WILL CONGRESS AGAIN GRAPPLE WITH DIFFERENCES appear to exist among leading Republican statesmen and organs as to the advisability of reviving the question of tariff revision by introducing and pressing bills restoring certain McKinley schedules. Speaker Reed, Senator Aldrich, and other leaders are believed to be opposed to the reopening of the tariff agitation, while a number of others regard an increase in revenue receipts through higher duties as the simplest means of relieving the Treasury and protecting its gold reserve. Bills restoring McKinley schedules have already been offered in the House by Congressmen Harris, of Ohio, and Morse, of Massachusetts. The former's measure provides for the restoration of the McKinley duties on wool and woolen goods, while the Morse bill (which is also that urged by the New York Tribune) calls for the reenactment of the McKinley schedules relating not only to wool and woolens, but also to silk, linens, crockery, agricultural products, gloves, and tinplate. who favor these bills are confident that they can be passed by Congress in a short time, without any unfavorable effect on business. Democrats, on the other hand, assert that it would require months of stormy debates to push the bills through, and that the business interests of the country would suffer disastrously. It is also questioned whether the increases in duties would result in swelling revenue receipts. The McKinley tariff, it is asserted, instead of yielding a surplus, created a deficit and necessitated bond issues. We append comment expressing these conflicting views: Those No Right to Wait a Single Hour.-"This country has no right to expect full prosperity until a tariff which depresses industry and reduces wages has been changed. The men who have tried that experiment have been condemned by adverse majorities that are amazing. The Republicans have not the right to prolong the operation of such a tariff a single hour, if by doing their best for the country they can change it. Neither have they the slightest right to prolong the worst parts of it because, within a limited time, or with obstacles in the Senate, they can not reform it wholly. Their business is to frame a bill which will raise the needed revenue by reviving certain parts of the tariff of 1890, or by other provisions if they prefer, and at the same time cure the worst of the evils resulting from Democratic success, if they can not at once cure them all. The highest and most complete triumph within the reach of the Republican Party is the restoration of prosperity in large measure by putting back its own duties on imported products, even tho circumstances prevent it from revising the tariff in all its parts."— The Tribune (Rep.), New York. False Pretenses about Revenue.—“What is to be said of the logic and the sincerity of the present Republican or, rather, protectionist, contention? That contention is that a surplus revenue will at once and of itself cure the currency sore. The way to get a surplus revenue is to clap on higher duties. "A high tariff was never before defended as a revenue measure. Nothing is so disgusting or irrelevant to a good protectionist as to talk to him of a revenue in connection with a tariff. Revenue means importations, and to stop importations is the very end and aim and natural working of a protective tariff. To pretend anything else is to be guilty of false pretenses. tariffs. "The insincerity of the present demand for high duties as a means of filling up the Treasury with gold will appear doubly flagrant to any one who stops to note the effect on Government revenue of prolonged tariff discussion and the enactment of new Irregularity, vitiated estimates, spasmodic ups and downs in receipts, with resulting uncertainty at Washington and anxiety in business circles all over the country, are the invariable accompaniments of such discussion and such laws. It was so with the McKinley tariff, it was so, to a considerable extent, with the Wilson tariff. The income of the Treasury depends in a peculiar degree upon the stability of trade and the permanence of fiscal laws. Nothing throws the Treasury upon its beam-ends more quickly than the unsettling of business conditions. Let a tariff bill be now precipitated and drag along for six months (the very shortest time, certainly, in which it could be passed, if at all), and the Treasury deficit to be provided for would be doubled or trebled in the act. A new high-tariff bill might be entitled an act to disorganize and derange public finance, but never one to come to the rescue of an embarrassed Treasury. "How was it with the McKinley bill? Did it stop the 'vast importations'? Did it increase the revenue? Did it come within miles of producing the revenue predicted? All these questions must be answered in the negative. Importations were enormous during the pendency of the bill-so enormous that the enraged McKinley threatened, at one time, to make them pay the higher duties by way of anticipation. This is the normal course of business in passing from a low to a high tariff. It would be the course now if a new McKinley bill were visible on the horizon. The bonded warehouses would be stuffed with foreign goods, and the maddened protectionists would be helpless. Then when the higher duties went into effect, where would the increased revenue come in? Just where it did in the first months under the McKinley bill, or at the rate of nearly $8,000,000 a month decrease. The estimates made by Senators Allison and Aldrich for the first year's operation of the McKinley tariff were $40,000,000 out of the way. This shows how safe a thing it would be now to reenact such a law as a revenue measure. The revenue might prove as delusive as the pretensions with which the bill is urged."