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FROM FOREIGN LANDS.

TRE

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE. REITSCHKE, the German historian, declares that the unity of Germany will be found irksome by the other great powers in Europe as time passes on. The nations of Europe have suddenly been deprived of their traditional battle-grounds, and the fields of Central Europe can no longer be devastated by foreign troops. Instead of the war-contributions collected in German provinces, by which formerly large armies were kept in the field, fighting-nations must now provide the necessary expenses for their troops out of their own pockets. But if the unity of Germany is distasteful to many European statesmen, the Dreibund is still more so. Hence we hear, from time to time, that Germany, Austria, and Italy will sever the alliance which they have entered into for common defense. This hope is specially strong in England just now. A writer in The New Review (London) points out that Italy is likely to look for other friends. He says:

"The Triple Alliance is an intolerable burden to her-the more so as her northern provinces have no sort of natural inclination toward Austria. Italy fears France on her seaboard only, for her army could make good the passes of the Alps against her for months. We also fear France in the Mediterranean, for her first blow would be struck against our over-weak Mediterranean fleet. An understanding in regard of any attack from France would give us an overwhelming superiority at sea-for Italy commands at least ten ironclads of the best-and both powers should be secure against any sudden onset. Austria would be left with her southern flank unguarded, and might be trusted to discover that she has no cause of enmity with France. She might be left to make her own terms with Russia in the Balkans, which should be far from an impossible task. And the Kaiser would be left to face the war on both fronts with what appetite he had. It would do him a very great deal of good."

The Temps, Paris, thinks that Italy has discovered by this time that she has nothing to fear from France. But the great majority of the people in Italy do not believe in French friendship, and the Italian population of Nice, appealing for help to Italy at least as strongly as the French inhabitants of Lorraine to France, assist in keeping Italy and France apart. Among the Italian Opposition papers the Triple Alliance is now and then belittled. Thus the Italia, Rome, expresses itself as follows:

"What could harm Italy if the political situation were to change in Europe, and we were to cease our alliance with Austria and Germany? The old fears which temporarily forced us into the Alliance have passed away. Who is going to believe that Austria can hurt us, or that she dreams of aggrandizement at our expense, now that she has begun to change her ecclesiastical policy? As regards France, her attitude toward us is determined by our own. The moment we cease to assist Germany in defending the provinces she has taken from France, France will be friendly to us."

Against this assumption, however, is not only the testimony of a majority of Italian organs, but also that of some English papers. The Times correspondent at Rome says:

"Italy is more than ever dependent upon the Triple Alliance for the maintenance of her existence. It is the hostility of France which causes this. I have been a long time at Rome, and have been familiar with Italy for thirty-five years, and I have met only a single Frenchman who did not hate the Italians most cordially. Only yesterday an English lady, who has lived much in France and loves the French people, but who has lived more in Italy and loves the Italians too, said, in the course of conversation with me, that in all her acquaintance with French people she had only known five who were friendly to Italy."

The Kölnische Zeitung (Cologne) is of opinion that Germany will not secede from the Dreibund. Germany, indeed, is forced to guarantee assistance to Austria and Italy in matters which

concern her but little, but the advantages gained by being able to command peace in Europe are a sufficient return for the outlay. The Frankfurter Zeitung points out that Austria needs the help of Italy and Germany against Russia:

“Austria and Italy have too much at stake in the Mediterranean Sea and in Asia Minor to allow Russia free play in Bulgaria and in Turkey. Nor will they consent to a Russian occupation of Constantinople. Germany, on the other hand, has little or no direct interests to safeguard in the near East. Bismarck has on more than one occasion declared that the Balkan question is not worth the bones of a single Pommeranian grenadier. That there is a better understanding between Russia and Germany of late can not be doubted. Russia knows well enough that Germany stands between her and Constantinople only as the ally of Austria and Italy. As England and Italy have lately been very friendly, while Germany and Russia openly oppose England, the 'powers that be' at Vienna and Rome evidently fear a change in Germany's policy if the Turkish question is brought near its solution. Austria has, now and then, made an attempt to be on good terms with England while remaining a member of the Triple Alliance. But Austria's interest are principally centered in the Balkan peninsula. She knows that, if Turkey is divided up, 100,000 men of the German army will be worth more than all the fleets in the world. Austria, therefore, "will stand by her Berlin treaties. Italy alone is a weak member of the Alliance. Italy would like to obtain England's assistance for the protection of her extensive coast line. But England is not to be depended upon; her empty promises to Denmark in 1864 and to Austria in 1866 prove this. Italy, when pushed, will stand by the Triple Alliance."-Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

A WARNING TO GERMAN EMIGRANTS.

