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FROM FOREIGN LANDS.

IS RUSSIA TO RULE THE WORLD?

"THE

HE twentieth century belongs to us," says exultingly the St. Petersburg Novoye Vremya. For a long time the Czar of Russia has been regarded as master of the Old World, but never more so than now. He can preserve peace or bring on war at pleasure. Emperor William's conservative Germans will not fight unless they are attacked, France can not go to war without an ally, England fears that she will find no one to help her. Italy and Austria have no money. The Czar alone need consult no one but himself in the matter. Alarmists believe that, if the Czar puts his legions into motion, all Europe will become his prey. An instance of this is to be found in a pamphlet published in Vienna, which is just now creating much interest. The writer, Joseph Popowski, a member of the Austrian Legislature, has endeavored to picture the danger from a statistical point of view. Altho a Pole, he has curbed his national animosity against Russia, and treats the subject mainly from a European point of view. The chief danger lies, in his opinion, in the enormous extent and compactness of Russia. Pópowski writes, in the main, as follows:

"The Czar rules over a territory more than 9,000,000 square miles in extent. That is twice as much as China, 21⁄2 times as much as the United States, 5 times as large as all Europe, 41 times as large as Germany, and 50 times as large as France. Russia's population is more numerous than that of any two European powers outside their colonies, and Russia's population increases much faster. At the end of the century it will be greater than that of the Triple Alliance. Russia follows the expansive force within her, and aims at the rule of the world. The Czar regards himself as the King of Kings, and the same view is held by his people. To this very day one may hear Russians make the naïve assertion that the Crimean war was nothing but a rebellion of the French, English, and Turks against the power of the Czar. The Russians want Constantinople because they regard themselves as the heirs of Eastern Rome. In Asia they mean to obtain the empire of Genghis and Tamerlane.

"Can Europe defend herself against Russia? Napoleon I. was of opinion that a warlike, enterprising Czar could soon reach Calais with his army, and become the supreme ruler of Europe's destinies. But Russia is not given to sudden impulses; she advances slowly. The Triple Alliance was created because the powers of Europe see the danger, but coalitions like this nearly always lose the right moment to act, and Russia knows well how to make use of the jealousies of the European powers. If the French politicians could judge calmly, they would see that they risk their colonies in their hope to regain Alsace-Lorraine, and they would become suspicious of Russia. A French statesman very justly says: 'Russia is Germany's enemy to-day; tomorrow, when we have overcome Germany, Russia will be our enemy.' But common sense alone does not rule the world; passion, too, has its influence. Many years must pass before the French give up their idea of revenge. The only defense against Russia is strict watchfulness on the part of the Triple Alliance, assisted by England.”

Popowski closes his booklet with the following warning sen

tences:

"Under these circumstances Europe may experience surprises greater than the most pessimistic now expect. Russia can count upon France's assistance, and may suddenly find allies among the Slavonian nations. And Russia has the advantage of autocratic leadership. The powers which form the Triple Alliance can not act without a council. Russia, therefore, has the initiative, and can choose her own time for the attack. It is difficult to say whether the diplomats of Europe will be equal to the emergency. Thus much is certain: The balance of power is turning more in favor of Russia, hence all who value the civilization of Western

Europe

can not fail to regard the future with apprehension." Some time since, however, a writer in the Militär Wochenblatt, Berlin, declared that Russia's strength is overrated. He

believes that she can afford as little to risk temporary defeat as
any other power.
The flower of her army is gathered on the
German frontier. If she is beaten there, she is less able to re-
cover than Germany, which can manage to raise a second army
nearly as good as her first.—Translated and Condensed for THE
LITERARY DIGEST.

CHANGE IN THE FRENCH MINISTRY.

THE

HE French Republic uses up a Ministry in nine months on the average. Hence the Ribot Cabinet has not lasted less than the majority of its predecessors. The immediate cause of its fall may be traced back to the Panama scandals of last year. In the spring of the present year it became apparent that corruption had something to do with the renewal of the concession of the Southern Railroad Company. The Senators Martin and Magnier were prosecuted. Soon, however, it became known that Baron Reinach, of corruptionist fame, had divided $200,000 among 32 Deputies. The House demanded an investigation; the Minister of Justice declared that this was a case for the courts rather than the legislature; his fellow ministers supported him, and a vote of want of confidence was the result, followed by the resignation of the entire Cabinet. The Journal des Débats, Paris, nevertheless, denies that the Chamber was actuated by any love for better morals in politics. This paper says: "The Socialists declare that the fall of the Ministry must be taken as revenge for the refusal to interfere on behalf of the Carmaux strikers. This proves that there is no question of public morality. The vote which caused the Ministry to fall was a purely political one. Apparently justice demanded that the Ministry should fall because it failed to proceed against corruption. In reality it was made a victim to the trickery of the Socialists. The new Cabinet should take care that the Chamber does not get its wish."

