many of the Japanese tenants have been involved in great loss during the last two years. The prices of some vegetables about Tacoma and Seattle also appear to have been adversely affected by the larger acreage devoted to their production with the increasing number of Japanese farmers. It appears that other farmers withdraw from the production of such crops before the Japanese, because they are not satisfied with as small profits. But the instances where the prices realized for crops have been adversely affected as a result of Japanese competition are comparatively few. As a matter of fact, where their acreage has been added to that productively used in the community, it has usually been devoted to growing crops not extensively grown by white farmers. Moreover, most of the markets are not local and narrowly limited. The effect of Japanese farming upon the rental value of land is much more evident than any effect upon the prices of produce.

Another effect of the leasing of orchards and other ranches under cultivation to Japanese has been to cause a further displacement of laborers of other races. Except for some of the work with teams and the cutting of fruit preparatory to drying, nearly all of the laborers employed by these farmers in the West are of their own race. While numerous instances are found in which white men and women and East Indians are temporarily employed by them, these are after all comparatively few. Like the Italian farmers, they usually employ the members of their own race in so far as they can secure them. The only essential difference between the two races in this regard is found in the fact that the Japanese laborers have been available in larger numbers than the others. In so far as comparisons of wages have been possible, it has been found that the Japanese farmers frequently pay their countrymen somewhat more than they are paid by other farmers for work of the same kind. It must be noted in this connection, however, that the workday is somewhat longer and that, in some instances, they have been able to secure the best laborers in the available supply. Moreover, until a few years ago they had the advantage as compared to farmers who employed higher-priced laborers, possessed by all farmers who employed the Japanese at the lower wages, which then prevailed. Yet the Japanese farmer's workday is not so long as that of the Italian, and he has always paid his laborers as high or higher wages. It is clear that Japanese farming has given rise to a further displacement of laborers of other races. While it is not clear that their outlay for labor is now less than that of their white competitors, and while it is clear that it is certainly not less than that of the Italians, the situation was somewhat different a few years ago when Japanese labor was cheaper.

In several localities in California where the Chinese have been employed or have leased land there is much dissatisfaction with the Japanese tenants. There is no doubt that they are less careful workmen than the Chinese and that their farming is frequently inferior. It is generally agreed that the Chinese, who have had long experience, and this counts for much, are better pruners of trees and vines and prepare the product better for shipment. There has also been much complaint of broken contracts in the case of the Japanese.

• On the rice farms in Texas this is not true.

The complaint is not without reason, for some Japanese do not regard a contract as inviolable, while the Chinese do. In some localities the preference for Chinese, partly racial, however, has been so great that farms have been leased to them for a lower rental than Japanese have offered. The preference for Chinese tenants has become just as marked as for Chinese laborers in most of the California communities. It is noteworthy, however, that in communities where Chinese have not been employed, and do not serve as a standard for comparisons, no complaint was made of the character of the farming of the Japanese, and little complaint was heard of failure to fulfill their contracts. On the contrary, in such communities they are generally regarded as good tenant farmers and as fairly reliable" in their contractual relations.

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Some of the Japanese farmers have realized large profits and have accumulated wealth rapidly, while many have met with loss. In some cases they have fallen back into the ranks of the wage-earning class. Some of those who have not been successful have been too inexperienced in the kind of farming undertaken. A more common cause of failure, however, has been found in the fact, already commented on, that they produce almost entirely for the market and specialize greatly, and in some cases have depressed the prices of produce until they would not cover the expenses incidental to the harvest. This is notably true of strawberry growing for the Los Angeles market and of asparagus growing on the lower Sacramento River, cases to which reference has previously been made. A comparatively large number of the tenant farmers in these localities have become bankrupt, and some of them have been led to break their contracts with the landowners from whom they leased. Moreover, the wages paid to laborers of their race have recently advanced rapidly, and it has become difficult to secure laborers in sufficient numbers. This change in the labor market has been a further source of difficulty to the Japanese farmers. It is proving so serious that in some localities they insist upon leases for one or a few years, where a few years ago they desired to secure leases for a period of several years.

Of 647 Japanese farmers, including partners, from whom information was obtained, 432 reported that they had made a surplus over living expenses during the preceding year. Of the other 215, 114 were involved in a deficit, while 101 reported neither surplus nor deficit. The average amount of surplus realized was $579.88, of deficit $561.02 (General Table 67). Some of the gains were very large. Those of 31 of the 432 were less than $100, of 92 $100 but less than $250, of 146 $250 but less than $500, of 114 $500 but under $1,000, of 35 $1,000 but less than $2,500, of 14 $2,500 or over. Some of the deficits also were large. Those of 5 of the 114 were less than $100, of 27 $100 but less than $250, of 37 $250 but less than $500, of 23 $500 but less than $1,000, of 20 $1,000 but less than $2,500, of 2 $2,500 or over (General Table 68). These figures must not be taken too literally, however, for the matter of surplus and deficit is difficult to estimate. Moreover and more important, no allowance is made for investments in developing strawberry patches and asparagus and other crops which require two seasons before the plants. begin to yield a remunerative harvest. The failure of the figures to

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make allowance for such cases greatly exaggerates the number who sustained deficits and increases the amount of deficits reported.

