N FROM FOREIGN LANDS. IS THE UNITED STATES A MATCH FOR THE possibility of a serious quarrel between the two great sections of the English-speaking population of the world has excited keen interest in military experts of the Old World. The Civil War has proved that we can command an enormous supply of fighting material, but the ability of our armies to combat disciplined troops is still doubted. In a war with England, however, we are thought to be fully equal to the emergency, for the English are regarded as a still less warlike race than ourselves. Col. Rogalla v. Bieberstein, in an article in the Deutsche Revue, Stuttgart, asserts that England would be the greatest loser. He says: "Great Britain has only about 150,000. with which she could carry on a war against the Union. The United States has a standing army of something over 28,000-men, and an organized militia of 112,000. But behind these stand over 8,000,000 of men that could be used in war. The Secessionist war has shown how quickly the Union, can arm, equip, and discipline immense armies, and how well they are led. The landing of an English army could not be prevented, but it would be crushed within a few months by the numerical superiority of the United States troops. The assistance of the Canadian militia, some 200,000 strong, would not alter this, for this force is very unimportant from a military point of view, and it would be almost impossible to cater to a large army in the inhospitable Canadian territory, especially during the winter months. This last, however, is also a reason why an attack on the part of the United States upon Canada would not decide the war. A struggle between the United States and England can only be fought out at sea. The American navy is just as little competent to give battle to the British fleet as it is unable to prevent the landing of British troops. Outside of Canada, the war would be carried on by privateers and cruisers, to the utter destruction of open ports and of the trade of both countries. Such a war would result in heavy losses, not only to the countries engaged, but to both continents. “In a war carried on for the destruction of shipping and trade England would lose very heavily. It must be remembered that the United States is not forced to come to terms even if she loses all pitched battles. The shipping of Great Britain is so extensive that it offers a much wider mark to the cruisers and privateers of the United States than the mercantile marine of the latter offers to the British forces." Col. v. Bieberstein's estimate of the Canadian forces will astonish many people in the Dominion. Canada has always been.considered a very important factor in a struggle between the United States and Great Britain. It seems that the German expert assumes as certain what has only been hinted at in Canadian papers that the arming and training of the Dominion's forces has been sadly neglected. He says: "The Canadian army consists of militia only, and the British troops at present in Canada are, including the nucleus of the militia, only 2,500 strong. This nucleus numbers 1,012 men with 161 horses. The militia has further 28, 500 infantry, 2,038 cavalry, 1,213 field artillery, and 3,000 garrison artillery, altogether about 34,000 men for a first call. With the reserves their number can be brought to 200,000, but it is quite certain that no provision has been made to arm and equip such a force. It may be assumed that the Canadian forces, if reenforced by strong British detachments will make an attempt to defend the St. Lawrence and the Lake region; but even here it would soon succumb to an attack by overwhelming American forces." England is not very popular in Germany just now, and it is just possible that one or the other writer underrates the power of the British Empire. In the case of v. Bieberstein, we have not only his past reputation as an answer to any accusation that he is unable to judge clearly, but also a paper in which he compares the chances of Germany and England in case of war between these two powers. In Nord und Süd, Breslau, he declares that Germany is not at present a match for England, her chances of success being rather smaller than those of England in a war against the United States. He argues as follows: “England can not possibly make a successful attempt to land troops in Germany. The forces at her command are too insig nificant to count against our army, even if our coasts were not as well protected as they are. The war would therefore be mainly carried on at sea. But our fleet can not be successful against the overwhelming number of ships which England has at her disposal. We might attempt to destroy her trade with cruisers and privateers, but, as we are second to England only in the impor tance of our shipping, and our trans-oceanic commerce has assumed enormous proportions, we would be the greatest losers. A few of our cruisers may be able to continue the destruction of British trade for a while. England, however, owns all the most important coaling-stations, and would soon drive our ships from the sea. A war with England on account of the Transvaal question should not be thought of, as the game is hardly worth the candle. We may assume that the German and English cabinets will manage to settle the matter peaceably."