florins; expenses, 9,301,374 florins. The Austrian telegraph lines in 1887 had a total length of 24,672 kilometres, with 66,430 kilometres of wire. The number of messages sent during the year was 7,431,131. The length of the Hungarian lines was 11,215 kilometres; length of wires, 41,520 kilometres; number of messages, 3,621,832. In the Occupied Provinces there were 2,000 kilometres of lines, with 3,410 kilometres of wire; number of dispatches in 1886, 288,000.

The Common Budget.-The budget of the Delegations for common expenses amounted in 1888 to 135,910,000 florins. The budget estimates for 1889 call for 139,157,324 florins, of which 39,698,314 florins represent the surplus from customs, 96,518,566 florins are assessed on the two parts of the empire, and the remainder represents receipts of the various ministries. Of the expenditure the two chief items are 121,131,004 florins for the army and 11,318,227 florins for the navy. The budget for 1890 amounts to only 129,351,708 florins, of which 113,960,160 florins are ordinary and 15,391,548 florins extraordinary expenditure. The customs receipts are estimated at 39,953,850 florins, leaving a sum of 89,397,858 florins to be provided out of Austria and Hungary for common requirements. The extraordinary army expenditure amounts to 15,358,948 florins, and includes new accoutrements for the infantry, repeating carbines for the cavalry, and additional fortifications in Galicia, costing 2,674,000 florins.

The Army. The military forces of the dual monarchy are divided into the active army, the reserve, the Landwehr, and the Landsturm. The active army and its reserve are under the control of the common Minister of War, while the territorial armies of the two monarchies are controlled by the Ministers of National Defense. The peace footing of the standing army in 1888 was 301,042 officers and men of all arms. There are 102 regiments of regular infantry, numbering 178,778 men; 1 regiment of Tyrolean Jägers and 32 battalions of Jägers, numbering 18,529 men in all; 41 regiments of cavalry, with 47,091 men: 14 regiments of field artillery, numbering 23,493 men; and 12 battalions of fortress artillery, with 7,181 men; besides technical artillery, engineers, pioneers, a railway and telegraph regiment, train, staff, and medical and other establishments. The Austrian Landwehr on the peace footing numbered 4,452 officers and men; the Hungarian Honved, 11,125; Austrian gendarmerie, 10,510. On the war footing the standing army numbers 905,618; the Austrian Landwehr, 234,926; the Honved, 167,360. The number of men liable to serve in the Landsturm is more than 4,000,000. There are 816 field-guns in peace, and in war 1,748. The number of horses in time of peace is 50,362, and in war can be increased to 217,000.

The common budget for 1890 continues a number of infantry and cavalry regiments above their peace strength, and provides for 14 new batteries of heavy artillery and an additional railway battalion. The Austrian infantry is rapidly being equipped with the Mannlicher repeating rifle of eight millimetres caliber, which is that of the French magazine rifle. The model of the Mannlicher rifle, which was adopted by the Austrian Government in 1888, has also

been decided on by the German authorities as the weapon for the German infantry. It is not properly a magazine rifle, but is loaded with cartridges in packages of five, with an attachment for inserting the cartridges successively in the breach. The cartridge contains the ball, powder, and percussion material all inclosed in the shell. The rifle can be used as a single loader only when the chamber is empty by introducing ordinary single cartridges. The bullets, like those adopted in France for the Lebel rifle, are coated with a thin nickle-washed envelope of steel to preserve the shape and penetrating power when striking a solid substance. The smokeless-powder that has been adopted in Germany was the invention of an Austrian chemist. Although a powder that burns without much smoke is necessary for the effective use of a magazine rifle, this powder, while adapted for skirmishing and picket-firing, can not be used by large bodies of infantry in close line of battle, as was shown in the Austrian autumn manoeuvres of 1889, when a large number of soldiers were overcome by the powerful fumes, and many were fatally asphyxiated.