-The Evening Post (Ind.), New York. 1 Short Memories of McKinleyites.-"It is affirmed that the depletion of the Treasury's gold is due to deficient revenues, by which it is implied that nothing of the sort took place under the McKinley act. "If these statements are put forward in good faith, they show how short are the memories of the men who profess to give instruction to the Repubican Party. For a time after the passage of the McKinley and Sherman acts, the Republicans were very cheerful. "In 1892, however, the lack of sufficient revenue was admitted. In his annual report for that year Secretary Foster asked for an increase of the gold reserve to provide for the redemption of the Sherman notes. He also wanted more revenue. He had not been able to meet the requirements of the Sinking Fund. He did not believe that more than seven millions could be spared for this fund during that fiscal year, altho the requirements were $48,000,000. It is also well known that Secretary Foster was about to issue bonds during the last month of his continuance in office, but was stopped by Mr. Harrison. "Under these circumstances, it is a mark of great ignorance or recklessness to pretend that the revenues were adequate under Mr. Harrison's Administration. The McKinley bill was not passed for revenue. It was entitled 'A bill to reduce the revenue:' It had that effect. Between 1890 and 1892 the Government's ordinary revenue was reduced more than forty-eight millions of dollars. This would have been all right if that had been all of it, for there had been a surplus. But in the same time expenditures had increased more than sixty millions of dollars. The legislation of the Fifty-first Congress had been of such a character that the expenditures must increase as the roll of pensioners became larger. In the fiscal year 1894 the revenues still further decreased. The first year under the new tariff laws showed an increase of customs receipts over the preceding one of some nineteen millions of dollars."-The Courier-Journal (Dem.), Louisville. "If the wool question is fought over and voted upon the floodgates are opened, and a deluge of tariff bills must be expected. Neither the Speaker nor the members of Congress are in a position to play any favorites. There is the same right to tackle every article on the schedule as there is to yield to the importunities of the wool-growers. They have challenged the idea of giving the country a needed rest. Democracy, from a selfish standpoint, could ask nothing better than that the party in control of the legislative branch should proceed to an exposure of its internal weaknesses, but the country should not again be stricken in this period of healthful recuperation."-The Free Press (Dem.), Detroit. ... "By placing a duty on wool and revising the woolen schedule, additional revenue to the extent of about $30,000,000 would be secured. Some of the Republicans would go further and enter upon a general tariff revision on protection lines. This is, however, contrary to the generally accepted opinion, which is that this would be fruitless so long as a Democratic President is in "The New York Tribune's tariff bill, introduced by Congressman Morse, is described as a 'little bill of twelve lines,' which would avoid the usual 'mass of details' of a general tariff bill, and thus prevent hurtful delay. The bill proposes the restoration of the most important schedules of the McKinley Act. But why not a 'little bill' of four lines restoring the whole act? That would even more surely avoid a 'mass of details. ""-The Republican (Ind.), Springfield. "The reimposition of the duties on wool would have the effect of raising a large part of the revenues which the Government now lacks to meet its current obligations, and such action on the part of Congress would injure nobody but the importers who are now flooding our markets with wool grown in foreign countries. There would be no disturbance of business as a result, and the people who pay as much for their clothing now as before the passage of the Wilson-Gorman law, would be affected in no way.' The Leader (Rep.), Clevelaud. " "Its idiotic for any Republican in Congress to propose to neglect the party's plain duty. Every intelligent Republican voter should at once write to his Representative, asking him to use his utmost endeavors to see that a measure embodying protection and ample revenue is passed at this session."