But to all appearance the new Ministry will make an attempt to overthrow corruption. In the opinion of many people the Bourgeois Cabinet inaugurates a new era. The Germans hail it as a Cabinet of peace. The Tageblatt, Leipsic, says:

"France is entirely in the hands of capitalistic bureaucrats. Rothschild and his companions are her real rulers. Hence the terrible losses which this rich country has suffered. The decline of national wealth, the increase of the debt, the almost unbearable taxation, and the increasing poverty of the people are all due to corruption. The capitalistic mandarins fostered Chauvinism in order to plunder the country at leisure. And now comes a Ministry which dares to oppose all this. According to Bourgeois's program no member of the legislature would be allowed to connect himself with business enterprises. The expenses of the army are to be cut down, and a special colonial corps, formed of the natives of the colonies, is to take the place of native-born Frenchmen in all colonial wars. The new Ministry also intends

to increase the income-tax and death-duties, to relieve the poorer classes from the burden of unjust taxation. How long M. Bourgeois will be permitted to carry out his plans, is difficult to say. But he has set the ball of reform going."

Whether or not the new Cabinet is destined to remain in office long is a matter of conjecture. The majority is certainly not very willing to support it just now, but may refrain from interference during the present unsettled state of international politics. There are some very noteworthy men in the new Cabinet. Bourgeois, the Premier, has held many important positions under the French Government, and passes for a man who can n_not be bought. Berthelot, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, is a professor of chemistry known for his scientific researches and a member of the Academie des Sciences and Academie de Médecine. He is very ambitious. Renan, who knew him well, proposed as his epitaph: "Here lies Berthelot in the only place he never tried to get." Cavaignac, the Minister of War, is one of the few men in France who consider that the country carries too heavy an armament.—Translated for THe Literary Digest.

THE

THE FUTURE OF MADAGASCAR.

HE text of the treaty between Madagascar and France has been published. In name the Queen remains the head of the Hovas; in reality she has not the slightest authority. The Temps, Paris, thinks the treaty is very creditable to the sagacity of its framers. According to the latest reports, the Hovas are perfectly satisfied with French rule, and unlikely to rise again in rebellion. France will represent Madagascar in all foreign relations. The army of the Hovas is to be disbanded and reorganized under French officers. The Queen promises to be guided by the French Resident in all her actions. The article which most concerns the outside world is the one in which France declares that her Government "does not assume any responsibility on account of engagements, debts, or concessions which the Government of Her Majesty, the Queen of Madagascar, may have agreed to before the signing of the present treaty." This may involve the French Government in complications with countries whose citizens have acquired rights in Madagascar. The United States is among those countries.

The French make no secret of their pleasure at having prevented England from executing any designs she may have had upon Madagascar. Deputy Mahy, in a long letter to the Figaro, says:

"We do not fear British competition in Madagascar. We need that country as an outlet for our own overproduction. Neither do we care to have Mr. Rhodes's pioneers there, who are ready and waiting to colonize the territories we have pacified. We want neither English nor German nor Italian colonists in the island. If necessary, we can colonize the island with such of our people who are dangerous but yet reformable."

The Chronicle, Newcastle, thinks that "if the natives of all countries but France are to be excluded from Madagascar, the welfare of the island will sorely need praying for."-Translated for THE LITERary Digest.

FOREIGN POPULATIONS OF EUROPEAN

M.

CAPITALS.

BERTHELOT, the official statistician of Paris, recently published some data regarding the population of large cities in Europe. He deals chiefly with the proportion of foreigners to be found in European capitals. M. Berthelot points out that the popular idea that the Germans are more numerous in Paris than other foreigners is based upon error. They are in fact decreasing. From 36,000 in 1886, their number fell to 26,000 in 1894. But Paris has a larger number of foreigners within her walls than any other European city-181,000 exclusive of nationalized Frenchmen.

strongly from foreign competition, and two thirds of the bankers and commission agents are foreigners.-Translated and Condensed for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWER IN ITALY.