The Navy. The navy is under the supreme command of the chief of the naval department of the Ministry of War. The naval forces consisted in 1888 of 11 iron-clads, 8 corvette cruisers, 8 torpedo cruisers, 12 coast guards, 9 transports, 2 monitors, and 42 torpedo boats. The cruiser, "Custoza," the turret ship " Tegethoff,” and the "Erzherzog Albrecht" are the most powerful of the older vessels. The "Kronprinz Rudolf," a central citadel barbette ship, launched in July, 1887, carries 3 48-ton Krupp guns. "The Stephanie," a belted barbette ship, armed with 2 48-ton guns, was launched in April, 1887, Three of the torpedo vessels have attained a speed of 19 knots when fully equipped for cruising. The navy is recruited both by conscription and enlistment. A Seewehr of the coast population, corresponding to the Landwehr, was organized in 1888. The term of service in the navy is the same as in the army.

Austria.—The Cisleithan Monarchy is officially known as the kingdoms and provinces represented in the Reichsrath. It is composed of seventeen states possessing separate Diets, which exercise a large measure of home rule. The Provincial Diets are composed of bishops of the Roman and Greek Churches, heads of universities, and representatives of land-owners, of towns, of boards of trade and industry, and of rural communes. These bodies are competent to legislate on matters of local administration, the promotion of agriculture, charities, and public works, and to levy taxes for these purposes and for the maintenance of schools and churches. The Reichsrath consists of two chambers. The House of Lords is composed of 20 archdukes, 66 territorial nobles, 10 archbishops, 7 prince-bishops, and 109 life members. The House of Deputies contains 353 members, of whom 85 are elected by land-owners, 116 by urban constituencies, 21 by chambers of commerce and trade guilds, and 131 by rural constituencies. Bohemia has 92 representatives; Galicia, 63; Lower Austria, 37; Moravia, 36; Styria, 23; Tyrol, 18; Upper Austria, 17; the coast provinces of Gorizia, Istria, and Trieste, 12; Carniola, 10; Silesia, 10; Carinthia.

prohibited subscriptions in Vienna for a Greek Government lottery to raise money for archæological explorations that had been encouraged by the Austrian Foreign Office. A bill for the restriction of the liquor traffic was drawn up on the basis of reports showing that drunkenness was spreading. The clerical party has induced Dr. Gautsch, the Minister of Education, to introduce voluntary schools, such as the Belgian clericals borrowed from the English system of public education. Amendments to the publicschool law made in the session of 1889 provide that religious instruction shall be imparted and directed by the ecclesiastical authorities with the approval of the provincial school authorities, and in case of disagreement, the Minister of Education shall decide. The ecclesiastical authorities have alone to decide what shall be taught, Religious teachers, ecclesiastical authorities, and religious societies must conform to the school laws and the regulations of the educational authorities. Attendance in school is required from the age of seven to the age of fifteen, though after six years of schooling children will be excused from full attendance for good reasons at the request of parents or guardians. Private institutes are subject to the supervision of the educational authorities, and the erection of a public school in any locality can be omitted when there is a private school fullfilling the requirements of the education laws. This clause not only facilitates the establishment of conventual schools, but relieves people patronizing them in many cases from their share of the cost of public education.

Bohemian Politics.-The Rump Diet of Bohemia, from which the German members absent themselves, enacts new measures each year for the preservation of the Czech language and nationality, one of the latest being a law subjecting Czech parents to a fine when they send their children to German schools. The old Czechs, who, through their alliance with the Ultramontanes, the Galicians, and the Feudalists, have secured the equality of their language, do not go far enough to satisfy the awakened aspirations of the Czech nation, which, recalling its ancient glories, is captivated by the extravagent promises of the young Czech party, led by Dr. Gregr. The young Czechs aim to separate Bohemia from Austria, crown the Emperor as King of Bohemia in the capital of St. Wenceslas, and give the restored kingdom an independent constitution and equal rank with Hungary and Austria in the federal empire. In the elections of 1889 the old Czechs lost two thirds of their seats to the young Czechs, retaining forty-one, while the Germans kept the sixty-two seats that they held before. The young Czechs are considered a dangerous and unpatriotic party, not by the Germans alone, but by the friends of the Government. Their organs have often denounced the German alliance, and hinted at a restoration of Bohemia to her place among nations by the aid of Russia. In the debate on the army bill they went as far as the Hungarian Radicals in their opposition to German as the official language of the army, and were the only ones except the Anti-Semites to vote against the bill. The German Liberals were elated over the young Czech victory as a proof of the failure of the Taafe system of concession and compromise;