-Translations made for THE LITERARY DIgest. A POSSIBLE CHECK TO JAPANESE COMPEΤΙΤΙΟΝ. WE E hear so much of the dangers of Japanese competition that timid people are inclined to believe the time is near when the wages of American and European workingmen will be leveled down to Asiatic rates. The Japanese laborer, we are told, is patient and plodding, and satisfied with almost nothing. It seems, however, that the process of leveling down will be mitigated by leveling up in Japan. Already wages are much higher than ever before. The employers seek to make up difference by increase of working hours, but this breeds discon tent. The Japan Mail, Yokohama, quotes an article from the Tokyo Nippon-jin in which employers are warned that they must not tax the patience of their hands. That paper says: the "Capitalists must take steps in the right direction now if they would save themselves from grave troubles in later years; for there is a danger of Socialistic agitation. The number of skilled artisans, male and female, must now exceed 300,000 in the workshops. Add to these the independent trades and unskilled labor. and we get at a number of industrial workers not far below the two-million mark. At present these are not yet alive to the labor troubles disturbing the West, and therefore are exempt from Socialistic agitation, especially as the war has increased the pros. perity of the country and enabled them to obtain better wages But this state of things can not last forever, and as the knowl edge of the laboring classes increases, and they begin to realize some of the principles of Socialism, their eyes will be opened to what they may justly consider injustice and illegitimate sweating. Already there are grievances enough against which they may justly complain. The compact of the spinning-factories, by which the employers bind themselves not to permit their mechanics to seek work in other factories at better pay without special con sent of the late employer, is in itself a serious grievance. Nor is this unjust restraint confined to the spinners; it is similarly in vogue in the printing and weaving trades. The regular working hours are twelve per day, but this limit is not strictly observed, so that young and old alike are obliged to overtax their nerves and energies; for nearly every factory runs fifteen to sixteen hours a day. The capitalists defend themselves by saying that for extra, or night-work, they pay their employers double the usual rate. But it must be remembered that what is called night. work generally means all-night work, and is therefore a practise that considerate and benevolent employers should never resort to. Unless such causes for just complaint are promptly removed, and factories and workshops are conducted in conformity with the principles of justice and humanity, the mechanics, at present mild-mannered and good-tempered, will be rendered desperate." NEWSPAPER REPORTS AND "EXPANDED" "H TELEGRAMS. E lies like a newspaper" is a German description of a man who is specially careless with the truth. Recent incidents have drawn special attention to this tendency of newspaper men to tax their imaginative faculties. When the men and things written about are "of low degree," the readers rarely become aware of inaccuracies. But when reporters and editors are forced to make up a description of a meeting between persons of high rank, their efforts lead to queer results. The Kladderadatsch, Berlin, furnishes some suggestive illustrations to the average text of such newspaper paragraphs: As a matter of fact the words received during the war by the Central News amounted to 7,413. Of these 3,887 were in 17 telegrams for which there was no authority. The Times was supplied with 33, 112 words altogether. The Times, therefore, paid for an excess of 29,186 words. Among the instances in which the Central News representative had drawn considerably upon his imagination was one in which 41 words had been 'expanded' into 447. The Times was not the only paper supplied with these telegrams. A large number of publications received the news at sixpence per line. The following are samples of telegrams which were only 'highly edited' before they were sent to the patrons of the Central News Agency: "While the Japanese were having their desperate fighting in the streets of Old Nan Ching they found in one of the houses a brave British missionnary, who despite the danger, had determined to remain at his post. A special Japanese guard was immediately ordered to protect him.' "In