-The Blade (Rep.), Toledo. "Political" Prayers in Congress.-Severe criticisms have been passed on Chaplain Couden for making his prayer at the opening of Congress a vehicle for the expression of partizan views and political opinions. The words objected to were: "Let peace reign throughout our borders; yet may we be quick to resent anything like an insult to this our nation." This is denounced as unchristian and jingoistic by a number of newspapers. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch says: "The Scriptures abound in injunctions to be slow to anger and patient under oppression and ill-usage. There is nowhere an intimation that it is a good and desirable thing to be quick to resent an insult. Chaplain Couden evidently belongs to that queer class of religious paradoxes, the fighting parsons,' who are misplaced as teachers of Christianity, and who should be pagans with a god of war and a god of peace to appeal to as convenience or political advantage may suggest. There is reason to believe that he is trying to give some color of Christian grace to jingoism." The Boston Herald says of the prayer: "It is in worse than bad taste, when the circumstances under which it was delivered are borne in mind; it is repugnant to Christian sentiment; it was an incitement to the war spirit which is disgraceful in a Christian minister. Politics, rather than piety, got this man the place, and he, apparently, felt it a duty to repay this by putting politics into his prayer." The Baltimore News makes the following comment: "To insert in his opening prayer a petition to God that we may be 'quick to resent anything like an insult to this our nation' is to endeavor-of course, in an utterly futile way-to influence the sentiment of the House in a particular direction on a matter of public policy. It is certainly not self-evident that we ought to be 'quick to resent anything like an insult.' A very respectable body of citizens, for instance, hold that what we should first do in regard to 'anything like an insult' is to ascertain how like an insult it is, and, if the resemblance is not very great, to keep our temper. Some of these same people think, too, that the degree of rapidity with which even what looks very much like an insult should be resented must depend on circumstances; that there are occasions when a little time gives room for perfectly satisfactory explanations, reparation, or apology. Good Americans are all agreed that the national honor must be firmly maintained; but we believe that the majority of them are far from thinking that this is best done by constant exhibitions of pugnacity, and especially do we trust that the sentiment of the teachers of religion is not in accord with that of Chaplain Couden. It is a piece of mischievous impertinence for the chaplain of a legislative body to make use of his position to air the opinions of any particular party or faction on public questions. It brings the religious service into contempt, and tends further to lower the tone of public discussions, already too often low enough." DEATH OF THE "OLD ROMAN." X-SENATOR ALLEN G. THURMAN, the "foremost Democrat of Ohio," died on Thursday, December 12, from the general debility of old age. High tributes are paid to his ability and character by men and newspapers of all shades of political opinion. Of late he has taken little part in public affairs, and many looked upon him as the last Democratic statesman of the "old school." The Republican governor of Ohio, Mr. McKinley, in a procla mation issued on the day of the ex-Senator's death, spoke of him as follows: "He was a statesman whose sturdy integrity and exalted abilities were recognized, not only in his own State, but in every part of the United States. As a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State he was a learned and incorruptible interpreter of the law. As United States Senator he faithfully and with exceptional honor represented the State in the United States Senate. He was a distinguished party leader, and stood in the front rank with the great men who were his contemporaries. After being the recipient of many honors at the hands of his party and countrymen, he retired to private life with the universal respect and esteem of the citizens of the Republic, and the love of all who had the honor of knowing him. His illustrious career is a conspicuous example of the possibilities of American citizenship, and is worthy the study of the youth of our State. The people of Ohio, regardless of party, will be mourners at his bier." ALLEN G. THURMAN. Mr. Thurman was admitted to the Ohio bar in 1835, and his entrance into political life did not occur until 1844, when he was elected to Congress. He at once took leading rank upon the Judiciary Committee, and his speeches on the Mexican War and the Oregon resolution for the abrogation of the convention with England attracted general attention. In 1851 Mr. Thurman was elected Judge of the Ohio Supreme Court, and served four years. In 1869 he was sent to the Senate, where he remained