THE

HE opponents of "undesirable immigration" have no more faithful ally than the Deutsche Gesellschaft (German Soci ety) of New York. This philanthropic institution continually warns Germans against coming here, and its warnings are more earnest this year than ever. As the German press has largely published the society's report, it can not fail to have some influ⚫ence. The society declares that the Contract Labor Law is handled very strictly at Ellis Island, and explains its provisions, without, however, criticizing it. The society explains that work is not plentiful here. As persons certain of employment are in danger of being sent back as contract laborers, and as those who come here to search for work are likely to be disappointed for a long time to come, the society deems it its duty to inform Ger mans that they are unlikely to improve their condition by coming here. It will be noticed that a large number of persons are warned off who are not mentioned in the law. The report says:

"With the exception of trained agricultural laborers, who during the spring and summer months will always find employment in the Western States, we can not hold out hopes of employment to any one. We repeat, therefore, our annual warnings to clerks, salesmen, teachers, men of learning, ministers, telegraphists, and trained officials of any kind; especially also to students and officers. However unfavorable the circumstances in which they are placed, they must not think of emigrating. Such people have positively no chance here, neither during the present year nor in the next. The few exceptions do not count.

"It is a common rpactise to get rid of ne'er-do-weel sons by sending them to ‘that great reformatory, America,' to 'pass through the school of life,' in the hope that privations and hardships of all sorts will force these young men to accustom themselves to hard work. This practise we condemn, and we protest against the very common demand that we should assist the 'schooling" referred to. If parents and relatives can not lead the graceless son in the way he should go, he is sure to go to the dogs in this country, where he is thrown entirely upon his own resources and soon finds a circle of equally frivolous companions. In this case also the few exceptions can not be taken as samples.

and

"We frequently receive letters from ladies, old and young, of good standing, who hope to find in America employment as

companions, governesses, teachers, readers, or in similar posi

tions. We have always advised them against coming here, and must warn them more than ever, for during the present hard times even wealthy families find it necessary to cut down their expenses. Servant-girls, however, able and willing to do all kinds of housework, can count upon employment with certainty, and that at good wages, in spite of the hard times."— Translated for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

IS THE FRENCH REPUBLIC IN DANGER?

'TUDENTS of modern French politics are inclined to think

STUDE

that France is once more in a position where little is required to overthrow the Republic. The late conflict between the Chamber of Deputies and the Ministry on the one hand, and the Senate, backed by the more Conservative Republicans, on the other, seems to indicate that there is a growing desire among the Radical element to abolish the Senate altogether. It would be necessary to violate the Constitution in order to do this, but the history of France for the past hundred years shows that such small considerations will not prevent a coup d'état. Briefly told, the crisis was brought about as follows:

M. Ricard, the Minister of Justice, took the investigation of the Southern Railway scandals out of the hands of Chief Justice Rempler and placed it in the hands of Judge Pointevin. M. Ricard professed to be actuated by a desire to see strict justice done, but his own name has been connected with boodle scandals, and the judge whom he favored is called by the funny papers Pot de vin-rather ominously. The Senate objected to the choice of M. Pointevin ostensibly on constitutional grounds, in reality because the Upper House wished to put an end to the continual scandals, and feared that Judge Pointevin would use the investigation for political purposes. The Senate passed a vote of want of confidence in the Government, but the Radical majority in the Chamber of Deputies sustained M. Bourgeois and his colleagues. The Lower House regards the making and unmaking of Ministries as one of its prerogatives, and is rather jealous of the Senate in such matters. The Journal des Debats, Paris, is of opinion that the moderate Republicans who supported the Ministry will yet regret their action, as it may end in the overthrow of the Republic. Henri Maret, writing in the Radical, says:

"We still have the Republic, but it is only because the Republic has luck. There is no pretender of strong character to oppose, nor a victorious general to endanger it. Nobody is, at present, able to exercise sufficient influence to oppose it. But if any one possessed of a strong character were to make an attack upon our institutions, the Republic could not stand. Its supporters are cowards, and the people are so disgusted that little opposition would be offered."