another case the message received was 'General Weifor Ping Wang defeated beheaded.' This was expanded into: "A Tien Tsin dispatch states that General Wei was beheaded this morning. The Imperial Council had represented to the Emperor that in retiring from Ping Wang before the Japanese had commenced their attack upon the place, General Wei had been guilty of cowardice before the enemy, and had contributed to the defeat. Therefore his death was ordered. General Wei met his death with fortitude." ⚫one." "The reception of the foreign diplomat was a most cordial The first picture (1) shows what ample means the reporters had to ascertain this important fact. The second cut (2) shows that there was good foundation for the assertion that "maritime matters were subjects of lively dis-cussion." Cut 3 illustrates that "the tariff question did not fail to receive due attention, as several highly taxed articles were brought up.” Cut 4, "The conversation continued until I A.M., and Cut 5, "Was resumed at a rapid rate the following morning." A meeting of diplomats of high rank could not fail to show results; hence we see in Cut 6 that "when the distinguished visitor had gone, the employees of the Foreign Offices set to work with remarkable activity." We have repeatedly pointed out that the information in press telegrams is at least as doubtful as the interviews. The London Times has now made an attempt to save its reputation for trustworthy news, and has brought an action against the Central News Agency. The charge is "improper expansion of telegrams." The Chronicle, Kobe, Japan, in an article headed "What the London papers pay for," pointed out that the wartelegrams must have been largely manufactured in London, while some, supposed to come from the seat of war, were really sent from Tokyo. The evidence in court produced much merriment. Sir Francis Lockwood, counsel for the plaintiff made the following representations: "The Times thought the telegrams genuine, and even commented upon the excellence of the service in its editorial columns. OF THE SUDAN EXPEDITION. FFICIAL reports from Egypt dispel all doubts that the Mahdists threaten that country. They are not only advancing upon Kassala and the Egyptian frontier, but threaten the Kongo state as well, and French opposition to the advance of British troops is consequently lessening, as the Sudan expedition appears necessary in defense of civilization. Lord Cromer, who was at first much against the expedition, has also abandoned his opposition to it. Some weeks must nevertheless pass before the British and Egyptian forces can be assembled in full at Wadi Halfa. The troops will march upon Akashe, some 120 miles south of Wadi Halfa, which will form the basis of operations. An advance from Akashe is not to be expected before the end of August, as the Nile is not deep enough to allow steamers to pass. The Dervishes are roughly judged to be 10.000 strong, of which, according to Slatin Pasha, the Austrian who lately escaped from the Mahdi, 2,400 are armed with rifles. They have also eight field-pieces. General Kitchener will command the expedition. There is no report of the strength of his forces; his British contingent will, however, number about 1,500 men. The Popolo Romano, Rome, publishes a postscriptum to the agreement between England and Italy with regard to their spheres of interest in Africa. England is thereby empowered to occupy temporarily those districts of the Italian sphere where Italy has not yet established herself. Ethiopia and its dependencies are not included in this. The Petit Journal, Paris, advocates assistance to Abyssinia as the best means to harass the English and Italians in Egypt and further secret support of Turkey. The Journal des Débats says: "The Porte has acted correctly enough. Nothing is more natural than that the Sultan should turn to France and Russia with his complaints about the doings of the English in Egypt, where. he is still suzerain. His censure of the Khedive is quite proper; but will it have the desired effect? Will it prevent the advance of the British?" As matters stand, the question may be answered in the negative. The Viedomosti, St. Petersburg, even thinks that it would have been better to consent to the use of Egyptian funds for the war, as the reconquest of the Sudan would then be for Egypt, not for England. The German papers assert that that is precisely the reason why the Austrian and German commissioners granted the use of these funds. The Temps, Paris, advises the French Government to end its sullen opposition, which is neither useful nor dignified. Conan Doyle, in a letter from Cairo to The Westminster Gazette, says the English in Egypt eagerly watch the war preparations, and their feeling against the French is very bitter. To quote his own words: Among the Anglo-Egyptians who have had to bear the misrepresentations and abuse of the French press for thirteen years there is a bitterness of feeling such as I have seen nowhere else against the 'grande nation.' Press attacks mean little or nothing to us at home, but to these whole-hearted and earnest men they mean incessant interference with, and spoiling of, the work to which they are devoting their lives, and so their Anglo-Saxon tolerance has turned at last to very bitter dislike. 