VER

ERY shortly after the September festivities in commemoration of the capitulation of Rome, the Italian Government received a strong reminder of the fact that Papacy is not yet dead. King Charles of Portugal, nephew of King Humbert of Italy, intended to pay his royal uncle a visit. In view of the Pope's renewed opposition to the Italian occupation of Rome, King Charles wished to meet his uncle in another city. But the Italian Government will not allow this. "At Rome or nowhere," says the official Popolo Romano, and Crispi had addressed a sarcastic note to the Portuguese Ambassador, in which he expresses a hope that King Charles will soon regain his independence of action. The Independance Belge, Brussels, knowing well from experience nearer home what a struggle with Rome means, says: "It is impossible to deny that the abandonment of the visit which the King of Portugal intended to pay to the King of Italy is a serious check to Italian politics. King Charles is a devout Catholic, and Leo XIII. 's letter to Cardinal Rampolla has proved to the King that he can not visit his uncle without infringing his duty to the church. The Italian Government is to be commended for its firmness in declaring that King Charles must meet his royal uncle at Rome. But Crispi has not rendered the monarchy a service by his attitude during the September festivities. The Pope deeply resents the anti-religious character of these festivities. It is quite possible that Italy has entered upon a new period of religious strife. The Pope, during late years, condemned the Catholics to inaction by ordering them to abstain from voting. If he now enters into politics, the Government will be much em. barrassed. The Pope is, as much as the King, master of Italy's destinies. If he gives the word, a hundred Catholic members will be elected in the Opposition, and the position of the Government will be rendered very precarious."

In Paris only 36 per cent. of the inhabitants were born in the city; in Berlin, 41 per cent.; in Vienna, 45; in London, 65. St. Petersburg alone draws a larger proportion of its inhabitants from the country; only 32 per cent. of the citizens of the Russian capital were born within its radius. Another fact which gives cause for reflection is the large number of foreigners in Paris. Paris has 181,000 foreigners within her walls, or 75 out of every 1,000 inhabitants. London has only 95,000 (22 per thousand), St. Petersburg 23,000 (24 per thousand), Vienna 35,000 (22 per thousand). Germany attracts, next to France, the greatest number of foreigners, but their proportion in the capital is small. Berlin counts only 18,000 aliens among her inhabitants (11 per thousand). Eight hundred of the foreigners in Paris live on the interest of their money; 20,000 are employers; 33,000 are employees, including servants, and 57,000 are laborers. The rest is made up of women and children. This does not include the naturalized Frenchmen, who number nearly 5,000. The Belgians furnish the largest number of foreigners in Paris; they number 45,000; next come the Germans and Swiss with 26,000 each, the Italians with 21,000, the English with 13,000, and the Russians with 9,000. Doctors, dentists, musicians, and artists suffer very

The Frankfurter Zeitung, Frankfurt, says:

"Italy did quite right in assuming a firm attitude in the face of such an insult. Crispi has informed the Lisbon Cabinet that Italy needs no representative of a state which is under Papal supervision. The Portuguese Government feared to break with the Pope. Now it has broken with Italy, and the sequel will show which is the lesser evil. There are plenty of Liberals and Republicans in Portugal who will have a say in the matter."

The Tarde, Lisbon, endeavors to excuse the action of King Charles. "The matter is entirely a family affair," says that paper, "and has nothing to do with politics." The Italian Government evidently regards the incident as the signal for a Kulturkampf. The Tribuna, Rome, says:

"The struggle can not be deferred any longer. The Vatican has sought it. Without touching the Guarantee Laws,* the Government can stop the political clergy from influencing the people. France has done, and Austria is doing it, yet neither of these countries is an enemy of the church. The first question to be settled will be the question of divorce laws. the state has made the church overbearing."

The moderation of

The Agenzia Italiana says that the Government intends to propose a law by which the position of the country clergy will be strengthened against episcopal authority. A revision of the guarantee law is also planned.—Translated for THE LITERARY

DIGEST.

THE strict manner in which the laws regarding personal insult are handled in Germany is illustrated not only by the numerous arrests of editors guilty of disrespect to princes, and the cases where men of high standing are fined and imprisoned for insulting laborers, but also by the supervision exercised over men of the legal profession. Thus the state attorney of Bochum, in Westphalia, was fined 50 marks for making insulting remarks to a witness. He has also to bear the costs of the case.