This from an old, stanch Republican. The Gazette de France also thinks that 'a small effort on the part of a legitimate pretender, or a less distinguished, but ambitious man would end the Republic." The Paris correspondents of the foreign papers with one accord describe the situation as very grave. The Frankfurter Zeitung says:

"It is usually thought that the French people would rise if all the mass of corruption is laid bare. This is, however, a mistake. The French have become used to it. If the people were informed to-morrow that 200 or 250 of their representatives are mixed up in some swindle, they would only wonder that there are not more. The real danger comes from the representatives themselves, who continually fear exposure. If a dictator appears upon the scene who has some chance of success, the guilty men will all follow him. They would then be certain that bygones are bygones."

The Kölnische Zeitung, Cologne, points out that the abolition of the Senate would put a large number of its members at the disposal of a dictator. The situation is looked upon as very grave by this paper, which says:

"All those people who fish in troubled waters, and all political

pessimists, are of opinion that a genuine peace can not be established between the conflicting Chambers. The present troubles are regarded as the signs of the coming revolution, of beginning anarchy, of complete overthrow. Parliamentary life has sunk so deep in the mire of scandal and accusations, the wish to accuse political opponents of misdeeds is so strong that the prisoners' bench in the criminal courts-which has now taken the place of the guillotine-receives new victims every day. It is doubtful whether the Republic can live through all this, even if the Senate is prudent enough to choose the 'better part of valor.""

It should be remembered that the Germans are little pleased with the prospect of a change in the form of government in France. It is a maxim with them that Germany need not fear war with France while the Republic lasts. The Daily Chronicle, London, takes a more hopeful view, but this paper represents a party which has a quarrel with the House of Lords. It says:

"It is clear that the Senate has precipitated a movement for revision of the Constitution in a far more democratic form than

at present exists. The reactionaries are hoping that out of the strained situation they may make some political capital, but the signs are all the other way. France is not, so far as we can see, likely to go back in her political evolution because a number of elderly Conservative politicians have fallen out with a Radical Ministry. On the contrary, she seems much more certainly bent on such internal changes as will enable the political and social needs of her people to find clearer and more direct expression than was desired or devised by the reactionary constitutionmakers of 1875."

The St. James's Gazette says:

"Put in a nutshell, the sitation is this-that two members of the Cabinet have been censured by the Senate for playing fast and loose with the administration of justice in order to cook up charges of corruption against deputies, and thereby pose as friends of purity. M. Bourgeois will not give up his colleagues, and the Senate hereupon threatens to veto all his Cabinet's bills. One party tries to figure as the enemy of corruption, the other as the defender of the administration of justice. In the mean time the Senate is known to detest the advanced Radical policy of M. Bourgeois, and to be resolutely opposed to his income-tax. That being so, it is suspected of having seized on the cause of justice as a pretext for damaging the Cabinet. A pretty picture of political cross-questions and crooked answers."-Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

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America is a country in comparison to which Europe is but a small peninsula. The United States is an empire by whose side the powers of Europe appear as petty states. America is the land of unmeasured capacity and dimensions, the land of dollars and electricity, the land where the plains are wider, the rivers greater, the waterfalls higher, the bridges longer, the express trains faster, the catastrophes more horrible than in all Europe; the country where the buildings are taller, the rascals more numerous, the poor poorer, the millionaires richer, the thieves bolder, the murderers less bothered, and educated people more rare than anywhere else. It is the land in which the teeth are more false, the corsets tighter, diseases more dangerous, corruption more common, insanity more systematic, the summer hotter, the winter more chilly, fire warmer and ice colder, time more costly and men more restless than in sleepy old Europe. The land where old men are younger and youths older, the niggers blacker and the whites yellower than elsewhere, the land of immeasurable natural resources, and of the most prodigious avarice. In short: America is the land of the greatest contrasts, the craziest presumption, the most reckless hunt after the dollar; it is the land of everything colossal and unapproachable—the last, of course, from the American point of view."— Translated for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

RUSSIA WRESTLING WITH A SILVER

THEOR

QUESTION.

