be very different if the duty were but they support the royal Referendum as a step in that imposed on coffee coming from Brazil. The bulk of our coffee direction.
comes from there, and it would be difficult to secure the supply We believe there is no doubt about the amendment being elsewhere. Other coffee would come in duty free; but it could carried. Its working is a question for the future.
not begin to supply our entire consumption. A duty on Bra
zilian coffee would cause the price to rise in the United States. RECIPROCITY.
and the American consumer would pay the tax, for of course
the price of all other coffee would go up. In that case the F. W. TAUSSIG.
American would be taxed for the benefit of the foreign proQuarterly Journal of Economics, Boston, October-December.
ducer whose coffee was still admitted free. HE mode of reciprocity provided for in the McKinley In general, then, a duty imposed under our reciprocity legis
Tariff Act is unusual, The Act gives authority to the latiou will hurt the foreign producer, if he does not furnish a. President to reimpose duties on certain articles ordinarily very great part of our supply, and other countries can easily amitted free, in cases where other countries from which these step into his place. But i! lie sends us the bulk of the supply, articles come fail to reduce their duties on American goods. and others cannot fill liis place, the American public will pay A threat of imposing duties on their goods constitutes the the duty. pressure on foreign countries. The usual mode of reciprocity What is the effect on foreign countries of the concessions. is different. It does not threaten the imposition of new granted by them on American goods? duties, but offers the reduction of existing duties.
There are two sorts of goods which we may send to the The articles to which the reciprocity section of the McKin- South American countries: First, such as we produce very ley Act apply had already been made free of duty on grounds cheaply and in great abundance; second, goods which we do independent of any desire to further foreign commerce. Tea, not produce as cheaply as European countries. In the first. coffee, and hides were freed from duty twenty years ago. The class belong mast agricultural products, and many manufacabolition of the sugar duty had been settled in the session of tures, such as furniture, wooden ware, and most tools and 1890, before the reciprocity scheme emerged, and hence the implements. In the second class belong articles like woolens, only way of securing reciprocity was the peculiar one finally linens, crude iron, and many miscellaneous manufactures. On adopted.
the first class, lower duties or free admission will bring lower Let us consider first the effects of the usual form of reciproc- prices to the South American consumers, and will serve to. ity-the remission or reduction of duties in return for similar enlarge the volume of trade between those countries and the favors from other countries. In some cases reductions of this United States. The real and permanent gainers will be the sort redound to the benefit of the foreign producer; in others, consumers in both countries. to the benefit of the domestic consumer.
As regards the second class, remission of duties might cause
a loss of revenue for Cuba and Brazil. American woolens, for instance, night make iheir way in at lower duties, and yet might be as dear as English woolens at higher duties.
The net results of the reciprocity arrangements will probably be to enlarge a trifle the general volume of international trade, and so to diffuse more widely the benefits of the division of labor between nations. If reciprocity arrangements for lowering duties on both sides are advantageous, a moderation of our protective duties may be expected to be also advantageous.
the form of Irish Parliament which will now be proposed. 10 1886 Mr. Gladstone proposed to place the government of Ireland in all domestic affairs in the hands of the Irish Legislature. That body was to have no share in the administration of ine Empire at large, in the army or navy, in foreign relations of the Empire or control of its colonies. It was to pay a fixed contribution to the Imperial revenue, for general purposes, differing therein from Canada or Australia. office, the mint, and regulation of trade and navigation were alsu to be reserved to the Imperial Parliament ; but on those points the author of the Bill professed his readiness to accept changes is deemed desirable. The establishment of a State religion was forbidden, and the constabulary force was to remain for a certain time subject to the English administration. The Viceroy was to be continued, but not as now, as the representative of each dominant party in Great Britain, but simply as a representative of the Sovereign appointed for a term of years, independently of English party changes. The Irish ministry was to be responsible to the Irish Parliament, and the functions of the Viceroy would be similar to those performed by the Sovereign in the English Government.
The retention of an Irish representation in the British Parliament and the removal of the police force from English control, are the most radical changes that will be likely to be made in the Bill that will be presented. If fairly carried into effect, we believe the measure sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the national aspirations of Irishmen.
The present moment is one that calls on the whole Irish race for a supreme effort of sacrifice and discipline to achieve the restoration of nation hood. Union in the common cause, strict discipline under the chosen leaders of the people, and the sinking of all personal ends or petty dissensions among the people themselves, are the great requisites to make Home Rule a reality.