* See THE LITERARY DIGEST, vol, xi., p. 711.

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PRINCE

WHY BISMARCK FELL.

LOBANOFF, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs who has lately visited France and Germany, in an interview with the correspondent of the London Times touched upon the subject of Prince Bismarck's retirement. He attributes Prince Bismarck's fall to the high temper of the Emperor, who "wants to fly with his own wings." The Berlin Lokal Anzeiger, however, has an important article on the subject from a man intimately acquainted with v. Bötticher, the Prussian Secretary of State. V. Bötticher has been accused of fostering dissension be. tween the Emperor and the Chancellor. He denies this most emphatically, acknowledging that Bismarck had done much for him. He declares that he has more than once asked Bismarck to give a more willing ear to the Emperor's schemes of socialeconomic reforms, but Bismarck believed that enough had been done in this direction.

"At first the Chancellor and the Emperor were on the best terms," relates v. Bötticher. "The Emperor looked up to Bismarck. He has a quick understanding and willingly listens to argument, if it is put before him in a lucid manner-and he has a right to expect that. A few words are enough for him. Bismarck made a great mistake. He spoke in too authoritative a manner. That was entirely unnecessary, for the Emperor regarded him as an authority anyhow. Hence a breach was unavoidable. The Emperor could not help remembering that, after all, he had been placed by fate in the higher position. But the immediate cause of the breach was the law for the protection of workingmen. The Emperor insisted that better legislation for protection against accidents was necessary, but Bismarck opposed him. He thought that enough had been done for the industrial laborers. When Bismarck informed me that he intended to oppose the Emperor in Cabinet Council, I stood aghast. He asked me to support him; but, altho I owe much to him, I would not consent to act in opposition to my official duty."

The Secretary of State regards the accusation that he aimed at supplanting Bismarck as very unjust. He said:

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THE KOREAN IMBROGLIO.

IF Russia and Japan are ready to fight out their struggle for
supremacy in the Far East, they will not be at loss for an
immediate pretext.
Such a pretext can always be found in
Korean intrigues. The Queen of Korea, the real regent of the
country, has been murdered in consequence of a palace revolu-
tion. The news came to Europe via America, and as such news
is regarded as proverbially unreliable, no notice was taken of it.
Soon, however, it became known that the American correspond-
ent was right, and the Russian press attacks Japan as the insti-
gator of the crime. The Handelsblad, Amsterdam, gives the
following account of the feuds which ended by putting Korea in
the power of Japan :

"Li-Hsia-Ving, the father of the present king of Korea, was prevented from ascending the throne of his ancestors by a powerful party among the courtiers, who regarded him as an exces

sively cruel man.

His son was elevated to the throne instead.

But Li-Hui was then very young, and a council was chosen to assist him. His father became a member of this council as TaiWen-Kun (Chief of the Supreme Court). As such he soon acquired the royal power which was denied to him in name, and be justified his reputation for cruelty by his persecution of the Christians and the expulsion of the missionaries. But the TaiWen-Kun lost his influence when King Li-Hui married Princess Ming. Hence any one opposed to the King or the Queen had

the Tai-Wen-Kun's support. The many attempts at assassination which the King and his father made upor each other gave Japan a chance to interfere, and the joint protectorate which China and Japan exercised over Korea until the last war was the result. The late war, too, had for its immediate cause one of these periodical outbreaks of hatred between the King's party and the party of the Tai-Wen-Kun. When the latter saw that the Queen was opposed to the Japanese, he became friendly to them. He sought the help of some Japanese 'heelers,' and with their assistance he has at last succeeded in encompassing the death of the Queen. But now that his hated rival is dead, and he has made peace with his weak-minded son, he is sure to turn against the Japanese. New conflicts of a bloody nature must, therefore, be expected in Korea.”

The foreign squadrons in the Far East have detached ships to protect their residents in Korea. The Novoye Vremya, St. Petersburg, relates 'that the Queen's party have already asked help from the Governor of Vladivostock, and urges the Russian Government to grant the request. The Vossische Zeitung, Berlin, says:

"It is now time for Germany to adopt a more rational policy in Eastern politics. Germany must assist Japan to maintain herself in Korea. If Japan is allowed to increase her influence in Korea, Korea will, in due course, become a powerful and independent state, and the bad effect of our share in the opposition to the terms of the Shimonoseki Treaty will be effaced. If, however, Russia is allowed to have her own way, a mistake will be com. mitted which can not easily be rectified.'