HEORETICALLY, Russia is on a silver basis; but specie payments have been suspended for a great many years, and paper has been the chief circulating medium. Silver and paper are full legal tender. The premium on gold is very high. The disadvantages of this condition have been so serious that the country-the press and the Government, at any rate-are in favor of retiring the paper and substituting therefor a metallic currency. The question generally discussed is whether silver or gold should be the substitute. A number of newspapers advocated the silver standard, arguing that since, as a matter of fact, silver has remained the legal standard and has been at parity with the paper, the only proper course for the Government is to coin enough silver dollars to enable holders of paper to exchange it gradually for coin. This, they say, would cause no loss to any one, no injustice, and but slight inconvenience. This position is opposed by the gold monometalists as well as by the theoretical bimetalists. A series of measures recently enacted by the Gov-. ernment would seem to indicate that Russia will shortly become a gold-standard country. The Bank of Russia has been accumulating gold, and is believed to have over $300,000,000 in reserve. Novosti, St. Petersburg, the leading Liberal organ, thus argues in favor of the gold standard:

"The way to arrive at a just decision is to go back to the primary question: what advantages are sought by the Government in the contemplated change from paper to a metallic currency. The superiority of the latter is found in the greater stability of the value of the monetary unit, and in the possibility of closer and firmer commercial relations with those markets which are richer than ourselves in capital and are eager to exploit new fields of investment. Now, none of these benefits can possibly result from the adoption of a silver standard. The market value of silver fluctuates at present even more violently than that of government credit currency. On the latter, indeed, we can exert some sort of influence by means of fit banking legislation, whereas with regard to the price of silver, which is fixed by the general conditions prevailing in the entire industrial world, absolutely nothing can be done by legislation or banking measures. Surely the bitter experience of the United States should have rendered this certain to all. Should we finally decide for silver, the result would be an isolation not a whit less extreme than that in which we find ourselves to-day. Hence the alleged reform would end in nothing and accomplish no useful object. Our silver currency would fluctuate, and foreign financial markets would have to stand aloof from us. We must not forget that we stand beThe tween silver-basis Asia and gold-basis Western Europe. state of our industries ought to show us with which of these neighbors it is to our interest to affiliate and ally ourselves, financially speaking.

"There hardly can be any question that in Europe generally silver will never be restored to its former position of equality with gold. Monometalism is not a mere theory; it is a natural result of changed industrial conditions. The monometalist doctrine has come to explain an accomplished fact, and not to advocate something untried. The great extension of credit, the multiplication of banking institutions, the development of modern means of communication and transportation, not to mention other factors, have simply lessened the demand for the circulating medium. Each unit can do more work in a given space of time than ever before, and hence, in spite of the increase in business, population, and exchange, the demand for actual money has relatively decreased, checks and other instruments of credit having largely taken the place of hard money. The use of both metals is no longer necessary. Therefore, even apart from the difficulties in the way of maintaining bimetalism, that system stands no chance of being revived anywhere.

"In view of these unquestionable facts, Russia ought to perceive that the solution of her currency problem lies in a gold standard. In reality, whatever the legal theory may be, gold is already the tacitly recognized unit in our financial relations. This is due to our dealings with Western Europe. It shows that we can no longer adhere to the Asiatic monetary system.

It

may perhaps be easier for us, at present, to revert to the silver standard than to make gold the legal standard, but all advantages are on the side of gold, and if we are to make any change at all, it should be one that is progressive and sound.”

NANSEN AND THE NORTH POLE.

DURING the second half of the month of February journalists

were given a chance to turn from politics to discoveries.

It has been reported that Dr. Nansen, the sturdy Norwegian explorer who left Christiania in 1893 in search of the North Pole, has accomplished his ob

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ject, and is on his way back to Europe. Nansen's agent, the Siberian merchant Kuchnarew. informed the Prefect of Kolymsk that Nansen had found land at the Pole. The news still wants confirmation, but the majority of scientific men regard it as very credible. Nearly every paper under the sun has its theory about the matter, and nearly every one who has ever been connected with a Po

DR. FRIDTJOF NANSEN,

lar expedition has been interviewed about it. Perhaps the most lucid explanation of what happened to Nansen is given by Captain Hovgaard, who accompanied the Vega expedition under Nordenskjöld. The captain was interviewed by a representative of Politiken, Copenhagen, and expressed himself as follows:

