Germans studied who entered this country as single men or widowers have contracted marriage since their arrival, 3 on visits to their native land and 91 in this country. Those who married in this country in the great majority of cases chose as wives immigrant women of their own race or native-born daughters of immigrants of their own race. A number married immigrants and native-born of other races in the same general race group, as, for example, the union of a Swede with a Danish or a German woman. Marriages of immigrants of this race group with native-born women of native parents were very rare. However, numerous marriages have been contracted between the second generation of immigrants and nativeborn of native parents. This is especially true of the females. The great majority of the males of the first generation of native-born, on the other hand, have married immigrants or the native-born of immigrant parents of the same race group.

Of 46 German-Russian males, 26 were under 25 years of age at the time of their immigration, and 2 of these were married at that time. Only 2 of those 25 years of age or over when they came to this country were then single. All of the married immigrants of this race were accompanied by their wives. Of the 26 German-Russians who immigrated as single men or widowers, 15 have married in the United States, with few exceptions to members of their own race. Few marriages have been contracted between them and their offspring and others under normal circumstances.

The Portuguese farmers were also for the most part under 25 years of age when they came to the United States. Of 63 males reporting data on this point, 53 immigrated when under 25 years of age, and of these 4 were married at that time. Only 1 of the 3 was accompanied by his wife, 2 of the others being followed by their wives within five years, and 1 at a later time. Of the 10 who immigrated when 25 years of age or over, 5 were married at that time and all were accompanied by their wives. Fifty-four came to this country as single men or as widowers, and 44 of them have since entered into the marriage relation. Two were married on visits abroad, and 42 in the United States. None of them married other than Portuguese or Portuguese-Americans. Marriages between Portuguese-Americans and members of other races have been very exceptional.

In these matters the Italian farmers differ somewhat from the other European races. More of them are single, more married men immigrated without their families and more of their wives still reside abroad. Of 159 Italian farmers, 114 came to this country when under 25 years of age, and 14 of these (all between 20 and 25 years of age) were then married. Only 2 of these were accompanied by their wives. Of the 45 who were 25 years of age or over at the time of their immigration, 26 were married and 12 were accompanied by their wives. The wives of 9 of the total of 40 who were married at the time of their arrival are still abroad. In three instances the wife followed the husband within two years, 9 couples were reunited after a period of from two to five years, while five years or more elapsed before the wives of 5 immigrants joined their husbands in this country. Of the 119 who immigrated as single men or widowers, 71 have since contracted marriage, 10 during visits abroad and 61 in

the United States. With few exceptions Italian immigrants who have married in this country have chosen as wives immigrant women of their own race, or Italian-American women. The only exceptions to this general rule noted were the marriages of 2 Italians to German-Americans, and of 1 to a Spaniard. However, a small number of the second generation of Italians have married Americans or immigrants of other races. Most of the Italians marry young, and in the case of immigrants, soon after their arrival, before they have any opportunities to meet women of other races socially.

The conditions pointed out above are due in some measure to the motives and intentions of immigrants on coming to this country. The greater part of the Italians came to this country as a moneymaking venture, with the intention of ultimately returning to Italy. This accounts largely for the leaving behind of wives in the first instance. However, as they have become adjusted to their new environment, and have attained some degree of prosperity, they have changed their plans and decided to remain permanently in the United States. Most of the married men have sent for their wives, and the unmarried men have found wives among their country women in this country and settled down permanently. All of the Italian farmers expressed their intention of remaining permanently in the United States.

The conditions which have surrounded the immigration of Japanese to the continental United States have been very different from those which have surrounded that of the European races. The Japanese have come in many cases as a result of the activity of labor contractors, to serve as common laborers, and in the great majority of cases with the definite intention of returning to Japan after a few years of money-making labor in this country. Furthermore, the fact that they are ineligible to the American franchise, and that a strong race prejudice against them exists here, has tended to discourage the idea of permanent settlement. Furthermore, the cost of transportation to this country from Japan is great. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that most of the Japanese farmers from whom data were secured came to this country when single men or widowers, and that only a small proportion of those who were married were accompanied by their wives.

Of 785 Japanese farmers 278 were married before they immigrated. Of these all but 52 were 25 years of age or over at that time. Only 85 were accompanied by their wives and most of these came from the Hawaiian Islands, while 56 were joined by their wives later, in 5 cases within two years, in 17 cases after a period of from two to five years, and in 34 cases after five years or more of separation. The wives of 137 immigrants who were married on their arrival here were still in Japan at the time of this investigation. Of the 507 males who were unmarried when they came to the United States, 103 have since married, 31 on visits to their native land and 72 in this country. The marriages contracted in this country were without exception with members of the same race. Seldom have Japanese married persons of some other race (General Tables 71 and 72).

The Japanese farmers have now become fairly prosperous in a number of communities, and some of them are acquiring land with the idea of becoming permanent settlers. Although practically all

intended to return to Japan when they first immigrated, the larger number no longer intend to do so. Of 304 reporting data on this point 117 had decided to remain here permanently, and 82 still planned to return to Japan, while 105 were in doubt as to what they would eventually do.