but the Government, instead of gratifying the Germans by punishing the electors, held fast to the policy that had been successful in averting race conflicts for ten years, appointing Count Thun-Hohenstein to the governorship of Bohemia when it was rendered vacant by the retirement of Baron Krauss. The new governor is attached to the old Czech party, belonging to the section that is most ready to share the ideas of the young Czechs.

Riots in Vienna.-A strike of the street-car drivers in Vienna began on Easter Sunday. The men complained that they had to work from fourteen to eighteen hours a day, for wages averaging about a florin and a quarter. They were subjected to a vexatious system of fines for delays that are often entirely beyond their control. The public, which had long protested against the overcrowding of cars, sympathized with the "tramway slaves," who also suffered from the avaricious management of the company. There were several encounters between friends of the striking drivers and the police on Sunday. In the evening dragoons were sent to patrol the streets, and they likewise were assailed with stones. On Monday the strike became general. The Tramway Company sent out hostlers and inspectors with cars, which were stoned by sympathizers of the striking drivers. The police were powerless, and the cavalry that were sent to clear the streets of the suburbs held by the rioters were received with missiles. Beer shops and cafés were taken possession of and used as fortresses by the rioters, who were no sooner dispersed in one quarter than they appeared in another to continue the disturbances. In the evening infantry were called out to re-enforce the cavalry. The working population of Favoriten and Hernals, not the strikers themselves, tore up the tracks and broke the windows of the cars. Many empty cars were overturned on their routes, and one that was full of passengers. On Tuesday, while police held the depots and troops guarded the streets, cars were enabled to run until evening, when the rioters held the field, although the troops were largely increased. The Socialists were thought by some to have instigated the disturbance, while others held the Anti-Semites responsible. A well-known Anti-Jewish agitator was said to have been active in preparing the strike. There were many Jews among the directors and stockholders of the company, and hostility toward Jews in general, and Jewish capitalists in particular, was evinced, as was natural with a state of feeling existing among the working-class citizens that had led to the election of 11 Anti-Semites out of 17 new members sent to the Municipal Council. The authorities were reluctant to use extreme measures; but when the Emperor returned to Vienna, he told Baron Krauss, the head of the police, that the riots must be brought to an end. At the same time he showed his sympathy for the grievances of the men on strike by appointing an interview with a deputation of the drivers. The company was finally brought to terms by the action of the Municipal Council in fining it 50,000 florins for breach of its charter in not conveying passengers on holidays, and holding over it a fine of 10,000 florins for every additional day that it continued to withhold the street-car service.

