source of revenue. There is an extensive system of vernacular schools where Malay reading and writing, arithmetic and some geography are taught free of charge. The Koran is taught in all Malay schools, although various denominations have schools, aided by the state, in which Christian instruction may be had. In the large towns are English schools with English masters to which promising boys from the vernacular schools may pass on for higher education. Special effort is made to provide suitable education for the children of rajas and chiefs. Scholarships are annually open which give the holder five years instruction in a British university. But while opportunities for advanced education are provided for pupils of special aptitude, the government has not aimed at educating children of any class or nationality to unfit them for the lives they will probably have to live.

As a result of such administrative methods the population and prosperity of the country have greatly increased. The first year in which a return of the population in all four states was obtained was in 1891, when the total was 424,218. In 1905 the number had risen to 860,000. In 1875 the revenue was $409.394; in 1905, $23.964,593. In 1880 the imports were valued at $2,231,048; the exports at $1,906,952. In 1905 the imports were $50,575,455; the exports, $80,057,654. The dollar is, however, only a little more than half our dollar (2s. 4d.) in value. For purposes of comparison it is interesting to note that in 1905 the Philippines-with 7,635,426 people, of whom 6,987,68€ are officially reported to be civilized-had imports of $30,876,350 and exports of $32,352,615. The dollar in these returns rates at full value, but still the difference is striking.

Malaya is a small country. On a map of Asia the four native states under British administration do not together look as large as Luzon alone. One's interest is naturally excited to know what were the principles of administration whose application accomplished such beneficial results. The start was not made by turning a host of school-teachers into the country to remodel native ideas. Far from it. British officials started in, simply as resident advisers to native rulers. They studied the Malay language and character and made use of native authority as much as possible. The author holds that "the only way to deal with a Malay people is through their recognized chiefs and headsmen." The opening steps of administration were to organize a police force, establish courts, organize a revenue system and create a land and survey office. There was no attempt to set up an important framework of government and crush the people into moral pulp for the purpose of molding them to it.

In the multiplicity of details given in the book the operation of two principles may be discerned: 1. The suppression of predatory opportunity. 2. The opening of industrial opportunity. The first called for the exertion of force at times and there was no flinching from the necessity when it was presented. In 1875, James W. Birch, resident of Perak, was assassinated. A punitive expedition wiped out the village where the crime was committed and reoccupation of the site was prohibited. The chiefs who instigated the murder were severely dealt with. Three were executed and others were sentenced to imprisonment for life. So far as known, every one connected with

the crime was brought to justice. The affair made a great impression on the Malays. They had scouted the idea that foreign troops could reach them in their jungle fastnesses. The lesson learned was a lasting one, implanting respect for British authority. But the regeneration of the country came from the opening of industrial opportunity. As roads were built their convenience drew people to settle along them; as markets were opened industrial inducements gradually affected the habits of the people. Development was not haphazard but directing intelligence was constantly at work, guiding it to the best advantage by unobtrusive methods. Village councils, called sanitary boards, were instituted to regulate the markets, sanitation, slaughterhouses, laundries, water supply and other utilities. Every nationality is represented on these boards, and the natives are said to take an intelligent interest in municipal administration. It is easy to understand that when appointment to such office is made as a recognition of individual notability in the community it is valued as a public honor. As prosperity increased, and with it came higher ideals of life, schools were established. The sequence of development followed its natural order.

In the Philippines we are following a reverse order in our policy, putting education first in order to qualify the people to exercise American citizenship and to work institutions patterned on our own. English administrators think that we are going to work the wrong way and that the result will be disastrous failure. If ever we should reach the conclusion that instead of trying to fit people to institutions, institutions should be fitted to the nature and capacities of the people as they develop under the influence of industrial opportunity, our administrators may derive valuable suggestions as to sensible procedure from such books as this one by Sir Frank Swettenham. HENRY JONES FORD.

Baltimore

Woodburn, James Albert. Political Parties and Party Problems in the United States. Pp. ix, 314. Price, $2.00. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1906.

This book, published first in March, 1903, was reprinted in September, 1903; October, 1903; and April, 1906. The author hopes that "it may aid in promoting, in school and home, the study of American politics," and in "the awakening of greater civic interest in parties and party government."

Part I (pp. 3-148) is an historical sketch of American political parties with special reference to the influence of third parties on the course of national party history. This outline of party principles is well done and is, on the whole, the most satisfactory portion of the book, although in the matter of proportion the Democracy has suffered in comparison with opposition parties. The relation of politics to history is emphasized, and this part of the work is designed as a foundation for the latter chapters which are concerned more with party organization.

Part II (pp. 149-216) deals with party machinery and contains chapters on the Composition of the National Convention; The Rise of the Conven

tion System; The National Convention of To-day; and The Conduct of the Campaign. Such matters as the development of the nominating system, the inequality of representation in the national convention, the methods of procedure and the non-deliberative character of these assemblies are treated concisely but clearly.

Part III (pp. 217-304) discusses some ethical problems in party politics, and chapters are devoted to Political Morality; An Honest Ballot; Rings and Bosses; The Spoils System; Party Assessments; The Gerrymander; Primary Election Reform; and Political Independence and Party Loyalty. Although the treatment of many of these subjects is more condensed than their importance makes desirable, the author succinctly points out many existing evils.

It is to be regretted that more space was not devoted to the growing tendency toward legal control of parties through judicial decisions and such legislation as that embodied in corrupt practices acts and primary election laws. The inadequacy of treatment of these subjects has, of course, been rendered more marked by the increased agitation and resultant legislation along these lines since the first publication of this book. Proportional Representation and the Initiative and Referendum are accorded only a few lines. Civic Reform Organizations and Lobbying Laws might have been commented on. A discussion of the functions of parties and an attempt, however slight, to state a philosophy of parties might well have found a place in such a work. The space devoted to the machinery, working and problems of party is so well utilized, that one wishes the author had seen fit to devote more pages to them.

Tested by Professor Woodburn's purpose to write an elementary work for use in school and home rather than an exhaustive treatise which would presuppose original research, it may be said that he has succeeded well. Secondary material has admittedly been much resorted to; but information has been gathered which is not available in any other single book, and it is presented in a manner admirably adapted to the author's purpose. The volume is useful to teacher, pupil and general reader and should do much toward inspiring greater interest in the important study of party government. ROBERT BRUCE SCOTT.

University of Wisconsin.

INDEX OF NAMES

ABBREVIATIONS.-In the Index the following abbreviations have been used: pap., principal paper by the person named; com., communication by the person named; b., review of book of which the person named is the author; r., review by the person named.

Butler, B. F., 230
Buterfield, Virginia M., 410

Cadwallader, S., 132-4, pap.
Cæsar, Julius, 431
Calhoun, J. D., 357, 385
Callow, A. R., 559, 578
Cameron, S., 648
Canedo, E., 457

Capke, T., 207, b.
Caprivi, 487

Carlyle, T., 229

Carrington, W. T., 151

Cavanagh, J. R., 260-5, pap.

Chadman, C. E., 633
Chadwick, F. E., 633
Chamberlain, 619

Chammorri, R. G., 626

de Champlain, S., 205, 206
Chandler, W. E., 153

Charles I, 654

Charlton, J., 516

Chase, S. P.. 502

Cheney, J. V., 633, b.

Cheshire, J. B., 163

Choate, J. H., 606, 608, 609, 614
Chopin, C. V., 200