"Well, yes, as soon as I had the paper containing the telegram, I concluded that the news was true. I certainly still think so. If this Kolymsk or Irkutsk news is founded upon a 'mystification,' such as sometimes is sent throughout the world, then it has been fabricated by some one who is mighty well versed in mat ters connected with expeditions to the North Pole. It seems to me that one can easily construct Nansen's whole course according to the news, and I will endeavor to do so. Two years ago Nansen arrived at Cape Tcheljuskin. From there he must have intended to reach the Pole by using the drift ice. He may have found open water, and have sailed for the unknown land which, I am certain, is to be found north of Wrangell Island. Meanwhile the winter came and he was frozen in. In the spring he continued his journey, by means of sledges, to the North Pole, and returned, during the summer, nearly as far as the Siberian coast. In the autumn, say, in October, he managed to put himself in commu nication with his agent, who sent the news to the Prefect of Kolymsk, who dispatched a messenger to Irkutsk, whence we The news did not travel extraordinarily slow, When we lay frozen in on the coast of Northern Siberia, during the Nordenskjöld expedition, we sent word in October, and the news did not reach Europe before the following Febru ary. The post reaches Kolymsk, a small, fortified town of some two hundred inhabitants, only three times a year.

received the news. either.

"I do not only believe that Nansen has discovered the North Pole, but also that he has managed to save his good ship."

The gallant captain could not end his say without revealing something of that rivalry which the different races of the sturdy

Northmen feel for each other.

"The Norwegians," he said, "will of course be awfully glad if the news turns out to be true. But the Swedes-won't they be mad! They hoped that Andree would discover the Pole with his

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The captain believes that letters from the expedition can not reach Europe before the middle of March, and until then it is not wise to regard the news as a mere rumor.

The European press is quite prepared to receive the plucky Scandinavian as an international hero. The Russian and Swedish governments are bestirring themselves to assist his return by all means in their power. The Tageblatt, Berlin, says:

"We hope the Irkutsk news will be confirmed, even if Dr. Nansen himself does not appear on the Continent within a short time. We may now hope to get at the solution of many important scientific questions that have perplexed the world of learning not a little. As for Nansen himself, if the report be true then he has inscribed his name among the names of the greatest explorers of all times. The report of Dr. Nansen's discovery comes at a time when the British expedition to the South Pole is going toward its destination, and the German expedition is getting ready. Both will regard the news of Dr. Nansen's discovery as a good omen."

The Vossische Zeitung remarks:

"The discovery of the North Pole forms a worthy ending to everything that has been accomplished by human research during the nineteenth century. It crowns the efforts of ages. In our days there is a tendency to stay at home among one's old surroundings; the man who braves danger in the interest of science therefore deserve all the greater credit. Research will not end here; every day brings new problems to be solved; but it is pleasant to note that the men who risked so much have not worked for nought."

The Scotsman, Glasgow, after pointing out that the rumors concerning Dr. Nansen's return still want confirmation, says:

“The suggestion seems probable that having reached the highest possible latitude, and carrying away the 'blue ribbon' of geography from 90 degrees North, Nansen has been compelled to abandon his ship and to make his way back to the nearest outpost of civilization. In that case his current theory, altho somewhat damaged, may still be got to hold water. In that case, too, he is likely to have a story of privation and suffering to tell not surpassed by that of any of his intrepid predecessors in Arctic exploration."— Translations made for THE LITerary Digest.

NEWSPAPER TELEGRAMS AND SUBMARINE

WE

CABLES.

E recently pointed out that the London Times published "telegrams" from South Africa which had not been received at the office from which they were dated. It is, however, the American press which is most frequently accused of sinning in this respect, and European newspapers of acknowledged standing rarely accept as facts any items which first appeared in a New York paper. The Vossische Zeitung, Berlin, Kölnische Zeitung, Cologne, Neue Freie Presse, Vienna, Handelsblad, Amsterdam, and dozens of equally good publications, rarely close a number without paragraphs like this: "Such and such a thing is reported to have happened. As the news appeared first in the New York we must caution our readers against accepting it as true;" or, "Most likely an American canard;" or, "As the news appeared first in the New York it may not be unnecessary to add that it has been verified from a more authentic source." Το a certain extent, however, the newspaper editors must be held irresponsible, as the news is often supplied by press agencies, who make the most amusing blunders. Here is a sample: Our readers are aware how little the German press was at first inclined to sound the war-trumpet when England was supposed to be arming against Germany on account of the Transvaal trouble. But a certain press agency was not daunted by this, and the following, "made up out of whole cloth." appeared in American papers:

"London, January 8. Nothing is talked of here but the prospects of war between England and Germany. Members of the Kreigerbund and of other societies of the Veterans of 1871 gathered at the clubs and discussed the situation. They are all convinced that Germany will have no trouble in maintaining her position. Martial spirit, which has been sleeping, has reasserted itself against the English, whom they think to crush as easily as they did the French. In case of war there is no doubt that a large number of volunteers would go from this city. The German papers, which are noted for their conservatism, will sound the note of alarm to-morrow. Der See Botte (newspaper) will sound the alarm, and will say, etc."