'What possible right have they to interfere?' cries an angry colonel of engineers. 'Well,' says a bystander, 'they have associations with the country.' 'Their main association with the country is that we turned them out once before,' says the angry colonel, and the straw hats all nod their approbation." In Radical circles in England the opinion still prevails that the The Government will proceed very cautiously in this war. Clarion, London, pictures Lord Salisbury seated on a camel with all the paraphernalia of war, but very anxious. "Joey," he says to Chamberlain, who leads the animal, 'keep a sharp look-out, Joey, and if the Dervishes look cross, turn back at once.' And The Westminster Gazette has a cartoon of John Bull, anxiously inquiring if Fuzzy-Wuzzy can fight. "I only want to know," says J. B. The Daily Chronicle says: "There would seem to be no limit to the ruinous inconsistencies of the Government. Every one of its responsible organs insists that we are face to face with the reconquest of the Sudan. Mr. Curzon speaks of 'political and financial' considerations, and suggests that we have in view a diversion in favor of Italy at Kassala. That is the view taken in France, and we doubt whether it would be possible to combine two aims more distasteful to the Republic. M. Berthelot's statement that our new policy in Egypt is likely to have the most serious consequences agrees with the view that the man in the street-to say nothing of the diplomatist—would take 'at sight' of this most mysterious, most inexplicable, on the face of it most indefensible, movement." The Conservative organs urge the Government to enter upon the campaign in a lively spirit, and even to use the Indian army, which is at present eating its head off. The St. James's Gazette says: "Osman Digma has not only popped up again, but popped up in force, and will take even more than his usual dose of killing before he is disposed of. It might be wise to settle this very obstrusive person once for all this time, and strike a real blow at But it is throwing too the Khalifate in the Eastern Sudan. much work on the Egyptian army to expect it to fight a stubborn campaign on the Nile and the Red Sea littoral at once. Why not recognize, in good time, that the latter task at any rate must be taken off the shoulders of the 'Gyppies,' and hand it over to a brigade of British and Indian troops, which could sail from Bombay at a week's notice?" Osman Digma's history is worth a short mentioning here. He is a Turk, and a former slave-trader. The cruisers of the colonizing powers took away his dhows and ruined him, and he joined the Mahdi, who made him governor of Eastern Sudan. He turned out to be pretty lively neighbor to the English, and whipped Baker Pasha at El Teb. General Graham defeated him later in the neighborhood of Suakim, but did not break his spirit. His death has been reported almost as frequently as Emin Pasha's, but, unlike the German explorer, he is still in the land of the living. The Austrian press, on the whole, regards the expedition favorably. The Tageblatt, Vienna, thinks it will be of advantage to all colonizing powers. The Presse looks upon it as a bold answer to the question of the Sultan when the English intend to evacuate Egypt. The Neue Freie Presse says: "We do not suppose that much fighting will be done. The troops on the southern frontier of Egypt will be increased, that is all. But if some sort of an expedition takes place, Italy will not benefit by it, especially if the Italians manage to hold Kassala unaided until the fall of the year. At any rate, it is not likely that the British forces will advance further than is strictly demanded by England's own interests." The Germans offer no opposition, declaring that the matter does not interest them. The Frankfurter Zeitung declares that, in this case, the British need not fear that hateful German competition. But Germany protests against the English idea that she will change her attitude with regard to South Africa. The Manchester Guardian is informed by a "member of the diplo matic corps," that "Lord Salisbury would not have entered upon the Sudan expedition if trouble with Germany was feared. The relations between England and the Triple Alliance have regained their normal aspect; Germany promises to give up her plans in South Africa." Whereupon the Vossische Zeitung wants to know if there is an idea abroad that German politics is conducted in an aimless manner. "It's the queerest thing we could imagine" [continues that paper]. "Germany is to retire from a matter in which she interested herself in such a demonstrative manner as late as last January. She is supposed to pay for the privilege of assisting England's diplomacy in Egypt! But we suppose the English Government needs an explanation for the sudden change in its attitude toward Germany. Germany, however, objects to the practise of England of making a trump card of the Triple Alliance when she is in hot water.' The Kölnische Zeitung relates that the Kongo state will assist England, but the Mouvement Geographique, Brussels, says the Belgians will restrict themselves to assisting the Dinka tribes, who are at loggerheads with the Mahdi.-Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST. THE THE GERMAN ARMY AND ITS CHIEF. HE tendency in France seems to be to overrate rather than underrate the power of Germany. M. Malo, the military critic of the Journal des Débats, Paris, in a review of "The Germany Army and its Chiefs," a work recently published by Captain Speckel and Lieutenant Folliot, of the Engineers, expresses his satisfaction over the fact that "the indifference with which foreign armies were regarded before 1870, and which is in a large measure responsible for the terrible defeat of that year, has now passed away." He rejoices in the attention given to the organization of the German forces, and especially comments upon the latest reforms in German military circles. M. Malo, who has studied the condition of the German army very closely, warns against the popular belief that Germany trusts her safety to the number of her soldiers. "What the Germans want is efficiency rather than numbers," he writes. "They make a strong distinction between compulsory service according to the letter of the law, and the value of the men form a military point of view. Their aim is to possess forces which are equally serviceable all through, and they rather oppose the craze for large numbers." He then gives the opinion of the two authors on the chief of the German army: "The Emperor's position is no sinecure. Jokes are now and then passed on the show and parade connected with his work, but no army can do altogether without these outward signs of discipline. It is, however, wrong to believe that his work is finished if he reviews his troops, leads a cavalry attack in the maneuver, and alarms garrisons in the middle of the night. Nor is it possible to judge him rightly by the fact that he inspects the uniforms of his life-guards in person. He is no friend of pipe t L clay routine, altho he knows the value of proper attention to such details. The greater part of his work is done' before his desk. He is informed minutely of the progress made in training the troops, and, altho the Minister of War is responsible for the condition of the army, the Emperor retains the moral ieadership. 'Emperor William did his best to restrain the prodigality and love for pleasure which broke out among the German officers after the war of 1870. 'The greater the luxury and comfort of the people,' wrote the aged Emperor, 'the more it is the duty of an officer to remember that wealth did not confer upon him the high position he occupies in society. Effeminacy not only destroys all military virtues, but greed and love for pleasure undermine the foundation of our army.' But age prevented the Emperor from attending strictly to his duties." The French experts here relate that no one supposed the pres. ent Emperor to attend strictly to business when he ascended the throne. The unqualified dismissal of officers whose only sin was that they "lived up" to their large private incomes was a rude shock to many a scion of a wealthy house. It was thought that the oid Emperor's cabinet orders against luxury would remain dead letters. But this was a great mistake: "New rescripts were issued, much more pointed, much stricter. The amount of money officers are allowed to spend is described in detail, and may not be exceeded. . . . As a good Hohenzollern, the Emperor regards the army as his best, if not only, support next to God, and his speeches to the recruits remind one of his great ancestor, Frederick the Great. "The future must show whether he has inherited some of King Frederick's talents as a leader. Perhaps talent will be of no avail, and the art of war in future must be learned painfully and slowly. The victory will then be with the people who have the greatest staying power and the greatest courage."