"

The English press gives vent to similar opinions. The Standard and Times hope Japan will not be frightened out of Korea by the Russians. The Daily Chronicle believes that the United States, tho on good terms with Russia, can not afford to see Russia predominant in the Far East.—Translated for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

FOREIGN NOTES.

THE police of Berne warn against the diploma-swindler Gantling. Gantling had stolen the Great Seal of the University of Berne, and sold diplomas to people who wished to pass for medical men without the trouble of studying. Gantling amassed a fortune in this way, but fell into the hands of the authorities at last, and was sentenced to six years in State prison. The seal, unfortunately, was not found, and he is at his old business. His best customers are Englishmen, Austrians, and Americans. The police ask the public to assist in arresting Gantling.

REV. G. P. MERRICK, of Holloway Prison, England, has compiled statistics which show that crime is not very renumerative. The 372 cases of housebreaking, which "gave employment " to 488 men, the average earnings were only $63.50. Four hundred and twenty-two pickpockets had to divide the proceeds of 364 successful attempts, the average takings being $22.75. Defrauding pays better. In 309 cases of this sort, each partner received, on an average. $731.75. But as there is a long time of inaction between each case, criminals are among the worst "paid" individuals.

EXPERIENCE obtained during the late German maneuvers proves that the bicycle is much more useful in patrolling than the horse. On fairly good roads the wheel goes much faster, while roads which can not be passed by them, offer also great obstructions to horsemen. On account of its silence the wheel is much feared by outposts.

LIEBKNECHT, the great Socialist agitator and leader, has often remarked that the future of Socialism depends upon the training of children and the influence of Socialist ideas in the home. Curiously enough, in his own home he has failed to succeed in this direction. His wife pooh-poohs Socialism, and her influence over her son is so strong, that the young man has preferred scientific study to the propaganda of Socialism. He has passed successfully all examinations at the law schools, and has been appointed referendary of the Elberfeld circuit court.

THE Berlin Post contains some particulars regarding the Prussian House of Lords, which may be of interest to lovers of foreign titles. The Prussian Lords, the not so rich as some of their English compeers, own fairly large estates in populous districts. The House of Schulenburg has about 330,000 acres, v. Puttkammer 325,000, v. Arnim 300,000, v. d. Osten 280,000, v. Kleist 260,000, v. Wedel 250,000, v. Bredow 180,000, v. Borcke 160,000, v. Schwerin 130,000, V. Alvensleben 46.000. There are several unmarried young men among them, but they rarely travel out of Europe.

THE Japanese Government of late encourages emigration. Great numbers of Japanese are going to the Sandwich Islands, where they will ultimately enforce their recognition as citizens. Borneo is another place settled by them. Central America also welcomes them as steady, sober workers, and Guatemala receives them in great numbers.

THE Independance Belge thinks the troubles of the Kongo authorities with rebel tribes is overrated. The news from the Kongo nevertheless warrants the assumption that Belgium will have to expend much money and men to subject the Arab chieftains thoroughly.

MISCELLANEOUS.

CLASS SYMPATHIES AND EXCLUSIVENESS.

THE

HE instinctive character and social value of class sympathy and class exclusiveness, and the worthlessness of the endeavor to make men equal and society homogeneous, have suggested to Mrs. E. Lynn Linton thoughts for an essay, which apClass pears in The National Review (London, November). exclusiveness, says she, is one of the Black Beasts of the roaring democrat, whose hostility to the rank above him, if carefully dissected, would be found to consist of the bones of envy clothed with the flesh of desire; and to break down the dividing barriers, and let the whole world roam at will through the secluded gardens and holy places now fenced off from the crowd, seems to those envious Peris in fustian a righteous effort and a good deed well done. We quote from this semi-humorous discourse a representative part:

As

left to be a mere human being without intellectual aspirations or artistic culture, you would have asked nothing more than these simple virtues, and you would have been grateful to fate and fortune when you had found them. But you can not accept them now as the total of your requirements, any more than you can live on bread alone. In a desert, on board a shipwrecked vessel on the battle-field, wherever action is simple, strong, and direct, these virtues simple, strong, and direct in themselves, will be priceless; but, in the drawing-room, at the dinner-table, in the smoking-room, at the meet, something more is wanted, just as in the banqueting-hall more is wanted than the flooring and the rafters, the four walls and the trencher-board."