The initiated will be highly amused at the above. It is sufficient to explain, for the benefit of readers less conversant with such things, that there is not published anywhere in the world a paper bearing the picturesque name of the Sea Tub, the only meaning which the word Botte, or, to be less provincial, Bottig, could be inade to have.

There is also a growing complaint that the telegrams are worded or "doctored" to suit public opinion in the countries from which they are sent. The Journal des Debats, Paris, commenting on the legend Source Anglaise, which frequently graces the telegrams published in French papers, expresses itself as follows: "It is necessary that France should control more cables in different parts of the world. In case of a war between America and England, we would be dependent upon England for information (supposing our one cable to be out of order), and England would, of course, exercise most rigid censorship." The Westliche Post, Milwaukee, complains that the press on this Continent is dependent upon news sent via London. Hence we get purely English views, "which are not credited by any one except the Fleet Street editors and the Americans fed with news manufactured in Fleet Street." The paper hopes that we will soon have an American cable, at least to Asia. It says:

"It will be remembered that the cable connecting South Africa with Europe suddenly broke down during the critical period of the Transvaal trouble, and that under rather suspicious circumstances. Several telegrams for Berlin were held back in London for hours. But this cable belongs to the English-which explains everything. Hence it was used in the service of English politics in the most inconsiderate manner. Similar occurrences must be expected as long as England monopolizes the telegraph service of the world."

But if France and the United States complain that England monopolizes the telegraph lines across the Atlantic, the British colonies on this side of the water are no less displeased with the fact that they receive their news through the United States. The Post, Kingston, Jamaica, says:

Thus

"Ninety-nine per cent. of the telegraphic intelligence we get is prepared in, and transmitted from, New York; and on its way to us it passes through Havana and Santiago de Cuba. Nor can a message of any kind reach us in any other way. That is to say, every message—official as well as private-which is dispatched to the West Indies from England has to pass through the United States and the colony of Spain. Now, suppose war were to break out at the present juncture between the United States and Great Britain-we do not believe that any such thing will occur, but, of course nothing is impossible-or suppose that at a future date England should get into trouble with Spain, what an awkward plight we should be in! The news would be 'cooked' to suit the exigencies of England's enemies—that is, if we received any news at all; and for all practical purposes the British squadron in the West Indies would be useless for purposes of defense." What will Germany do in case of a war with England? The Vossische Zeitung. Berlin, mentioned this subject some time before the late estrangement between England and Germany. The paper thought that arrangements could be made to insure both belligerents free use of telegraphic communication. If England were to refuse this, nothing could be done but to destroy all cables-not so very difficult a task as it may seem.

MISCELLANEOUS.

WHAT KRUPP DOES FOR HIS WORKINGMEN.

IT

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T has been noted as singular that Krupp, the great cannonking" of Essen, in Westphalia, who has tens of thousands of men in his employ, is never troubled with strikes or labor difficulties. A recent Leipsic journal gives a summary of what he has done and what he is doing for his employees, and thinks that these facts, to a great extent at least, explain why he lives at continued peace with his men :

Krupp is the owner of about 4,000 dwelling-houses, occupied by about 27,000 persons. The rents are very low and are calculated on a basis of only 2 per cent. on capital invested. As the number of houses does not suffice for all his workingmen, of whom there are about 30,000 in all, with their families numbering 100,000 persons, it has been decided that only those who have been in the employ of the firm for ten years can secure such a house. Krupp has also taken vigorous measures against the saloons and whisky-shops, as also other businesses dangerous to his workingmen. He bought up all the saloons and arranged for so-called "consume" businesses. In these, which are found in all his workingmen's colonies, he has in store all the necessities of life, and sells them for cash at a very low price. He has established special bakeries, slaughtering-houses, tailoring establishments, etc., for his men; excellent restaurants furnish good meals virtually at cost price; good coffee can be secured at 2 pfennigs a cup, and together with sugar and a roll at 5 pfennigs (100 pfennigs =1 mark=24 cents). The widows and other dependents of deceased employees receive employment of some kind, and if it is desired can get a sewing-machine at cost price by the payment of 3 marks a month. Krupp has also erected bath-houses, hospitals, and barracks for times of epidemic diseases. The sick-fund affords help really in excess of the amount demanded by the law, the firm making large contributions to this treasury every year. By the payment of 1.25 mark a year the family can secure free of cost the service of a physician and the necessary medicine for any member. There is a pension-fund for widows and orphans to which the firm subscribe each year 250,000 marks. The working hours are from 6 A. M. to 6 P.M., with two hours' intermission at noon. Coming to work too late is punished. Promptness in arriving at work throughout the year is rewarded at the end with 6 marks. Women and children's work is absolutely prohibited in any of the shops. For the workingmen who live at a distance, eating-houses have been erected, and a good meal can be secured for 80 pfennigs. Then there is a home for unmarried men and an old-folks' home for invalids. The firm expends 70,000 marks per year to secure protection and refreshments for those who are engaged in particularly hard work. In addition excellent schools, with manual training, etc., have been built; and Krupp has shown that he has a heart for his people. The above is only a brief selection from the list of enterprises he has carried out for their good.

