XIV COMPREHENSIVE SCHEMES OF SOCIAL REFORM "Social unrest" is not an exclusive and prized possession of Modern Industrialism. The voice of prophet, of seer, or reformer, has long been heard in the land, condemning the prodigal waste of the rich, the unjust distribution of "the common store of earthly wealth," the institutions which "create and perpetuate artificial class differences," and the "tangled scheme of human affairs" which we call life. Peculiar as are the voices condemning the society we know, they are like those of other times in demanding "a way out." That all is not good is clearly realized by even the most stalwart of individualists. In devious ways they would guide us out of the social wilderness. One would leave "natural selection" to "eliminate the unfit," to free us from "the spawn of earth," and to make us a happier society by making us a better people. Another would substitute a large program, and a still larger spirit, of co-operation for "the sordid greed of competition" that "makes chaos of economic cosmos." The utopian dreams of co-operation, however, have recently been blighted by a cool analysis which shows that its promises are bright but not spectacular. Most prominent just now is the program of those wise in the lore of business who promise a transformed society through the magic of profit-sharing, "scientific management," and "welfare work." Give them control of technique, organization, and working conditions, and they will fill the land with plenty, the while raising labor to a pinnacle before undreamed of. Through their superimposed scheme the unwilling laborer is to be fed, clothed, housed, recreated, amused, educated, and introduced into a new paradise. If he fails to get what he wants-if industrial democracy fails of realization-he will at least get what is good for him. A supreme pre-wisdom will supplant his shortsightedness. But the non-individualists are even more bent upon a transformation of industrial society. One program of reconstruction, a program inherent in the activity of a number of groups, rather than consciously formulated, is well under way. It is evident in the tendency toward government regulation and even ownership of railroads and capitalistic monopolies; in the proposal to choose our own population by a regulation of births and of immigration; in the attempt through state action to eliminate economic insecurity; in the growth of a spirit of group solidarity so apparent in unionism; in a formal modification of the "fundamental" institutions_of society, and informal change through taxation and social convention. The extent to which this program will be realized-and whither it is tending -only the future can reveal. A more drastic program, springing from a similar philosophy, is presented in socialism. Its strength lies partly in the "righteous indictment" which it can make against the "capitalistic organization of society," and partly in the sublime faith which the classes to which it appeals have in the efficacy of elaborate social machinery to eliminate social evils. The analysis of society made by most of its advocates is immediate, and loses sight of several "long-time" considerations, such as control of numbers and the accumulation of capital. Socialism, however, is losing its militancy. As its numbers increase, it is less and less disposed to "see red." In its latest manifestations it has become conventionally "respectable." It is hard to distinguish between the "evolutionary socialist" of today and the outand-out progressive. The radical members are leaving the ranks of socialism to fight for "something worth while" with the syndicalists and the "revolutionary unionists." To find the radical spirit of protest we must turn to these latter organizations. But what of the future of industrial society? What is going to become of it? When will it solve its problems? When shall we attain unto peace and plenty? Perhaps we can find some consolation in the fact that even the wisest of men have constantly despaired of the future of society. Perhaps we can solace ourselves with hope, which is ours eternally. From the biblical dream of the "New Jerusalem" to Wells's vision of "A Modern Utopia," we have had pictures a-plenty of the perfect state which "some day" will be realized. We have always had, and still have, wise men who furnish us with magical formulae for finding "the way out." While most of these are so simple as to tax our credulity, few of them fail to contain some germ of social wisdom. But, in anticipating the future, we must not forget that our social resources are-and ever must be-limited. We must not overlook the fact that the interests of all are not identical. There will ever be the necessity for a struggle with finite resources, and consequent economy. There will ever be competition for the larger shares of social income. If we intelligently attempt to direct the course of our development, if we try honestly to make the best possible contribution to the solution of the world-old enigmas of society, if we do our best to rid the immediate situation of its grosser incompatibilities, there is reason for thinking that development will more closely accord with that which we call "progress," that the newer social world will be somewhat more to the liking of the people who have to put up with it than the old. We shall not have freed future generations from having to "solve problems," but perhaps we shall have given them new problems somewhat further removed from "the margin of life." And thus we come to the end-and to the beginning-of our study. A. THE VOICE OF SOCIAL PROTEST 354. Privilege and Power a) Woe to the Idle Rich1 Woe to them that are at ease in Zion, and to them that are secure in the mountain of Samaria, the notable men of the chief of the nations, to whom the house of Israel come! Pass ye into Calneh, and see; and from thence go ye to Hamath the great; then go down to Gath of the Philistines: are they better than these kingdoms? or is their border greater than your border?