for twelve years. President Garfield appointed him a delegate to the international monetary conference at Paris. For a number of years Mr. Thurman was regarded as a leading candidate for the Presi dency. In 1888 he was nominated for Vice-President, with Mr. Cleveland at the head of the unsuccessful ticket. Mr, Thurman was a strict party man, but he commanded the confidence and respect of every member of the Senate, as the following reference in Mr. Blaine's "Twenty Years of Congress" indicates: "Mr. Thurman's rank in the Senate was established from the day he took his seat, and was never lowered during the period of his service. He was an admirably disciplined debater, was fair in his methods of statement, logical in his argument, honest in his conclusions. He had no tricks in discussion, no catch-phrases to secure attention, but was always direct and manly. retirement from the Senate was a serious loss to his party-a loss, indeed, to the body." We reproduce some press tributes below: His party, in a critical moment, was not able to lift itself up to his lofty ideals of public service, and the sacrifices he made for it were vain.. ... It is the honorable privilege of a Republican (215) 5 RECENT MUNICIPAL DEMOCRATIC newspaper to place this laurel leaf on the grave of a brave, sin-A DEMOCRATIC triumph in Boston, following close upon cere, and honest political opponent."-The Recorder (Rep.), New York. "No man during the last thirty years has made so conspicuous a record in the Senate for unswerving fidelity to public duty as did Allen G. Thurman. Mr. Thurman was not a politician as the term is generally understood in these later days. He was above all things a statesman, and he was a master in statesmanship. He was the equal of the ablest in parliamentary disputation, and was always so scrupulously faithful to honest conviction that his utterances ever commanded the highest respect even from those who most bitterly antagonized him, and his success as a leader in statesmanship stands out almost single among the able men of his time in the first legislative tribunal of the nation."-The Times (Dem.), Philadelphia. "Mr. Thurman began life with little but his own ambition, energy, and honest purposes. He speedily achieved distinction, and honors were showered upon him throughout all his life. He was admired for his ability, distinguished for the rugged virtue of his character, and loved for his honesty. He was a servant of the people in the truest sense of that term as it is applied to one who accepts a public office. . . . The history of the country, as it is written and will be written, will enshrine Judge Thurman's name and will pay proper tribute to his deeds."-The Dispatch (Ind.), Columbus. "The Old Roman' was a rugged figure in American politics, his name the synonym of honesty. Even those who could not subscribe to his views believed in his sterling integrity and gave to him that honor due a statesman whose actions were governed by the highest principles. One of the old school in politics, the nation is better for the lessons of his life. He was one of those men whom the world call self-made. One of the people, he believed in the people and the people believed in him.”—The Post (Ind.), Cincinnati. "The Senator from Ohio was often mistaken, but he was always honest. His errors were of the head, not of the heart. Many a time in later years, since Thurman's retirement from the activities of party strife, have his former associates looked toward that stalwart figure with regret that his sagacious leadership and powerful aid were withdrawn from a party which had no great men to spare. Tho disdaining the arts by which popularity is too often obtained, tho stern sometimes, and sometimes taciturn, tho a rugged fighter in the arena of debate, the best men of both parties who knew him well learned to cherish for him an esteem that amounted to affection. He will be missed. His name will not easily or soon be forgotten."-The Advertiser (Rep.), Bos ton. Governor O'Ferrall's Anti-Lynching Proposals.In a message to the Virginia legislature, Governor O'Ferrall has recommended radical legislative measures directed against lynching. He proposes that any county in which a lynching occurs shall be required to pay $200 for each thousand of its population, the money to go into the treasury of the public schools; and that sheriffs and deputies shall be deprived of office if proven guilty of negligence, and made liable on their official bonds in action for damages by the heirs of the victim. On the other hand, the Governor would punish rape and kindred crimes by death, and give indictments for such offenses precedence over all other cases on the dockets. He is convinced that such legislation would tend to prevent lynching, and a number of newspapers cordially approve of his suggestions. The Chicago Inter Ocean says: "It will be well if the barbarians who roast men alive, and who torture them by nameless mutilations, are forced to contribute toward the education of the next generation in a higher civilization. The peculiar merit of