upper classes. The younger generation, however, has been educated under the system of Magyarizing, which was pursued by the late Minister of Education Trefort, in obedience to a national movement that was a part of the general reaction in non-German parts of the empire against the Germanizing policy of the old bureaucracy. While exterminating German from the primary schools, the Government embodied a provision in the educational act of 1883 making the study of German obligatory in the intermediate schools. In rebutting the objections to the army bill the ministers asserted that every one who had passed through the curriculum of the gymnasia knew enough German to fullfil the conditions of the officers' examination. This would be true if the educational laws had been carried out, but during the Magyar revival German has in many schools been entirely neglected. Statistics show that sixty per cent. of the graduates of secondary schools are quite ignorant of German. Hence there was widespread dissatisfaction over the military law that shuts out so large a proportion of the educated youth from the rank of officer, and since it runs counter to a patriotic impulse that has created a Magyar literature and exalted the national spirit, the Opposition seized the opportunity for a telling assault on the minister who has governed Hungary for fourteen years, and in the opinion of many has outlived his usefulness. There are two Opposition parties, which now for the first time could take common ground against the Government. The Conservatives, who call themselves the Moderate Opposition, led by Count Albert Apponyi, derive their support from the feudal aristocracy, who are kept out of what they consider their rightful place at the head of affairs by Tisza and his Mamelukes," by which term they opprobriously designate the well-disciplined ministerial majority. Their friends and allies the Roman Catholic hierarchy object to Tisza as the advocate of secular education and civil marriage and as the chief instrument in bringing about the alliance of Austria-Hungary with the anti-Papal Government of Italy. The chiefs of the party, however, would accept the triple alliance and all the achievements of Tisza's administration. Their objection to him is personal, not political. They accuse him of tolerating gross administrative and electoral corruption, of shielding offending officials, and of filling the highest places in the government with incompetent persons who have won his favor by blind subserviency. The other Opposition party, the Extreme Left, can no more present a policy to replace Tisza's than can the Conservatives. It is the remnant of the party of Kossuth which still clings, rather as a party tradition than from present conviction, to the idea of a merely personal union between the two monarchies. During the excitement over the twentyfifth paragraph of the military bill requiring examinations in German, the exiled patriot wrote from Turin that Hungary should have a separate national army. This exploded idea when revived by his followers found no lodgment in the popular mind.

The army bill was first discussed in the Austrian Reichsrath, where its severe provisions relating to service in camp met with much opposition. The bill in its original form was so

objectionable to Tisza's own party that no one besides himself and the Honved minister defended it in the Liberal Club. Article XIV was denounced by Liberal jurists, as well as by the Opposition, as abrogating the constitutional right of Parliament to determine the size of the army, because, while fixing the annual recruit at 103,100 men for the ensuing ten years, it omitted a clause contained in the acts of 1868 and 1879 limiting the operation of this provision to that period. This technical question of legal phraseology threatened to divide the ministerial party. Tisza at first declared that he would resign if his party would not uphold the bill as drawn up in conferences by which he was bound. Subsequently he offered to make a declaration to be entered on the records whereby, if a new army law should not be agreed on at the end of ten years, the Government should be bound to bring in a provisional recruiting act each year. Count Csáky, the Minister of Education, sent out a decree that the classes in German and German literature in the intermediate schools should use the German language in the class-room, and that students should be examined orally in German if their written papers are unsatisfactory. In defending the examination of candidates for the army in the German language the Prime Minister pointed out the dangers that would result in war from the inability of officers to understand the word of command or to communicate with their superiors, and declared that it was the prerogative of the Emperor to decide what should be the service language. This drew forth a protest from the Opposition, who accused the minister of foisting upon the Crown the responsibility for his acts.

The army bill was voted as the basis of a special debate in the Lower House on Jan. 29 by a majority of 267 against 141. Protesting students and citizens filled the galleries and lobbies, shouting "Tisza, retire!" When the President of the Chamber threatened to clear the house members of the Opposition frantically denied his right to expel spectators, while their friends in the gallery renewed their cries of "Resign! "Down with the traitor Tisza!" The Premier addressed the House in his imperturbable manner, saying that it would be a sad omen for parliamentary government in Hungary when ministers resigned at the dictation of the streets. He left the building secretly in a closed carriage to escape being maltreated by the mob. His brother was stoned as he drove away, and Count Tibor Karolyi, one of the Opposition, was pelted with mud and roughly handled by mistake. The crowds broke gas lanterns and smashed windows where photographs of the Prime Minister were exposed. The police did not attempt to clear the streets till late, and in the evening the military had to be sent to their assistance. On the following day Hussars guarded the approaches of the House of Parliament, despite the protests of the Opposition. The students and town rabble again took possession of the streets, and many persons were injured before order was restored.

The agitation, which was allayed for a time by the death of the Crown Prince, broke out afresh on Feb. 11 and 14, simultaneously with a visit of the King. The Opposition accused the Premier of having invited the King to Buda-Pesth