"Most social reformers ignore the established facts of human nature, as we have it, in favor of some idealistic scheme which would work magnificently if we were all cherubim and seraphim, but which, under existing conditions, and remembering that we are but poor frail mortals, with those apple-pips still clinging to our teeth, are as impossible as the air-woven garments of the self-deluded king. This doctrine of universal social equality is one of them, and class sympathies, which, by their naturę, include class antipathies and class exclusiveness, are of the very fundamentals of human nature. Like goes to like; and the intrusive alien has a hard time of it at the hands of those whose countersign he has forged and whose camp he has invaded. food consists of more than the elemental bread and meat, so -human life is made up of more than the simple virtues and vices. In a complex civilization like ours, tastes and shibboleths play an important part, even as entrées and sweets come into the ordering of our dinner; and the honesty, integrity, and magnanimity of a man are not sufficient, by themselves, to warrant his social inclusion among those who have added taste and culture to the roll-call. He may be the best fellow in the world when you get below the crust and into the core; but that crust is terribly hard to digest! He eats with his knife and drinks with his mouth full; he would lose his right hand rather than set it to a base or foul action, but the cleanliness of his heart does not relieve his nails of their perpetual mourning, and it would take more than ordinary soap and water to wash those Esau-like fists clear of their ingrained grubbiness. His knowledge extends to one or two points only, and his talk wanders about these, expressed in the purest Doric. Of cultivated taste or educated intellect he has not the very faintest line; all the same, he is as true a man, and as honest and good a fellow as ever lived, and no man could possess more of the elemental virtues of humanity than have fallen to his share. Which does not make him a fit companion for my lord or my lady, a proper classmate for young master, or a possible husband for the young lady. Class sympathy excludes him here and attracts him there. To the young lady he is no more than a fine, big, trustworthy, two-legged dog, while to Joan gathering berries in the next garden his is the last expression of manly delightfulness. Young master would as soon think of consulting his horse as of taking him into his confidence; but to his own mates he is a pattern to go by, and the leader of life and opinion."

THE

WOMAN IN PAGAN TIMES.

HE best test of civilization is said to be found in the position of woman. In semi-civilized countries women are dependents and victims; in progressive countries, they are free, selfreliant, and endowed with ample opportunities. Many claim that woman owes her elevation to Christianity, but this has often been disputed. The latest attack upon this claim is found in an article in The Forum (November), written by the late Prof. H. H. Boyesen. It deals with woman's position in pagan times, and attempts to show that Christianity has really helped to degrade women instead of to ameliorate their condition. All that the new women" demand to-day, he holds, was fully enjoyed by the wives of the ancient Teutons, who, indeed, invested woman with a kind of sanctity. We quote from the article:

Good or bad, says Mrs. Linton, this class sympathy, with its concomitant exclusiveness, is one of the inherent qualities of human nature, and the leveling idea wars against the very foundations of that human nature in its social expression. To quote again briefly :

"

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'People may be good. Grant it-they are good, worthy, honest, truthful, God-fearing; but that does not entitle them to take rank as your intimates, unless they have other gifts and other graces. The esthetic needs of your life may be purely artificial -things superimposed on the original block, and not in any way integral to the first design. That does not make them less necessary for your happiness, even for your self-respect, now that they are so superimposed. Had you been left in the original block,