this proposition is that it does not require proof of the guilt of any person-eminent citizen' or otherwise-participating in the murder. The fact of a lynching in a county of 10,000 souls is sufficient to cause it to be taxed in the sum of $2,000, and in a county with 100,000 people the smart money paid for enjoyment of the pleasing spectacle of a nigger lynching will be $20,000. When counties are made to pay thus they will be less tolerant of the murderous pastimes of the 'eminent citizens."" the municipal victories of the party in Providence, Indianapolis, and other cities, is admitted by Republican organs to possess some significance deserving of serious study. Mr. Josiah Quincy was elected lieved to have helped the Democrats this year. The Republican had attacked Mr. Quincy for his course in Washington, when he was Assistant Secretary of State, and had accused him of favoring the spoils system in national and local politics. The support of the Republican candidate by the American Protective Association is said to have cost him many votes. Following are comments on the significance of recent municipal elections: Warning Signals to Republicans.-"Since the general elections of November two important city elections have occurred. Providence, R. I., chose a new Mayor a few weeks ago, and altho the Republican mayor, who was elected last year by a large majority, was a candidate for reelection, he was defeated by a majority nearly as large as the one that carried him into office. The result is explained on the ground that a large number of Republicans failed to vote because an obnoxious monopoly had been granted too many favors. But the most recent overturn was seen in the Boston municipal election on Tuesday. That city elected a Republican mayor last year, and he has given every proof of efficiency and capability. There was no reason but a party one why he should not have been reelected, as he was a candidate. But he was defeated, and Josiah Quincy, who is looked upon as little better than a mountebank in politics, was elected in his place. "It is true that Boston is a Democratic city, and that Brooklyn, Providence, and Indianapolis are so evenly balanced that a little indifference or dissatisfaction can change the scale. Nevertheless it is well for the Republicans to face squarely the question whether there is not some general cause to explain the result in these four cities. May not the people be actuated by the fear lest they have entrusted too much power to one party and think that it needs a little checking to keep it in the line of its duty? The emphatic verdicts given in three general elections in favor of the Republican Party were not given to the party simply, but because it is believed to be a better and more efficient instrument of government than the Democratic Party, and while its acts uphold that belief it will be approved. "It will be well if the Republicans take note of these warning signals held out from cities, and ask themselves if in the confidence of an assured return to power they have not done something to weaken the trust of the people and ultimately bring upon themselves such an emphatic rebuke as the Democratic Party has received."-The Press (Rep.). Philadelphia. A National Misfortune, Worse than Tammany's Triumph. "The election of the machine candidate for mayor comes as a surprise and a shock to thousands of citizens of Boston who had confidently believed that in this last decade of the nineteeth century and in a community as enlightened and progressive as our own professes to be, the triumph of benighted and essentially barbaric ideas of government was utterly impossible. "It will be received as a distinct blow at civil-service reform and at all other principles of good government, not only in Boston but throughout the United States, where the successful candidate is only known as the most audacious spoilsman of his era. "The result of yesterday's contest is very much more to be regetted than the recent partial and ineffective victory of Tammany in New York. It is a victory of substantially the same vicious elements under a personally respectable figurehead, and it is a triumph which in its practical consequences is far more important and decisive. The scandalous cases of intimidation, fraudulent voting, and other genuine Tammany methods with which the election was accompanied vividly demonstrates what manner of men some of Mr. Quincy's followers are, and what may be anticipated of their ascendency in our municipal governThat elements like these should prevail in Boston, the very fountain-head of political regeneration and progress among all the great cities of our land, will occasion almost as much chagrin to the earnest friends of reform in other cities and States as it does in Boston and in Massachusetts. In this aspect of the affair it is nothing less than a national misfortune."-The Journal (Rep.), Boston. ment. A Retrograde Step Toward Partizanship.