-ye that put far away the evil day, and cause the seat of violence to come near; that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch themselves upon their couches, and eat the lambs out of the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the stall; that sing idle songs to the sound of the viol; that invent for themselves instruments of music, like David; that drink wine in bowls, and anoint themselves with the chief oils; but they are not 1Amos, 6:1-7 (750 B. C.) grieved for the affliction of Joseph. Therefore shall they now go captive with the first that go captive; and the revelry of them that stretched themselves shall pass away. b) The Daughters of Zion2 Moreover Jehovah said, Because the daughters of Zion are haughty, and walk with outstreched necks and wanton eyes, walking and mincing as they go, and making a tinkling with their feet; therefore the Lord will smite with a scab the crown of the head of the daughters of Zion, and Jehovah will lare bare their secret parts. In that day the Lord will take away the beauty of their anklets, and the cauls, and the crescents; the pendants, and the bracelets, and the mufflers; the headtires, and the ankle chains, and the sashes, and the perfume boxes, and the amulets; the rings, and the nose jewels; the festival robes, and the mantles, and the shawls, and the satchels; the hand-mirrors, and the fine linen, and the turbans, and the veils. And it shall come to pass, that instead of sweet spices there shall be rottenness; and instead of a girdle a rope; and instead of well set hair, baldness; and instead of a robe, a girdling of sackcloth; branding instead of beauty. c) Why the Lords? BY JOHN BALL By what right are they whom we call lords greater folk than we? Why do they hold us in serfage? They are clothed in velvet, while we are covered with rags. They have wine and spices and fair bread; and we oat-cake and straw, and water to drink. They have leisure and fine houses; we have pain and labor, the rain and the wind in the fields. And yet it is of us and our toil that these men hold their state. d) Government and Inequality BY SIR THOMAS MORE Is not that government both unjust and ungrateful that is so prodigal of its favors to those that are called gentlemen, or such others who are idle, or live either by flattery or by contriving the arts of vain pleasure, and, on the other hand, take no care of those of a meaner sort, such as ploughmen, colliers, and smiths, without *Isa., 3:16–24 (750 B. C.) "Quoted in Wallace, Studies Scientific and Social, II, 432 (1366?). Adapted from Utopia, Cassell's National Library edition, 17 (1516). whom we could not subsist? But after the public has reaped all the advantage of their service, and they come to be oppressed with age, sickness, and want, all their labors and the good they have done is forgotten, and all the recompense given them is that they are left to die in great misery. The richer sort are often endeavoring to bring the hire of laborers lower-not only by their fraudulent practices, but by the laws which they procure to be made to that effect; so that though it is a thing most unjust in itself to give such small rewards to those who deserve so well of the public, yet they have given those hardships the name and color of justice, by procuring laws to be made for regulating them. Therefore, I must say that, as I hope for mercy, I can have no other notion of all the governments that I see and know than that they are a conspiracy of the rich, who, on pretense of managing the public, only pursue their private ends, and devise all the ways and arts they can find out; first, that they may, without danger, preserve all that they have so ill acquired, and then that they may engage the poor to toil and labor for them at as low rates as possible, and oppress them as much as they please. e) The Possibilities of Production BY RICHARD JEFFREY I verily believe that the earth in one year can produce enough food to last for thirty. Why then have we not enough? Why do people die of starvation, or lead a miserable existence on the verge of it? We have millions upon millions to toil from morning till evening just to gain a mere crust of bread? Because of the absolute lack of organization by which such labor should produce its effects, the absolute lack of distribution, the absolute lack of even the very idea that such things are possible. Nay, even to mention such things, to say that they are possible is criminal with many. Madness could hardly go further. f) The Beginning of It All BY J. J. ROUSSEAU The first man, who having enclosed a piece of ground, took thought to declare, "This is mine," and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. How many crimes, wars, and murders, how much misery and horror would have. "Quoted in Wallace, Studies Scientific and Social, II, 490-491. 'Discours sur l'inégalité, Œuvres, I, 551 (1754). been spared the human race if some one, tearing down the pickets and filling up the ditch, had cried to his fellows, "Beware of listening to that imposter; you are lost if you forget that the land belongs to none and its fruits to all." 355. "Progress and Poverty" a) In the Wake of Trade' BY OLIVER GOLDSMITH Ye friends to truth, ye statesmen who survey Indignant spurns the cottage from the green: b) When There Was a Frontiers BY J. B. MC MASTER The year 1786 in all the states was one of unusual distress. The crops had indeed been good. In many places the yield had been great. Yet the farmers murmured, and not without cause, that their wheat and their corn were of no more use to them than so many bushels of stones; that produce rotted on their hands. That "The Deserted Village, lines 265-286 (1770). "Adapted from The History of the People of the United States, II, 180. Copyright by D. Appleton & Co. (1885). |