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The Reviews.

POLITICAL.

THE KING'S REFERENDUM IN BELGIUM.
C. VON BR.

Preussische Jahrbücher, Berlin, October.

N October 1 there assembled in Brussels the Committee of
the Chamber appointed to consider the amendments to
the Constitution already accepted in principles, and on Novem-
ber I will be inaugurated the longer sitting of the Con-
stituency (Constituante). This is the name given to the
present body of representatives because they have been elected
especially for the purpose of revising the Constitution. It has
been decided to amend Art. XIII. of the Constitution of
February 7, 1831, and among the changes proposed, the two
principal ones are Extension of the Suffrage, and the introduc-
tion of the Royal Referendum.

Since 1861, the suffrage has been limited to citizens, who
contribute at least twenty florins ($10) in direct taxation to
the revenue. In a population of 6,000,000 this limited the
representation to 134-135 thousand. The present proposition
is designed to extend the suffrage to from 600,000 to 700,000.
This is an imitation of the English system of property quali-

fication, and in the event of its introduction, it will prove a

well-planned stage on the way to the probably inevitable system

of manhood-suffrage, which will raise the vote to say 1,200,000.

As may be supposed, the radicals and the laborers demand
manhood-suffrage without further delay. Be that as it may,
the Chamber elected in conformity with the proposed change
will present a totally different aspect to the present Chamber.
It will involve a material strengthening of the democratic, if
not of the social-democratic element, and it is to be appre-
hended that, as in England, France, and Italy, the Chamber
will endeavor to make itself the prime factor in the Govern-
ment, so that the balance of power now existing between King,
Senate, and Chamber will be upset. An appeal to the people
by the Crown is designed to counterbalance the undue pre-
ponderance of power in any future Chamber,

The Royal Referendum is an entirely new phenomenon in
the realm of constitutional life, even although at first glance it
may appear to resemble the Popular Referendum of Switzerland.
This latter was designed to enable the electors to impose all
desired restraints upon their representatives, whose natural
tendency, as soon as they have their nominations in their
pockets, is to follow their own course irrespective of the wishes
of their constituents. The Royal Referendum is something
different. It is the offspring of the union of a People's Refer-
endum with an Imperial plebiscite.

The plebiscitarian character of the Royal Referendum is

especially dwelt on by the opponents of the King. They main-

tain that it tends to a personal government tempered by

plebiscite; but personal government is opposed to a constitu-

tional monarchy. They maintain further that the inanity of

a plebiscite was sufficiently demonstrated by the experience of

France under the First Consul, and still more under the Third

Napoleon; that the resort to the Royal Referendum would be

playing into the hands of the most democratic element, and

the transition to a pure democratic and republican referendum

would only be a question of time, and this, they argue, involves

the overthrow of the monarchy. How long, they ask, would it

be before the people would assemble under the palace windows

and clamor for the Referendum when the King had no desire

to appeal to them. Belgium as a neutral State must spare no

effort to maintain internal peace so as to afford no occasion

for the interference of neighboring Powers. The populace are

poorly qualified for legislation, especially on industrial and

financial problems which are ever pressing to the front in the

science of government.

As regards the asserted tendency of the measure toward per-

sonal government, it must not be forgotten that in Belgium

there already exist constitutional provisions more or less akin to

the Royal Referendum-the King's veto in respect of laws

approved by the popular representatives, and the dissolution

of the Chamber. It is true that the royal veto has fallen into

desuetude. In contrariety to the letter of the Constitution, it

is the universal popular sentiment that it is the constitutional

duty of the King to confirm laws passed by the Chamber and

Senate.

The dissolution of the Chamber, too, is in a sense an appeal

to the people, and a much more dangerous procedure than the
Referendum. If the Referendum is a weapon of defense for

the people against the arbitrary rule of their representatives, the Royal Referendum is no less a weapon of the Crown against an injudicions and unruly Chamber. And not alone of the Crown, but still more of the people, for in the last resort it is they who have the decisive vote, It would appear, then, to be not inconsistent with the forms of constitutional government.