-"This is a Democratic Party sweep at an election where national politics should not have intruded. It has been won by a party which makes no pretension of non-partizanship in local affairs, but believes in dividing all the offices among the active workers. We shall see in due time with what success Mr. Quincy meets the pressure which he is certain to encounter. It, however, can be said with considerable confidence, and without awaiting the results of Mr. Quincy's struggles with the spoilsmen of his own party, that the result of placing this year's municipal election on the party lines of national politics has set back the cause of nonpartizanship in Boston local affairs many years. If this election is any test, it will only be necessary to raise the party warwhoop hereafter to overwhelm all attempts at electing municipal officers on any other than political grounds. It can not be regarded in any other light than a retrograde step toward unalloyed partizanship in municipal concerns."-The Transcript (Rep.), Boston. A Good Man in a Bad Environment.-"Of Hon. Josiah Quincy, the mayor-elect, The Advertiser has throughout the campaign uniformly spoken in language of sincere personal respect. Our sentiments and expressions on that subject will undergo no change in consequence of yesterday's result at the polling-booths. He has many of the qualifications that befit the lofty station to which he has attained; education, natural ability, aptitude, and taste for public life, unsullied private character, the inheritance of a noble name. There is no reason to doubt that he intends to be a good mayor. Our greatest apprehensions arise from the nature of his political environment. There is no reason now, any more than there was before election day, for ignoring the fact that many of the elements which have been most zealous in efforts to elect him are malign elements, antagonistic to the true interests of the city, selfish, greedy, and unscrupulous."-The Advertiser (Rep.), Boston. A True Democratic Victory.-"This is clearly a Democratic victory. Mr. Quincy was nominated directly with the idea of restoring Democratic ascendency in city affairs, and he has done it. He was selected nearly a year ago as the most available man for this purpose, and the result has justified the political wisdom of those who brought him forward. Our readers will bear us witness that we have spoken of Mr. Quincy with entire respect throughout the campaign. We have asserted his personal purity. and have deprecated the personal abuse with which there was at first the disposition on the part of certain Republicans to visit him. If he needed vindication from this, it has now been afforded. And now every good citizen will give him the best wishes for success in the office he is to assume. He is an able man; he comes from a creditable line of ancestry; he has every incentive to maintain its name with honor." The Herald (Ind.), Boston. N BOND ISSUES AND THE DEFICIT. O part of President Cleveland's message has been subjected to more searching analysis than his elaborate argument in support of the claim that the deficit in the Treasury has had nothing to do with the three bond issues placed during his present term, and that no portion of the proceeds realized from the bond sales has been used to defray current government expenses. Since the first and necessarily hasty comments upon the message were published, the discussion in the important newspapers has been largely confined to the "endless-chain" theory of the President, which implies that but for the necessity of redeeming the greenbacks in gold on demand, and then reissuing them to be again redeemed, no occasion for issuing bonds to replenish the gold reserve would have arisen. While some express agrecment with the President, the majority of commentators appear to think that the facts are totally opposed to his view of the causes of our financial difficulties. We select a number of editorials dealing with this special point: No Trouble About Paying Bills.-"The Treasury holds enough available currency to meet the present rate of deficit for two years to come if need be. What it needs now is not more currency, but more gold. Nobody doubts the ability of this Government to pay its bills, but to our sorrow many do very seriously doubt its ability to keep its paper dollars at a parity with gold dollars unless Congress takes the Treasury out of the banking business by abolishing these legal-tender notes, which are presented for redemption in gold to-day, paid out again to-morrow, and brought back for redemption in gold again the day after that. "For two years, if need be, the Treasury could go on as at present and meet all the expenses of Government without an increase of revenue. While the deficit is an important question it is not a vitally pressing one. But how long can the Treasury go on and redeem its notes in gold if they are presented at the present rate? Every merchant or banker who has to pay debts abroad brings his greenbacks, or 'Shermans,' to the SubTreasury and demands the gold for them. There are nearly five hundred millions of these outstanding, and the Treasury this morning has less than seventy-seven millions of gold