"I am inclined to believe that the Germans, amid all the rudeness of a pastoral and militant life, possessed elements of a higher civilization than the fastidious and over-refined Romans. The chief evidence of this superiority is, I think, to be found in their attitude toward women. There is to me something very noble in the comradeship of husband and wife which appears to have existed among these rude and hardy warriors-a comradeship half resembling that of boy and girl before the consciousness of sex has markedly differentiated them. Not even from the tribal council were women excluded. Tacitus expressly states that they were attentively listened to, and that their advice was never left unheeded. I was once inclined to suspect a bit of courteous exaggeration in this, induced by the writer's desire to emphasize the contrast between the weight of personality and serious worth of the barbarian women and the flimsy frivolity of his own countrywomen. But a deeper study of Germanic paganism convinced me that the suspicion was unfounded. Paganism in the North did, undoubtedly, tend to evolve sturdier types of womanhood than Christianity has done; and it accorded a recognition to female intelligence which Christianity has been far slower in according. Largely, to be sure, the rude conditions incident to pastoral life, interrupted by frequent wars and migrations, were responsible for the sagacity, the readiness of resource, and the splendid courage which the daughters of Germany seem to have exhibited, a thousand years ago, in a far higher degree than they do to-day. For all that, I can not but think that the Oriental view of womanhood, implied in the Bible, has had an enormous influence in forcibly checking the normal development. The Catholic Church not only adopted, but immensely exaggerated the disabilities under which the sex had labored in Semitic lands; and the result was that the free-born, sagacious, and nobly selfdependent daughter of the Teutonic forests was dwarfed, subdued, and spiritually crippled until she became the commonplace, insignificant, obedient Hausfrau of to-day."

While, continues Professor Boyesen, it would be an exaggeration to maintain that Christianity is alone responsible for the degeneration of womanhood, it is beyond dispute that it has been the strongest of a number of cooperating factors in bringing about this result. Combating the notion that the position of women was virtually that of slaves during pagan times, he goes on to say:

"It will, perhaps, surprise many to learn that the legislation regarding marriage and divorce was in Iceland and Norway far more mindful of the wife's interest than it has ever been during the Christian era. The old Icelandic law stipulated, for instance,

200

that if a man were divorced from his wife (even tho she were the offending party) he had to return her dowry intact. Divorce was legally obtainable if both parties desired it, and the law did not, as in Christian times, insist upon publicly humiliating and disgracing every man and woman who in youthful folly had committed themselves to a choice which made every breath a blight upon the face of life, and the hours a burden to be dragged through the weary length of day. Love was not held to be woman's only concern. Marital affection was rarely of the wildly romantic sort, but a mutual hearty good-will, esteem, and devotion, often amounting to tenderness, bred by habit and a community of interests. There are in the Sagas a few sublime instances of romantic attachments; as in the touchingly beautiful tale of 'Gunlaug Serpent-Tongue and Helga the Fair.' But they are relatively exceptional. What strikes one above all in the women of the Norse Sagas is their admirable practical efficiency and their passionate absorption in the quarrels, rivalries, ambitions, and feuds of their husbands, sons, and brothers. Generally speaking, love was not all of life to them, but an episode, tho a highly important one. But it did not engross and possess them to the exclusion of all other interests. Primarily they were human beings; secondarily, women."

During their age of chivalry women lost individuality, independence, and strength, says Professor Boyesen, and their sex came to take precedence of their humanity, "which is the most disastrous thing that can happen to any creature, male or female." Unfortunately, European and American women of to-day, according to him, have by no means fully emancipated themselves from the feudal idea. Love is still held to be the dominant concern in a woman's life, and the demand for real independence is met with ridicule and cheap cynicism.

IT

DECREASE IN THE PROLETARIAT.

is regarded almost as an axiom in current sociological discussions that the proletariat of our day is increasing rapidly and the number of poor people comparatively becoming constantly larger. This is one of the pet arguments of the Social Democrats on the Continent and one which on the face of matters seems plausible and correct. A Saxon correspondent of the Berlin Post, in a recent communication to that metropolitan journal, disputes this assumption, at least as far as Saxony, the greatest industrial country in Germany and the seat of the densest average of inhabitants, is concerned, and does so on the basis of official statistics. The data in this regard can be secured with all the greater ease and are all the better for computation, because in this kingdom even the smallest possessions, also that which is free of taxation, are entered upon the lists, so that the economic condition of the land can be learned with almost absolute certainty. These statistics show that the number of people whose yearly income does not exceed 800 marks (1 mark = 24 cents) has been steadily decreasing year by year proportionally when compared with the increase of population.

The correspondent in question writes that the number of inhabitants in Saxony in the last ten years has increased almost 18 per cent. On the other hand, the number of those who have an income of less than 800 marks per annum has, from 1884 to 1893, increased only 7 per cent., while the next higher class, with an income up to 1,600 marks, has during this period increased fully 80 per cent., and the better middle class, with incomes from 1,600 to 9,600 marks, has increased almost 50 per cent.