That the Crown is likely to abuse the new weapon is in the highest degree improbable. The appeal to the people is too double-edged a weapon to be resorted to unnecessarily. What a rôle for a king, to appeal to the people on a question in which they should promptly support the parliament!

We have now to consider the prospects of the introduction of the proposed amendments. The Government has annonnced the duty of amending Article XIII. of the Constitution, and the Constituency has been elected to give effect to the proposal. The How? is their affair. The decisions of the late Chamber have consequently for the present, only an academic value. They, however, afford some basis for prognosticating the future.

The proposal for a Referendum proceeds directly from the King, he makes it the unqualified condition of his assent to an extension of the franchise, and is not likely to surrender his claims. It appears probable that the two great parties will, however unwillingly, accede to the King's demands, as the Ultramontane Cabinet has already done, subject, however, to the understanding that the right of Referendum shall be limited:

(1) To a conflict between the Ministry and a majority of the popular representatives.

(2) To cases of irreconcilable differences between Chamber and Senate.

(3) To cases in which a law has been passed in the Chamber by only a small majority.

But the Government is firm in its demand that the appeal to the people may be made at any time, and even on questions of principle; while the Chamber demands that no appeal shall be made until after discussion in both houses. The ideal of the Radicals is a compulsory Referendum for all questions, but they support the royal Referendum as a step in that direction.

We believe there is no doubt about the amendment being carried. Its working is a question for the future.

RECIPROCITY.

F. W. TAUSSIG.

Quarterly Journal of Economics, Boston, October-December. THE mode of reciprocity provided for in the McKinley

Tariff Act is unusual. The Act gives authority to the

President to reimpose duties on certain articles ordinarily amitted free, in cases where other countries from which these articles come fail to reduce their duties on American goods. A threat of imposing duties on their goods constitutes the pressure on foreign countries. The usual mode of reciprocity is different. It does not threaten the imposition of new duties, but offers the reduction of existing duties.

The articles to which the reciprocity section of the McKinley Act apply had already been made free of duty on grounds independent of any desire to further foreign commerce. Tea, coffee, and hides were freed from duty twenty years ago. The abolition of the sugar duty had been settled in the session of 1890, before the reciprocity scheme emerged, and hence the only way of securing reciprocity was the peculiar one finally adopted.

Let us consider first the effects of the usual form of reciprocity-the remission or reduction of duties in return for similar favors from other countries. In some cases reductions of this sort redound to the benefit of the foreign producer; in others, to the benefit of the domestic consumer.

Suppose this remission of duty be applied to one country only as, if we remitted the duty on coffee from Venezuela, retaining it on that from other countries. The Venezuelan coffee-planters, and not the American consumers would get the benefit of the remission. Venezuela supplied only onetenth of our consumption of coffee. The remaining ninetenths, coming from other countries and still paying duty, would be higher in the United States by the amount of the duty. The Venezuelans would not sell their coffee less than others: why should they? They would simply pocket the amount which otherwise would be paid in duties. In general, any remission of duties which does not apply to the total importations, puts so much money into the pockets of the foreign producer.

The United States had an experience of this kind through its treaty with Hawaii, by which certain commodities, including sugar, were admitted free. Other sugar paid duty, and the free sugar from Hawaii sold here at the same price. All the profits went to the Hawaiian producer.

Suppose now a remission of duties to a number of countries so considerable and important that all the importations came in free of duty. The remission is virtually the same as a general reduction or abolition of the duty, and redounds to the benefit of the domestic consumer. The effect is the same if the favor is granted only to one country, if that country is able to supply the entire consumption.

Obviously, the probabilities are strong that reciprocity will operate in this second way, as cases like our Hawaiian treaty

are rare.