- Translated for THE LITERARY Digest. ENGLAND'S WEAKNESS THE WORLD'S BRITAIN'S proud children are credited with the ambition of making a second India of the African continent, and many authorities believe that these high hopes will be justified in the end. The French, Germans, and Russians think they have a say in the matter, but acknowledge that England is a powerful foe. It will, therefore, astonish our readers to see the British Empire classed with Turkey and China, states whose existence is supposed to be based solely upon the jealousy of the military powers. This view comes from Holland, a country which has renounced the hope of establishing a world empire, and is satisfied if its independence is not interfered with. A writer in the Handelsblad believes that England endangers the peace of the world by ambitions which can never be realized, "because the necessary strength is totally lacking." human race. The writer begins with the supposition that the existence of an all-powerful empire after the pattern of Rome is beneficial to the If such an empire exists, small wars may here and there occur, but the world in general will live in peace. But he can not believe that England possesses any of the qualities necessary for the establishment of such an empire. He says: "To simplify the question we will concede to England the right to establish a modern Imperium Romanum, but we must point out that the world has a right to expect that its conqueror be powerful, in order to command Roman peace. England's diplomacy is of Carthage rather than Rome. It is that of a great trading nation with an army rather than of a great military colossus. For a great war England has no greater army to use in a foreign war than the Netherlands or Belgium. If she gets into trouble with some little nation, she has no second army left for defense. In a delirium of jingoism the Tories egg on the Government to send an army to the Cape of Good Hope, ostensibly to quiet Matabeleland, in reality to carry out Jameson's work under British colors, and to revenge Majuba and Krügersdorp. A small affair. eh? But if an easily roused democracy forces the British Government to accede to its wishes, there will be civil war in South Africa, and at least 50,000 men must be sent. That is about all England can spare. Yet these 50,000 men are necessary even if Russia, France, and Germany do not think the time ripe for the settling of old accounts. Yet this is only one of dozens of such weak places in Britain's Empire. England is of greater danger to the peace of the world than France was before 1870. "Czar Nicholas II. wants peace just now. He wants his coronation to be the most impressive ceremony of the kind that has taken place since Napoleon I. was crowned Emperor. But even the Czar can not preserve peace if England disturbs it, and nobody can tell what England will do next, for no government knows less what it wants than the British Government. "In the beginning of the year, British ministers spoke of their country's 'splendid isolation.' When Germany warned them that the military powers would not allow all Africa to become British the 'splendidly isolated' threw themselves at the feet of the French Republic. A month later they sided against France to establish themselves for good in Egypt. "Before we can applaud England's grand plan to make a second India of the African continent, we must ask ourselves whether England has the power to do so. "The answer is a most decided No! England has a large fleet of untried armor-clads. Nobody yet knows what the courageous seamen of other nations may be able to accomplish against these ships with the help of ram and torpedo. But, at any rate, battleships don't enter very far into Africa. Transvaal and the Orange Free State are centers of solid strength, and whoever believes that Germany and France will allow Delagoa Bay to become British is mistaken. Is it possible to admire England's crazy, weak diplomacy in Egypt? That would be possible if she had gone there as a conqueror and had thus legalized her presence. Instead she has obtained and held her position by the makeshift of countless lies. There is not a power that has not the right to interfere. England further is foolish enough to regard the Mediterranean as a British sea, while she has no business there at all. "And all this time she is losing her predominance in China and Japan, where industry and commerce are about to reap golden harvests. England is so rich and so vulnerable that her blindness is the greatest danger to the world-that blindness characteristic of all trading nations, which prevents her from raising an army capable of resisting one power at least." The writer closes his article by saying: "England has no larger army and certainly no better men or generals than during the time of Napoleon. What a position for a nation that aspires to the place of a 'world-conqueror' in the face of such armaments as those of Russia, France, and Germany."