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COMMUNIST YOUTH PROGRAM

MONDAY, MAY 17, 1965

U.S. SENATE,

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT

AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS,
OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,

Washington, D.C.

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10: 40 a.m., in room 457, Old Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd, presiding. Present: Senator Dodd.

Also present: Jay Sourwine, chief counsel; A. Warren Littman, associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research; and Frank Schroeder, investigator.

Senator DODD. I will call the hearing to order.

In obeying the mandate of the Senate, "to make a complete and continuing study and investigation" in connection with the internal security of the United States, the subcommittee has been reminded time and again of the Communist accent upon youth.

The international Communist movement has in every country capitalized upon the energies, the resourcefulness, and the inexperience of those eager to follow leaders who profess they hold the key to utopia.

It has also shown itself exceedingly skillful in the craft of infiltrating and frequently taking over youth organizations, forums and rallies, and student organizations set up for legitimate purposes and under non-Communist auspices.

What makes Communist activity among the youth so difficult to assess is the fact that their operations are so diversified and frequently so subtle and difficult to pin down.

For those who are prepared to more or less swallow the complete Communist ideology, or who have come very close to the Communist Party in their thinking, they have organizations like the DuBois Clubs of America, named after a Communist and described by J. Edgar Hoover, FBI Director, as

a new Communist-oriented youth organization dominated and controlled by the Communists.

But to strike up contact with the great masses of youth who are not yet prepared to embrace the Communist doctrine, the Communists employ the technique of infiltration.

Sometimes, the grievances which they exploit are legitimate and in themselves deserve sympathetic attention.

Sometimes, the grievances are vastly exaggerated or fraudulent.

But, whatever the validity of the grievances which bring our young people together in organizations and protest meetings and forums, it can be stated as a certainty that wherever youth meets, the followers of the Communist Party will be present, seeking to direct the meeting along channels that serve the ends of the party, seeking office where officers are elected, seeking to make themselves the spokesmen for the

movement.

Youth in every country is essentially idealistic. The idealism of youth is something infinitely precious. It merits protection even when we of the older generation may disagree with some of the stands they take.

It is the Communists who constitute the chief danger to the idealism of American youth because of the utterly amoral manner in which they seek to pervert and exploit it.

It is the job of this hearing to seek to establish the facts, insofar as this can be done, about the present status of Communist activities and Communist infiltration among the youth of America. The information we develop will, we hope, be found useful by non-Communist youth leaders who recognize the danger of Communist infiltration, and who unquestioningly represent the overwhelming majority of American youth.

Democracy demands enlightenment and legislative tools for the purpose. In that spirit we commence our hearings.

Mr. LITTMAN. Our first witness is Mr. Charles Moore.

Senator DODD. I will ask you to stand and raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give before this subcommittee will be the truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?

TESTIMONY OF CHARLES E. MOORE, WHEATON, MD.

Mr. MOORE. I do.

Mr. LITTMAN. Mr. Moore, just as a reference, what is your education?

Mr. MOORE. I am a graduate of the University of Alabama with a B.A. and M.A. in journalism.

Mr. LITTMAN. Did you at any time serve or were you an employee of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and if so, in what capacity? Mr. MOORE. Yes, sir; I served as a special agent from 1951 to 1961. Mr. LITTMAN. And after 1961 where did you associate yourself? Mr. MOORE. I went into private public relations here in Washington for about a year and then I went to work for the International Association of Chiefs of Police as public relations director.

Mr. LITTMAN. And you are now with the International Association of Chiefs of Police?

Mr. MOORE. Yes, sir.

Mr. LITTMAN. Sir, in that capacity, in connection with your employment, did you have occasion the last several months to make investigations of the Communist youth program?

Mr. MOORE. Yes, sir.

Mr. LITTMAN. And how long were you in the field for that particular purpose?

Mr. MOORE. I went to Berkeley, Calif., and stayed out there about 1 week gathering material for this study.

Mr. LITTMAN. And have you established a connection or official interest on the part of the Communist Party in this association or observation or connection with the program that you were studying? Mr. MOORE. Yes, sir; I think without question this is so.

Mr. LITTMAN. Without question. Now, would you tell us briefly what that conclusion is predicated upon?

Mr. MOORE. I think primarily I would base that conclusion upon a study which was made by a group of graduate students at the University of California who wrote a rather lengthy, supposedly unbiased, report of this affair. However, it was obviously sympathetic to the so-called Free Speech Movement which was the root of the problem at the University of California. These students, after studying the makeup of the Free Speech Movement, indicated that 4.5 percent of the leaders in the affair were members of what they called radical groups.

I think that if people who are sympathetic to a movement of this type will admit that leadership, in this case, 4.5 percent of Communists and Marxists and Mao Tse-tung and Castro sympathizers-it would be an opinion, of course-but I believe this probably is a conservative estimate on their part and very significant as far as I am concerned. Mr. LITTMAN. Now, you say it is very significant, that 5 percent or less are currently in charge of direction or incitement of this. Why is that significant to you?

Mr. MOORE. I would say while a great number of students were involved in this thing, it is pretty clear that they were directed and manipulated by just a small hard-core group.

It was pretty obvious to me they were manipulated and directed by this 4.5 percent, or more, people who were leading this insurrection. I think it has been pretty well established over the years by the FBI and others that the Communists require a small percentage to assume direction of almost any type of disturbance.

Mr. LITTMAN. Now, in that light, Mr. Moore, if there is only 5 percent you call the hard core or active Communists at the helm or at least assembling at the helm, is it not significant too, that in your study some of the publicized leaders are perhaps not Communists? Let me have your comment.

Mr. MOORE. Yes, sir; in fact, as is usual, I think the spokesman for the Free Speech Movement, as far as I can determine and from what I have seen, has no Communist affiliation or background.

There was a young student by the name of Mario Savio who served as spokesman for this group. He came to the fore on the first day of the riots by leaping atop a police car which the students had immobilized.

Senator DODD. Try to keep your voice up.

Mr. MOORE. Yes, sir.

Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, may I just interrupt a moment? I believe that the Chair would bear with me, that it is the committee's practice, in fact, it is our commitment and mandate from the full. committee, that testimony with respect to individuals will be heard first in executive session.

Now, you mentioned Mr. Savio. Of course, his name has been in the papers. He has been very openly active. I do not think in spirit this is a violation and it might be a good place to mention the

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