IS IRISH HOME RULE NEAR?
BRYAN J. CLINCH. American Catholic Quarterly, Philadelphia, October-December. HE struggle of the Irish people for self-government has
hardly a parallel in history for persistence. Beginning with Emmet's ill-fated insurrection in 1803, it has continued under varying names down to the present moment. The struggle for Catholic Emancipation was only the prelude to O'Connell's Repeal Agitation, and that movement had no sooner been hushed by the famine, and the death of its great leader, than it was followed by Young Irelaud's appeal to arms in 1848. The Tenant-Righit Agitation of Duffy and Lucas took up the struggle, only to be broken by the treachery of Kehoe and Sadlier; yet scarcely had the people resigned all hope of success from Parliamentary action when James Stephens essayed a fresh armed insurrection. The Fenian revolt met a similar fate, to Emmet's and Smith O'Brien's, and was crushed by the force of the British Empire; but while scores of its followers were yet paying the penalty of their attempt, in convict cells, their countrymen renewed in Parliament the demand for Home Rule, which now, at last, has won to its side a majority of the representation of the Empire.
The present time is indeed the most critical period of the century for Ireland's rights. An enormous gain has been made by the return to power of Mr. Gladstone, backed by a Home-Rule majority of the House of Commons; but the establishment of an Irish Parliament on satisfactory lines is necesarily a slow and complicated work, and the end of the struggle is not yet. The opponents of Home Rule are a strong minority in the Commons, and they have full control of the House of Lords, which is, theoretically, an equal branch of Parliament. Questions entirely outside of Ho...e Rule may arise, which would seriously divide Mr. Gladstone's followers, and it will need most careful statesmanship to prevent Home Rule being overshadowed by less important questions. The health of the aged statesman who has assumed so bravely the championship of Ireland's right is another cause for anxiety among Irelarıd's friends. Thoughts like these are calculated to impress upon their minds the necessity of the highest prudence and unsparing diligence in the coming Parliamentary session. Negligence on the part of Irishi members or some burst of recklessness among unthinking and irresponsible Irishmen may postpone for years the hope of Irish self-government, which now seems so near.
It is of vital importance that the measure of Home Rule granted shall be adequate to the wants of the Irish people. We believe Mr. Gladstone sincere in the wish to secure to the Irishi people complete control of their own country, subject only to an Imperial connection with the Empire. It is not to be supposed that the majority of Irishmen the world over, feel any enthusiasm for the British connection, but they are willing to accept it loyally, if their country's welfare be made compatible with its existence.
The Bill introduced in 1886, with certain changes in the matter of Irish contributions to Imperial taxation, in the control of the police force, and probably in the Upper House of the Legislature, and coupled with the retention of the Irish menbers in the London Parliament, embodies substantially
THE POLICY OF THE POPE.
Contemporary Review, London, October. T is a difficult and unpleasant task to weigh in the impar
tial scales of criticism the public policy of a venerable and beloved superior, whose decisions one is bound by position to uphold and inclined by sentiment and habit to approve without discussion ; nor could I so violate my feelings, except under the earnest exhortations of eminent colleagues.
From the moment of his election the new Pope was fondly looked up to by the most enliglitened of his children as the man predestined for the work; and the first acts of his reign, which seemed wisely addressed to the settlement of painful disputes with monarchis and governments and to the clearing of the ground preparatory to dealing with the two momentous questions—the attitude of the Church towards the newly awakened masses, and her stand in respect to science and religion-confirmed this ardent liope.
With relief and gladness we heard of the peace with Germany, the understanding with Russia, the preparation of encyclicals on the labor question, and the freedom of scientific inquiry conferred upon Catholic scholars. But when the bitter struggle with our enemies was succeeded by cordial friendship, which bade fair to merge into political alliance; when solid sacrifices were made for shadowy benefits; when the claims of the Poles were set aside in deference to the wishes of the German Government, and a Prussian was consecrated Archbishop of Gnesen ; when a bid was apparently made for the favor of the English Government, and the justice of an important utterance obscured by the ostentatious haste with which it was issued—in a word, when purely political success seemed 10 have become the end instead of the means, many Catholics were filled with misgivings, while many more were wild with delight. Everything that has since taken place has amply confirmed the worst fears of the one and the most fantastic hopes of the other, leaving to the former as sole consolation