to meet them-a reserve of fifteen per cent. against its actual demand obligations payable in gold, to say nothing of the mass of other currency the parity of which depends ultimately on the Treasury reserve. "The Government, we repeat, has enough money other than gold to go on at the present rate and pay its current bills for two years, but it has not enough gold to go on at the present rate and meet its demand obligations for two months without bringing on another crisis. Now, as a matter of plain common sense, which is the more urgent question for Congress to deal with? The attempt to treat the currency as a mere party question is an outrage. It is not a matter' of politics; it is a matter of business, and one that reaches the pocket and the hearth of every man in the country, whatever may be his political affiliations. With an ample currency balance in the Treasury to meet the deficit and the need of gold to redeem greenbacks staring us in the face, what rot it is for Representatives to talk about an 'issue of bonds to meet the deficiency' !”—The Herald (Ind.), New York. The Greenbacks Not Alone Responsible.-"Our bonded indebtedness has increased over $162,000,000 in less than two years. Because of the mere existence of our paper money? Not at all. It was largely because of the repeated promises of the 'tariff reformers' in power to undo our protective tariff system, and their success afterward in keeping these promises, that led to the gold drains. Exports have fallen off, imports have largely increased, and the revenues of the Government have failed so signally to meet expenditures that it has become necessary to use part of the large Treasury balances accumulated through the exchange of gold for legal tenders to meet expenses. How can we hope to maintain an undiminished gold reserve when the balance of trade abroad is against us and the country is running behind in its revenues? "The greenback is deserving of the odium which the President heaps upon it: that the silver law of 1890 was a shortsighted piece of legislation but few will deny, but at the same time these forms. of currency can not be made to bear all the blame.". -The Financier, New York. Contradicted by Carlisle's Declarations and by Figures."The first call in 1894 for bids for bonds under the Resumption Act was made on January 17, and on December 19, 1893, only four weeks before, Secretary Carlisle, in his Annual Report to Congress, explicitly recommended that the act be so amended as not only to authorize the issue of bonds at a lower rate of interest than is therein provided, but to permit him to use, from time to time, 'such part of the proceeds as may be necessary to supply any deficiencies in the public revenues that may occur during the fiscal years 1894 and 1895.' Following up this recommendation, Mr. Carlisle on January 13, 1894, only four days before he issued his circular offering the first issue of bonds to the public, prepared the draft of a bill, which he submitted to the Senate Committee on Finance, giving him the authority to issue, under the Resumption Act, three-per-cent. bonds, and, besides using the proceeds for redeeming legal tenders, 'to use from time to time such part of such proceeds as may be necessary to supply deficiencies in the public revenues during the fiscal year 1894.' more money than the regular receipts were bringing it in order to meet the regular demands upon it? That is surely a sufficiently simple question, and one to which the official figures regularly reported by the Treasury authorities ought to give an unequivocal answer. 'Here are the facts: At the beginning of the fiscal year 1893, during which the financial troubles of the Government first became conspicuously serious, the Treasury, according to the official report, had on hand $147,906,092 in the form of available cash. From that time up to the end of last month the total deficiency in the ordinary revenues-that is, leaving out of account the extraordinary receipts from the bonds sold in the mean time-has been $126,155,962. The meaning of these figures needs no explanation. Notwithstanding the almost uninterrupted failure of the tax receipts to equal the expenses, the Government in those three and a half years did not use up all the money it started in with. In other words, if the Government had borrowed no money at all on bonds during that time, it would still have been able to pay its bills, making up the monthly deficits out of its previously accumulated cash balance. Clearly, then, the President is right and his critics are wrong in their respective views of what made it necessary to borrow gold. The Government could not have maintained specie payments without the bonds, but it could have paid all its bills in depreciated paper and silver.”