With regard to the political condition of immigrant farmers sharp contrast appears between the Scandinavians and Germans on the one hand and the German-Russians, the Portuguese, and the Italians on the other. Of 78 Scandinavians and Germans reporting data on this point only 3 were aliens, 10 had taken out first papers only, while 65 were fully naturalized. However, only 2 of those reporting data had been in the United States less than ten years. Of 25 German-Russians 11 were aliens, 4 had taken out first papers, and 10 second papers. Ten of the 11 aliens, it should be noted, had been in the United States less than ten years, while only 1 of the 12 who had been residents for at least ten years had taken no steps toward becoming citizens. Although 15 of the 18 Portuguese who furnished information with regard to political condition had been in this country ten years or over, 9 were aliens, while the other 9 were fully naturalized. Almost three-fourths (72.3 per cent) of the 83 Italians reporting data on this point had resided in the United States ten years or over, yet 49, or 59 per cent, were aliens, 5 had taken out first papers, and only 29 were fully naturalized. All except 2 of the 23 in this country less than ten years were aliens (General Table 76). These differences between the races are largely due to the differences in the extent to which they associate with natives, to differences in political ideals, and to differences in their intentions during the first few years after immigration with regard to the permanence of their residence here. Moreover, in recent years the conditions requisite for naturalization have been such as to make it impossible for many of the Portuguese and Italians to become citizens because of the large percentage of illiterates and of non-English speaking among them.

CHAPTER II.

IMMIGRANT FARMING OF THE RECLAIMED LANDS OF THE SACRAMENTO AND SAN JOAQUIN RIVERS.

[For General Tables see pp. 758 to 783.]

RECLAMATION AND USE OF THE LAND.

The reclaimed land along the Sacramento River from Sacramento, and along the San Joaquin from Stockton, to the junction of these two streams near Antioch, is settled chiefly by immigrants from southern Europe and Asia. Portuguese, Italians, Greeks, Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and East Indians constitute by far the largest part of the population, do most of the work, and have the tenure of most of the reclaimed land. The contribution made by some of these races to the development of this region has been large, for they have reclaimed much of the land and reduced it to cultivation besides furnishing a supply of labor to care for the seasonal industries engaged in. Moreover, much land remains to be reclaimed and brought under cultivation. These and other considerations combine to lend unusual interest to a study of the more numerously represented of these races in this region-the Chinese, Japanese, Italians, and Portuguese especially.

The farms of the delta of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers have nearly all been reclaimed from swamp lands by the building of levees and the construction of seepage and drainage ditches. The problem of preventing flooding has become increasingly more difficult as the years have gone by because of the deposits of sediment on the bottoms and banks of the river beds and because the new and more effective dikes have prevented to an increasing extent the outflow of the water upon the bottom lands. Both of these facts have combined to raise the level of the rivers, so that they are normally considerably above that of the tilled lands, especially at high tide. At present the main streams, with their tributaries, "dry beds," sloughs, and canals divide the land into numerous islands. The deposit of sediment and the building of dikes have gradually raised the level of the land near the streams and larger sloughs until it stands several feet above the level of the land more remote. In most instances these islands present a saucer-like appearance because of this fact.

The country along the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers is one of the older farming sections of the State. Much of the land was taken up and cleared during the early fifties. This is especially true

It has been estimated that the bed of the Sacramento has been raised 8.5 feet since 1850.

The tides extend through San Francisco and Suisun bays up the Sacramento beyond the city of Sacramento and up the San Joaquin as far as Stockton.

of the Sacramento, for in the absence of railroads and good highways the water transportation to Sacramento, the supply center for the gold miners, and to San Francisco, which was a port and trade center of increasing importance, gave the farmers who settled there a great advantage in supplying these cities with grain, hay, vegetables, and the wood cut incidentally to the clearing of the land. During the fifties Grand Island, Brannan Island, and Sherman Island, on the Sacramento, and Union Island, on the San Joaquin, along with other sites, were used for agricultural purposes, while about Courtland, not far below Sacramento, deciduous fruits were grown in commercial quantities.

In all of these cases cited it was necessary for the farmers to protect their farms from frequent inundation by throwing up small levees some 2 or 3 feet in height and 2 or 3 feet wide at the top and several times as wide at the base. While comparatively inexpensive, these were not entirely satisfactory, because each farmer protected his own ranch with little regard to the methods followed by his neighbor. Moreover, the problem of preventing inundation was made much more difficult along the Sacramento by the hydraulic mining on the mountain slopes along its course farther up and along its tributaries, the Feather and American rivers. The clear water of the stream gave way to the muddy water which has since flowed sluggishly through the low lands, depositing much silt, thereby raising the bed of and narrowing the stream, interfering with navigation, and imperiling the property, if not the lives, of the settlers. The problem of diking became more and more difficult. Drainage districts were formed during the sixties and reorganized under a law enacted in 1868, with power (through the county supervisors) to levy assessments upon all property benefited to meet the expenses involved in reclamation work.

Large corporations, controlling entire islands, have undertaken the same work. Dikes have been built higher and wider and stronger, cross dikes resorted to, and stream beds changed to meet the problem presented. In spite of this, however, inundations have frequently occurred with disastrous result, the land which was least well protected and where as a consequence the swollen stream found an outlet first being flooded. To protect Union Island, on the San Joaquin, with its 42,000 acres, not less than $1,250,000 was spent between 1857 and 1894, and much has been spent more recently. Roberts Island, with its 60.000 acres, was protected at an outlay of some $822.000 down to 1894. The reclamation of Bacon Island, with its 13,200 acres, was undertaken, and the land was used for a time, but after an expenditure of $370.000 the attempt to protect it was given up, and it was again covered by water. The history of Bouldin Island, with its 6,400 acres, is much the same, the money sunk amounting to some $238,000. Grand Island, on the Sacramento, with its 17,000 acres, was protected down to 1894 at an outlay of $1,200,000. An assessment amounting to $300,000 has recently been levied upon this land to make further improvements. The district organization of Andrus Island, with 7,600 acres, had spent $316,500 previous to 1894, and the expenditures more recently have added greatly to that total. The corporation owning Staten Island, with a total of 9,230 acres, had spent $607,500 in reclamation work prior