Let us now consider the operation of the law of 1890. A duty has actually been imposed under this law upon Venezuelan coffee. The Venezuelans must now either sell their coffee to us at a price lower by the amount of duty—¿. e., they must pay the duty or else must send their coffee to another market. It might cause temporary loss to find new consumers, and this temporary loss would represent the effect of the measure on the non-reciprocating country. The American public would not be affected.

The situation would be very different if the duty were imposed on coffee coming from Brazil. The bulk of our coffee comes from there, and it would be difficult to secure the supply elsewhere. Other coffee would come in duty free; but it could not begin to supply our entire consumption. A duty on Brazilian coffee would cause the price to rise in the United States and the American consumer would pay the tax, for of course the price of all other coffee would go up. In that case the American would be taxed for the benefit of the foreign producer whose coffee was still admitted free.

In general, then, a duty imposed under our reciprocity legislatiou will hurt the foreign producer, if he does not furnish a very great part of our supply, and other countries can easily step into his place. But if he sends us the bulk of the supply, and others cannot fill his place, the American public will pay the duty.

What is the effect on foreign countries of the concessions granted by them on American goods?

There are two sorts of goods which we may send to the South American countries: First, such as we produce very cheaply and in great abundance; second, goods which we do not produce as cheaply as European countries. In the first class belong most agricultural products, and many manufactures, such as furniture, wooden ware, and most tools and implements. In the second class belong articles like woolens, linens, crude iron, and many miscellaneous manufactures. On the first class, lower duties or free admission will bring lower prices to the South American consumers, and will serve to enlarge the volume of trade between those countries and the United States. The real and permanent gainers will be the consumers in both countries.

As regards the second class, remission of duties might cause

a loss of revenue for Cuba and Brazil. American woolens, for instance, might make their way in at lower duties, and yet might be as dear as English woolens at higher duties.

The net results of the reciprocity arrangements will probably be to enlarge a trifle the general volume of international trade, and so to diffuse more widely the benefits of the division of labor between nations. If reciprocity arrangements for lowering duties on both sides are advantageous, a moderation of our protective duties may be expected to be also advantageous.

IS IRISH HOME RULE NEAR?
BRYAN J. CLINCH.

American Catholic Quarterly, Philadelphia, October-December. HE struggle of the Irish people for self-government has hardly a parallel in history for persistence. Beginning with Emmet's ill-fated insurrection in 1803, it has continued under varying names down to the present moment. The struggle for Catholic Emancipation was only the prelude to O'Connell's Repeal Agitation, and that movement had no sooner been hushed by the famine, and the death of its great leader, than it was followed by Young Ireland's appeal to arms in 1848. The Tenant-Right Agitation of Duffy and Lucas took up the struggle, only to be broken by the treachery of Kehoe and Sadlier; yet scarcely had the people resigned all hope of success from Parliamentary action when James Stephens essayed a fresh armed insurrection. The Fenian revolt met a similar fate, to Emmet's and Smith O'Brien's, and was crushed by the force of the British Empire; but while scores of its followers were yet paying the penalty of their attempt, in convict cells, their countrymen renewed in Parliament the demand for Home Rule, which now, at last, has won to its side a majority of the representation of the Empire.

The present time is indeed the most critical period of the century for Ireland's rights. An enormous gain has been made by the return to power of Mr. Gladstone, backed by a Home-Rule majority of the House of Commons; but the establishment of an Irish Parliament on satisfactory lines is necesarily a slow and complicated work, and the end of the struggle is not yet. The opponents of Home Rule are a strong minority in the Commons, and they have full control of the House of Lords, which is, theoretically, an equal branch of Parliament. Questions entirely outside of Home Rule may arise, which would seriously divide Mr. Gladstone's followers, and it will need most careful statesmanship to prevent Home Rule being overshadowed by less important questions. The health of the aged statesman who has assumed so bravely the championship of Ireland's right is another cause for anxiety among Ireland's friends. Thoughts like these are calculated to impress upon their minds the necessity of the highest prudence and unsparing diligence in the coming Parliamentary session. Negligence on the part of Irish members or some burst of recklessness among unthinking and irresponsible Irishmen may postpone for years the hope of Irish self-government, which now seems so near.