—The Journal (Ind.), Providence. "It is inconceivable that this action of Mr. Carlisle escaped, at the time, the notice of the President, and that the advisability of it should not have been the subject of consideration between him and the Secretary. That when, too, in November, 1894, a second bond issue became necessary, as the result of the exercise of the very authority that had been asked for from Congress and denied, the question of using its proceeds for current expenses was not, in like manner, considered, is incredible. The illegal misuse of the first issue had been the subject of adverse comment both in Congress and in the newspapers, and it had been defended publicly by Secretary Carlisle, so that both he and the President THE so-called "Woman's Bible," the preliminary announce could not have failed to bear it in mind. The same may be said of the third issue, made last February. This he at "The President then goes on to argue that the question of using the proceeds of bonds sold under the Resumption Act for current expenses could not have been considered by him, because, as a matter of fact, there was no necessity for doing so. tempts to prove by reference to the Treasury balances. 'At the time of each bond issue we had,' he says, 'a safe surplus in the Treasury for ordinary operations, exclusive of the bond reserved.' But on his own figures this 'safe' surplus amounted in February, 1894, when the first bond issue was made, to only $18,000,000. A reference to the monthly statement of the public debt for January, 1894, shows that in this $18,000,000 were included $16,000,000 fractional silver and $1,000,000 of minor coin, both unavailable for the payment of debts. Deducting the amount of these two items leaves $1,000,000 with which to meet a deficiency of the revenue then growing at the rate of $1,400,000 a week, so that, in less than a week, but for the bond sales, the Treasury would have had either to close its doors or to draw upon its gold reserve. "This Mr. Carlisle declared explicitly in his letter of January 13, 1894, addressed to the Senate Finance Committee in support of his proposed amendment of the Resumption Act. Referring to the gold fund, he said: 'It is evident, from the conditions of the Treasury, that the department will have no means to defray the ordinary expenses of the Government unless a large part of the payments are hereafter made out of that fund.' The surplus of November, 1894, and that of February, 1895, were larger, and therefore would have lasted longer, but that unless they had been reenforced by the proceeds of the second and third-bond sales they would eventually have been more than exhausted is shown by the fact that the present currency surplus, with the redeemed greenbacks added, is only $98,072,420, against $99,897,337 last January." Matthew SQUEERS SCHOOL MY MESSAGE BRIMSTONE ALL AROUND. -Inter Ocean, Chicago. Fi- Marshall's THE "NEW WOMAN'S" VIEW OF THE ments of which have been a subject of press comments for months, is not a revision or retranslation of the Bible in whole or in part. Advance sheets of the first part show that it is merely a commentary or critical review and analysis, from the point of view of the editors, of those passages in the Bible which relate to woman and her status. The criticisms are written from the Agnostic or Freethinkers' point of view. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the chief editor, and most of her associates are unbelievers, and they deny the divine authority of the Scriptures. They treat the Bible throughout as the production of men liable to error, prejudice, and bias, and express the opinion that true emancipation is impossible for woman as long as she accepts the position assigned her in the Bible or in any other religious source. In the introduction, Mrs. Stanton says: "Why is it more ridiculous for women to protest against her present status in the Old and New Testaments, in the ordinances and discipline of the church, than in the statutes and constitution of the state? Why is it more ridiculous to arraign ecclesiastics for their false teaching and acts of injustice to women than members of Congress and the House of Commons? Why is it more audacious to review Moses than Blackstone, the Jewish code of laws than the English system of jurisprudence? . "Bible historians claim special inspiration for the Old and New Testaments, containing most contradictory records of the same events, of miracles opposed to all known laws, of customs that degrade the female sex of all human and animal life, stated in the most questionable language that could not be read in a promiscuous assembly, and call all this the 'Word of God.' "I do not believe that any man ever saw or talked with God; I do not believe that God inspired the Mosaic code, or told the his. torians what they say He did about woman, for all the religions on the face of the earth degrade her.' In the comments on Genesis, the claim is made that the Trinity is really composed of a Heavenly Father, Mother, and Son. As a sample page, we quote the argument by which this theory is supported: "26. And God said: Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth. "27. So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them. "28. And God blessed them, and God said unto them: Be fruitful, and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it; and |