-Translated for THE LITERARY DIGEST. FOREIGN NOTES. A FRENCH Socialist Deputy has had the courage to oppose a strike. The miners of Oignies intended to strike, when their Parliamentary representative, M. Basly, pictured the evil results of a strike in such somber colors that the men resumed work. THE Hu-pao relates that the Chinese Ambassador in Berlin complained that the Krupp guns sold to China did not work well. Investigation proved that the guns were not German manufacture, but cheap imitations, imported at the instance of corrupt officials, In a similar manner valueless articles were substituted for the American rifles paid for by the Chinese Government. THE life of a wealthy Armenian is not happy in these days. If he assists the Revolutionists, he is punished by the Turks; if he refuses to contribute to the funds raised in the name of the Armenian Committee in London, he is in danger of assassination. Three such murders are reported to have taken place in Tiflis. One of the assassins was arrested, and was promptly shot on his way to jail by his comrades, who feared that he would tell tales. THE Berlin papers complain of the inefficiency of the police in that city. The National Zeitung acknowledges that the city is pretty uncomfortable for all kinds of swindlers, but thinks the police are not alert enough in the discovery of murderers. Of the twenty-two murders committed in and about Berlin during the last eight years, no less than fourteen remain unaccounted for. In five of these cases the theory of suicide, as advanced by the police, has not been fully substantiated. THE manufacture and sale of patent medicines is connected with considerable difficulties in Germany. Many such articles whose sale is unrestricted in other countries are prohibited as dangerous by order of the Public Health Office. If an advertisement claims virtues for a patent medicine which it does not possess, both advertiser and editor are liable to. punishment by imprisonment, as the editor of the Wiesbaden Tageblatt found to his cost a short time ago. Many papers reject patent medicine advertisements as beneath their dignity; others furnish a description of their composition in answer to questions from subscribers. "To this day it remains in quality and in faith what is perhaps the largest and purest body of Scotch Gaels outside of their native country, where the traveler on unfrequented roads may journey the farthest without finding any one to speak English. The obdurate conservatism which has so long held them back in the mother country belongs to them still; they hold to the old faith of Rome and to the songs of their people. I remember an all-night ride in a wagon with half a dozen of these unchanged Caterans, who mixed their whisky with a ceaseless crooning of songs in their native tongue, and also their oppressive but fruitless desire to bring the stranger into their primitive fun. They have the singular endurance of alcohol which characterizes their kindred over the sea, as is shown by the fact that they are never too drunk to be clever. One evening I was puzzled to find all the men who were on the road exceedingly drunk, too much so to give any account of the occasion for the festivity. At last, selecting one of the revelers, who was on horseback, I addressed him as Tam O'Shanter-a compliment which he fully appreciated in his toper's merry way-and asked the reason for his own state and that of his neighbors. 'What will ye gie me an I till?' said Tam. 'What do ye ask?' 'A drink o' whisky.' 'Agreed,' said the questioner. 'Gie me the drink first. When he had emptied the small flask, 'It's nae muckle,' said he sadly, looking at the little vessel as if the pay were inadequate, but he gave the due. 'Din ye ken this is confession-day? and doom a mon who will not For all their retardation and get drunk when he has confessed.' love of drink, the population of Cape Breton is one of the finest in America. It is enough to make any one who has ever recruited a command feel a touch of sadness to see these shapely fellows, so admirably built to be soldiers, going to waste in the ordinary dull uses of civilization." Professor Shaler says that Scotch traditions are still to be traced in the fanatical adhesion to the Jewish method of observing the weekly holyday. which still prevails in many of the mountain valleys of Southwestern Virginia. He relates the following bit of personal experience : brought the judge to the conclusion that the criminal should receive an allowance of bread and milk. This point gained, the way to the well-stocked larder opened, it proved easy, with other selections from the good book, to secure a succession of courses, each forthcoming as a reward for some bit of ancient lore. It is pleasant memory, this, of a hard-featured backwoods saint making her successive expeditions to the pantry, while the hungry fellow was searching the closets of his memory for the wherewithal to pay the price of his meal.' "Some years ago it became necessary for me to leave a camp on the Kentucky line before dawn, on a summer morning, for a long horseback journey. I reckoned on a breakfast for myself and my horse at the first house where I should choose to seek refreshment; but the reckoning was without the host. Again and again I was turned from the doors of good