The estimated net value of property owned by 488 Japanese engaged in farming as individuals or as senior partners is shown in General Table 62. Of these, 86 had nothing over and above the indebtedness outstanding against them, 16 had less than $50, 10 had $50 but less than $100, 45 $100 but less than $250, 77 $250 but less than $500, 92 $500 but less than $1,000, 48 $1,000 but less than $1,500, 43 $1,500 but less than $2.500, 41 $2,500 but less than $5,000, 17 $5,000 but less than $10,000, 10 $10,000 but less than $25,000, and 3 $25,000 or over. In considering these figures it must be held in mind, however, that they do not include the value of growing crops and of such improvements made upon leased land as do not become the property of the tenant upon the expiration of the lease. The fact that allowance is not made for these causes the number who are represented as having little or no property to be unduly large, for most of the data were collected during the harvest season, when large investments had been made, but before the returns for the crop had been received. Moreover, many of the Japanese invest heavily in improvements in the land, hoping to secure a profit from them before the expiration of the lease. The value of such improvements can not be estimated, however, and is not included in the values given.

The facts just mentioned cause the contrast between the wealth of the Japanese and of other farmers to be exaggerated in the table to which reference has just been made. The large majority of the Japanese studied were tenant farmers, the full value of whose property is usually not reported. The position of the Italians alone is analogous to that of the Japanese, and the percentage of landowners among them is much greater. Nevertheless, there is a striking contrast between the Japanese and other farmers in the West, in wealth as well as in the form of tenure and permanency of their relations in the community. While many of the Japanese farmers have accumulated considerable property and have become fairly independent in the conduct of their holdings, the largest number have little property, and many of them have a form of tenure which limits their freedom in production. Moreover, because of the circumstances under which they have engaged in farming, an unusually large number of the Japanese have failed. Yet it must be held in mind that most of them have begun to farm much more recently than the farmers of other races. The wealth accumulated by a small minority in a few years has induced many to undertake farming on their own account.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS.

The investigation of the households of immigrant farmers of the Western States included 856 households and 3,262 persons. Because of the limited nature of the investigation the data are moager as a basis for comparison of the races in regard to literacy, conjugal condition, political condition, and other matters of social significance. They indicate differences, however, of the same kind as found among the agricultural and other laborers of the same races. Hence, much of the evidence they furnish is cumulative in its effects.

The table following shows the number of households and the number of individuals studied, by race of head of household and by the locailty in which they live.

TABLE 6.-Scope of investigation of households of immigrant farmers in the Western States, by race of head of household.

The sex and general nativity and race of the individuals from whom data were secured are shown by the following table:

TABLE 7.-Number of persons for whom detailed information was secured, by sex and general nativity and race of individual.

The Scandinavian and German farmers are for the most part old residents. Of 282 persons from whom data were secured, 236, or 83.7 per cent, had lived in the United States fifteen years or over, while only 11 had been here less than five years. More than onehalf of the Portuguese and one-half of the Italians had also been in this country at least fifteen years. Of 114 of the former race, 79, or 69.3 per cent, as opposed to 145, or 50 per cent, of the 290 Italians, had been residents of this country for fifteen years or over. Ten Portuguese and 50 Italians had been here less than five years. Eighty, or almost three-fourths of the 108 German-Russians, had resided in the United States between five and fourteen years, while 26 had been here fifteen years or over (General Table 75).

The largest percentage of recent immigrants among the farmers from whom data were secured were found among the Japanese. Of 1,085 males and females of this race, 437, or 40.3 per cent, had immigrated within five years; 433, or 39.9 per cent, had been in this country from five to nine years; 158, or 14.5 per cent, from ten to fourteen years, and only 57, or 5.3 per cent, fifteen years or over. Little difference is noticeable between the males and females in length of residence except in the case of Japanese, where 73.2 per cent of the women, as opposed to only 29.4 per cent of the males, had been in this country less than five years. The Japanese men immigrated in most cases without intending to stay permanently, leaving their families behind them, but as they have prospered and decided to remain here for several years at least, many have sent for their wives, while many of the single men have been married by proxy. The farmers of other races have for the most part immigrated with the intention of making this country their permanent home, and as a consequence, if married, have brought their families with them (General Table 73).

Longer residence in the United States, free association with the natives, and similarity in language have enabled the Scandinavians and Germans to make more progress than the other races investigated in learning the English language. Of 282 reporting, all but 15 could speak English. Of these 15, 9 (of a total of 247) had been in the United States ten years or over and 5 (of 24) from five to nine years and 1 (of 11) less than five years, and all were 14 years of age or over at the time of coming. Thirteen were females and two were males. Of 105 German-Russians, 29 were unable to speak English. Of these 21 were females, 8 were males. Two of them (of a total of 2) had been here less than five years, 20 (of 62) from five to nine years, and 7 (of 41) ten years or over. All but four of those who did not speak English were 14 years of age or over at the time of their arrival. The German-Russians are more clannish than the Scandinavians and Germans and have been permanently settled for a shorter period, conditions which account for the larger percentage who do not speak English. About the same proportion of the Portuguese as of the German-Russians speak English. Of 113, 31 (21 females and 10 males) were unable to speak English. Of the 31, 14 (of a total of 86) had been in this country ten years or over, 11 (of 18) from five to nine years, and 6 (of 9) less than five years. All except 3 females had immigrated when they were 14 years of age or over. Like the German-Russians, the Portuguese