It is of vital importance that the measure of Home Rule granted shall be adequate to the wants of the Irish people. We believe Mr. Gladstone sincere in the wish to secure to the Irish people complete control of their own country, subject only to an Imperial connection with the Empire. It is not to be supposed that the majority of Irishmen the world over, feel any enthusiasm for the British connection, but they are willing to accept it loyally, if their country's welfare be made compatible with its existence.

The Bill introduced in 1886, with certain changes in the matter of Irish contributions to Imperial taxation, in the control of the police force, and probably in the Upper House of the Legislature, and coupled with the retention of the Irish members in the London Parliament, embodies substantially

the form of Irish Parliament which will now be proposed. 1886 Mr. Gladstone proposed to place the government of Ireland in all domestic affairs in the hands of the Irish Legislature. That body was to have no share in the administration of the Empire at large, in the army or navy, in foreign relations of the Empire or control of its colonies. It was to pay a fixed contribution to the Imperial revenue, for general purposes, differing therein from Canada or Australia. The postoffice, the mint, and regulation of trade and navigation were also to be reserved to the Imperial Parliament; but on those points the author of the Bill professed his readiness to accept changes if deemed desirable. The establishment of a State religion was forbidden, and the constabulary force was to remain for a certain time subject to the English administration. The Viceroy was to be continued, but not as now, as the representative of each dominant party in Great Britain, but simply as a representative of the Sovereign appointed for a term of years, independently of English party changes. The Irish ministry was to be responsible to the Irish Parliament, and the functions of the Viceroy would be similar to those performed by the Sovereign in the English Government.

The retention of an Irish representation in the British Parliament and the removal of the police force from English control, are the most radical changes that will be likely to be made in the Bill that will be presented. If fairly carried into effect, we believe the measure sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the national aspirations of Irishmen.

The present moment is one that calls on the whole Irish race for a supreme effort of sacrifice and discipline to achieve the restoration of nationhood. Union in the common cause, strict discipline under the chosen leaders of the people, and the sinking of all personal ends or petty dissensions among the people themselves, are the great requisites to make Home Rule a reality.

THE POLICY OF THE POPE.

Contemporary Review, London, October.

T is a difficult and unpleasant task to weigh in the impartial scales of criticism the public policy of a venerable and beloved superior, whose decisions one is bound by position to uphold and inclined by sentiment and habit to approve without discussion; nor could I so violate my feelings, except under the earnest exhortations of eminent colleagues.

From the moment of his election the new Pope was fondly looked up to by the most enlightened of his children as the man predestined for the work; and the first acts of his reign. which seemed wisely addressed to the settlement of painful disputes with monarchs and governments and to the clearing of the ground preparatory to dealing with the two momentous questions the attitude of the Church towards the newly awakened masses, and her stand in respect to science and religion-confirmed this ardent hope.

With relief and gladness we heard of the peace with Germany, the understanding with Russia, the preparation of encyclicals on the labor question, and the freedom of scientific inquiry conferred upon Catholic scholars. But when the bitter struggle with our enemies was succeeded by cordial friendship, which bade fair to merge into political alliance; when solid sacrifices were made for shadowy benefits; when the claims of the Poles were set aside in deference to the wishes of the German Government, and a Prussian was consecrated Archbishop of Gnesen; when a bid was apparently made for the favor of the English Government, and the justice of an important utterance obscured by the ostentatious haste with which it was issued-in a word, when purely political success seemed to have become the end instead of the means, many Catholics were filled with misgivings, while many more were wild with delight. Everything that has since taken place has amply confirmed the worst fears of the one and the most fantastic hopes of the other, leaving to the former as sole consolation