people, who sternly yet sorrowfully told me that I was a Sabbath-breaker, and must go my way unfed. At last, in the afternoon, while there were many miles before me, my horse began to fail, so that I had to dismount and lead him. Coming to a ferry, I begged the ferryman for indulgence. After much debate he agreed that the 'critter' should not suffer; in fact, after a while he confessed that as for himself, he did not much believe in this 'tie-up Sunday.' It may be noted that ferrymen, like shoemakers, are an advanced lot of people; their occupation gives them time for thought. To my suggestion that he might bring me some food from the house, he said that he 'dassent do it,' but that I might try to argue it out with his wife, tho it was a poor chance. After a long absence he asked me into the dwelling, where, in the kitchen and very near the door, sat the stern-faced dame, evidently prepared to It was a situation which called for give judgment against me. skilful pleading; so with my prelude 'beginning doubtfully and far away,' I managed to make it clear that my journey was one of some necessity, and not a mere perverse violation of the law. Then, at the right time, a tolerably apt quotation from Scripture, as a counter to the sermon I was receiving with due humility, Professor Shaler thinks that facts are clearly in favor of the view that the best the world can afford in the way of human product is obtained by mixing the blood of strong, related, but varied peoples. Says he: "It is interesting, from this point of view, to compare the mixed race of Scotland with the relatively pure-blooded children of Judea. These two stocks are clearly the ablest that come into competition in this country, if not in the world at large. They are both very successful in almost all callings; they ring alike well to all the tests we apply. Yet it seems to me evident that the Scotch are distinctively the stronger men. Even in commerce they are prepotent. Going through the streets of Edinburgh, I found no Jew names on the signs. Making an excuse to talk with an old bookseller, I asked him to explain the lack. His answer was, 'Jews do not do well in Scotland, and if they go to Aberdeen they get cheated.' So, too, in those parts of this country where the Scotch and their descendants abound the Hebrew people are absent or seldom found. In higher politics, the Scotch are likewise successful with us in a degree not attained by the Semitic folk." A DEFENSE OF THE JEW. NE of the most notable inquiries into the status and characNE teristics of the modern Jews is that of Anatole LeroyBeaulieu, the distinguished French publicist and historian. The book, entitled "Israel Among the Nations," is considered to be as philosophical and masterly a work as the author's work on Russia. He discusses the history, psychology, physiology, and spirit of the Jewish race, and attempts to answer in the light of such historical and sociological data the vexed questions raised by the anti-Semitic movement. The conclusions to which the author arrives are decidedly unfavorable to the assailants of Judaism. While he does not deny that some of the tendencies and traits of the Jew are obnoxious, he places the blame for these at the door of the oppressors of the ancient race. In his introduction the author refers to the common notion that modern society is being "Judaized," and makes the following observations: What the anti-Semites call the 'Judaizing' of society might, as I have taken the liberty of asserting, be more correctly called the 'Americanizing' of morals. I trust that this remark will not bring down upon me the resentment of my American readers. That would be unfair, for I am, in many respects, a sincere admirer of their great Republic. If I have ventured to speak of the 'Americanizing' of modern society, it is simply because the typi cal characteristics of democratic industrial society were first revealed in the United States, and have there been developed on a larger scale than in any other country. This form of social organization, new to history, is gradually becoming dominant in all parts of the Old World, as well as in the New. If it has its advantages, it has also its faults, which we are all in duty bound to strive to correct. The ascendancy of material interests, the greed for money, the frantic race for wealth, are the most deplorable characteristics of our modern industrial and democratic society. These are not social characteristics; they are peculiar neither to the Yankee nor to the Jew, altho they sometimes seem to be most pronounced in the Jew and the Yankee. They are the result of our social conditions, and it is not by proscribing any particular race or any particular faith, but only by appealing to moral forces and by bringing all such forces to their highest development that our modern democracies can escape from the practical materialism that threatens to engulf them." |