"TH

A CHAPTER OF CONFEDERATE HISTORY. HE success which our Government has met in negotiating its recent loan" reminds the Raleigh, N. C., News and Observer of an incident in the financial history of the late Confederacy, which it thinks may be interesting and instructive to recall. That paper says:

"In the winter of 1862-63, the Confederate Congress decided to place a loan of $10,000,000 on the European market. The French financier who came over here to confer with the authorities at Richmond, Va., in the matter, strongly urged upon Mr. Memminger, the Secretary of the Treasury, and upon the joint committee of the Congress, the advisability of making the loan one or two or five hundred millions, stating that it would be entirely practicable to negotiate such a loan; and gave as a reason that it would be most desirable to get his country and other European states financially interested in the Confederate cause,

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might force their respective governments to recognize the independence of the Southern States, and lend them valuable aid, as a means of securing the repayment of their money thus subscribed. "It appears that Secretary Memminger favored the suggestion of the French banker, but the Congress decided to adhere to its first determination; and in February, 1863, the loan was placed on the Paris Bourse. When the result was announced it astonished Europe and convicted the Confederate authorities of a failure in statesmanship. Bids amounting to more than $400,000,000 were made.

"It is idle now to speculate as to what effect on the prosecution of the war the investment of so large a sum of money by the people of France in the fortunes of the Confederacy would have had; but it is entirely possible that the Emperor, Napoleon III., would have felt obliged to recognize the political authority of the Southern States, when his countrymen evinced in a way so remarkable their supreme confidence in the ability of the Confederacy to obtain their independence. Recognized by one of the great powers of Europe, and with $400,000,000 of gold on hand for the purchase of ships and other military supplies in the spring of 1863, the strategy of the Gettysburg campaign might not have been required, and the thousands of valuable lives sacrificed from that time on to Appomatox might have been saved to the South."

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"The Dutch Afrikanders are of pure European blood. Banished for their Protestant faith, they still cling with childlike simplicity to the religion and customs of their forefathers. With the Bible in one hand and the rifle in the other, enduring hardships which would blanch the cheeks of the bravest men, they have been pioneers of civilization to the great hordes of natives in darkest South Africa. The originators of the present Boer (farmer) republics in South Africa were, at first, chiefly French Huguenots driven from their country by Roman Catholic persecution. A few years before they reached the Cape, or southernmost extremity of Africa, a few Hollanders had taken possession of the country and formed a settlement. Stronger than the French in loyalty to their national habits, the language and customs of the latter gradually gave way to those of the Hollanders, and, to-day, beyond a French name here and there, there is no trace of the original French immigrant. Being in the British colonial progress, the Boers were driven successively into Natal and the higher regions along the Vaal and Orange rivers. Fighting step by step, and inch by inch against the hated Rooi Baetji (red-coats), as they call the British soldiers, the Boer was at last, forced to face the strongest native tribes. It was in the struggle with these that his true nature was shown. His courage, determination, and piety were developed and confirmed by the difficulties encountered. Gradually the small, compact band that faced the hardships of the Transvaal districts beat back the Zulus and earned for themselves a rich pastoral country. It is his ignorance and non-progressiveness, united to his phlegmatic. stubborn nature—a result of these years of hardship-which have made him hated by the Uitlanders (foreigners). The men of greater civilization revile his ignorance, but do not comprehend his virtues his piety, simple living, patriotism, and blind, unreasoning faith in God and His Word."

But it is with the manners and customs of the Boers that the writer particularly deals. We quote part of his description of the

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