These data are taken from the "Statistical Year-Book of the Kingdom of Saxony," published annually by the Statistical Bureau in Dresden. According to this same source the population of Saxony, from 1880 to 1890, grew from 2,972, 805 to 3, 502,684; while the number of poor with less than 800 marks, from 1884 to 1894. increased only from 908, 507 to 975,257, or some 64,000 persons. At the same time the other two classes increased 212,710, namely, from 304,591 to 517,301.

These data, continues the Post, agree but poorly with the hue and cry of the "avalanche-like" increase of the proletariat. They rather indicate that the number of very poor in industrial centers at least, of which Saxony is certainly a fair representative sample, is comparatively on the decrease, and begins to constitute a decreasing contingent in our population.

ΤΗ

DO AMERICANS NEED TO SPEAK FRENCH? HERE are two reasons why Americans do not need to speak the French language, says Prof. Alfred Hennequin, of the New England College of Languages, Boston, in Education (November): First, because French is of no practical use to Americans; and secondly, because a mere colloquial knowledge of a tongue is too superficial an attainment to demand much consideration. The Professor continues:

"Putting aside as ridiculous the affected attempts at French conversation in certain social circles, I ask, where and when shall a student of the language-yea, where and when shall one to the language born--derive any profit, in this country, from the use of the French tongue?

"Traveling from one end of this country to the other, how many French-speaking people will an American be apt to meet? Admitting, if only for the sake of argument, that an American will occasionally meet another American who has been made to believe he speaks the language tolerably well, what will be the extent and nature of their French conversation? I venture to say that few thoughts will be interchanged; that there will be little or no fluency of speech, and but small profit or pleasure to either of them in their use of the French idiom."

Professor Hennequin gives an amusing supposed case of an American attempting the colloquial use of the French language in Canada, and then says:

"Let us suppose the same American crossing the ocean. He 'will, while in France, make a laudable effort to vent his French. If he err in the form of an idiom, if he use the wrong tense or mode, if he stumble up against an irregular verb he has not quite mastered in his six weeks' or two years' course, he need have no fear of being ridiculed. The French are so polite, and so very fond of Americans-and of their money! The same trouble experienced by him in this country will confront him in Paris, and he will rejoice thereafter whenever his eye notices the welcome sign English spoken here.' Besides, do not hotel-keepers, garçons, clerks, and guides speak very acceptable English? Before leaving France for Italy or Germany he will conclude that if the English language will serve his purposes in France, it ought to satisfy everybody everywhere. The English tourists have come to that conclusion years ago.

"I may seem to be joking. Far from it. Previous to my coming, and since I came to this country, I have never met an American, one who had acquired his colloquial knowledge of French in America, who could speak the language with any degree of ease and fluency, at least not until he had resided in France some considerable time. What must we conclude? That Americans need not attempt to learn to speak French away from France."

CORRESPONDENTS' CORNER.

"Monitor Did Not Sink "Merrimac."

In an article descriptive of John Ericsson's memorial monument at Filipstad, Sweden, we inadvertently stated (see LITERARY DIGEST of November 9, page 58) that the ironclad Monitor, which was built for the United States Government by Ericsson, sunk the Confederate Merrimac in Hampton Roads, March 9, 1862. The Monitor successfully opposed the

Merrimac at that place and date, but did not sink her. Among several letters which we have received correcting our error of statement is the following:

Editor of THE LITERARY DIGEST:

I see an error in your issue of this date. You say John Ericsson will be remembered as the builder of the Monitor, "which sunk the Confederate Merrimac, in Hampton Roads, March 9, 1862.'

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The Monitor did not sink the Merrimac. I saw the Virginia (the Merrimac) come up to the Norfolk Navy-Yard, Sunday noon, March 9, 1862, after the first recorded fight of ironclads. The Merrimac was destroyed by the Confederates in Norfolk harbor, near Craney Island. I heard the explosion at 4:45 A.M., May 11, 1862.

The last man to leave the Merrimac (by order of Commander Tatnall) was Captain White. He had just procured a new Confederate uniform. Uniforms were very costly then. Just as he was about to light the fuse and leave the ship, he thought of his new uniform, and hastily changed his old for the new. He did not think of several (five I think) thousand dollars in his old pockets, till the ship blew up. Kindly excuse this bit of unwritten history, which the name Merrimac suggested. Very respectfully, N. B. WEBSTER.

VINELAND, N. J., Nov. 9, 1895

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