done one day from becoming useless the next. And this fact eventually led to the abandonment of the boycott and the slow recovery by the Butterick Company of the ground it had lost. Therefore my opinion is that no boycott can completely and permanently accomplish the result sought, and very few will do nearly so much in that direction as the one here spoken of, which finally became a failure.

303. Ostracism as an Industrial Weapon21

BY FRANK JULIAN WARNE

In controlling the ordinary supply of labor in the industry, committees of union men visit personally every man employed who has not already been captured by the organizers, and his position is definitely ascertained. This is one of the most important uses of picketing, by means of which men are met on their way to and from work. To the employees continuing at work the pickets at first have recourse to the powers of friendly and peaceable persuasion, but if these fail to induce the men to join the union, or, if not this, at least to remain away from work, then upon the non-union men are brought to bear social forces verging upon lawlessness, and overstepping the safeguards the State has thrown around individual liberty, which only a strong public sympathy with the cause of the union will support. The most important of these social forces is ostracism.

Ostracism is a stronger social force in maintaining a high standard of personal conduct than most of us realize. It means banishment or exclusion from social intercourse or favor, and is usually employed by a particular group against members of its own class or craft. Its most effective weapon is some term of reproach coined for the purpose. Lawyers, for example, who do not come up to the standard set for that profession by its dominant group, are ostracised and termed "shysters." So it is with the medical profession: physicians engaged in questionable practices which the dominant group denounce are ostracised by the more reputable practitioners with the reproachful term "quack." The same social force is at work among the industrial classes. Union men set a standard as to wages and conditions of employment in a particular industry, and those workingmen who fall below that measurement, in offering their labor for a less price, are ostracised and denounced as "scabs." Whether the group be doctors or lawyers or workingmen, whatever it adopts as

"Adapted from The Coal-Mine Workers, 160-165. Copyright by Longmans, Green, & Co. (1905).

the standard of measuring conduct along particular lines is sooner or later taken up by the broader social grouping in the community and accepted as its standard of judgment. This is particularly and strikingly true of a community closely identified with an industry the livelihood of whose members depends upon the industry's activities and in which a dominant group (usually members of a Trade Union) creates the industrial standard. This explains the attitude of hostility an industrial community exercises towards the "scab." It explains, also, perhaps, how men far removed from the influence of the working classes can look upon the "scab" as a hero.

The social force of ostracism, put into operation by the working of the Trade Union, is directed, and particularly so in strike times, not only against the "scab" himself, but also along all those channels of social relations affecting him and which might have influence upon him in bringing about action conformable to the standard of the dominant group. The strength of this weapon in the strike of the anthracite-mine employees in 1902 caused union men and their families to refuse to associate with the workingman who continued his employment in the mines; it expelled a prominent and otherwise highly respected citizen from a benevolent society which had for its object the assisting of sick members and the defraying of a part of the funeral expenses of those who died, and of which he had been a member in good standing for more than twenty-seven years; it caused children of striking mine workers not only to refuse to attend the school of a woman teacher whose aged father was a watchman at one of the mines, but they also demanded that she be discharged. Children of union miners would not attend Sundayschool with their former playmates whose relatives continued at work; members of the Lacemakers' Union employed at a silk-mill refused to work alongside girls whose fathers and brothers would not strike; clerks were dismissed from stores and business establishments because they were related to men who continued at work in the mines; even promises of marriage were broken through relatives of one or the other of the contracting parties being non-union workers. The "scab" was not infrequently held up to public scorn and ridicule by the publication of his name in the "unfair list" of the newspapers in the mining towns as being "unfit to associate with honorable men;" he was represented by name on signs attached to effigies dangling from electric-light, telegraph, and telephone poles and wires and from trees in front of his home and along the highways and streets; a grave in his yard with his name placed upon the board at the head to represent a tombstone not infrequently confronted him; the sign of "the skull and cross-bones" was painted on

his house, and in innumerable other ways, conceivable only by workingmen whose imaginative faculties have been aroused by the desire for persecution of others who oppose a cause which is so vital to their home and family, was created a public sentiment against the non-union employee.

304. The Scab22

BY DYER D. LUM

The non-unionist is but an indirect enemy; in withholding his aid he by so much weakens the common line of defense. Though often his acts may directly, without conscious effort, aid the enemy, he need not be a traitor to his fellow toilers. Every great movement has some object of superlative loathing; its Judas Iscariots, its Benedict Arnolds, its Pigotts, its paid spies and informers, its Pinkerton thugs-men deaf to all honor, blind to mutual interest, dead to all but the miserable cravings of their shriveled souls. In the industrial conflict the instinct of workers has significantly termed its type of this species "scab!" Loud have been the appeals for sympathy with the workman who falls out from the line to better his condition, or relieve the distress of a starving wife and family. But to prevent just such contingencies is the mission of the union. One who is forced to the necessity of wage labor and refuses to share the common danger, but either openly or stealthily goes over to the enemy to accept his terms, is a deserter. By his act he has sundered the social bonds of mutual interest which united him to us, has served notice that he asks no aid, expects no sympathy, seeks no quarter. At his acted word we take him.

The time has passed for circumlocution in handling this subject. If Trade-Unionism has a logical ground for existence, if organized resistance is preferable to slavish submission, if the social ties which unite us in mutual alliance are of higher validity than the selfish cravings of an unsocial nature, the relation between the TradeUnion and its psycophantic enemy, the "scab," is that existing between the patriot and the paid informer. No sentimentalism will attenuate, no olive branch will be extended; no tears will be shed over whatever misfortune befalls him, nor aught but utter loathing be felt for him. He stands forth by his own act recreant to duty. He is bankrupt in honor, infidel to faith, destitute of social sympathy, and a self-elected target. We here but express clearly what workingmen feel in every industrial crisis, and we deliberately express it that at all times such men be regarded as possible "informers" and traitors.

22 Adapted from Philosophy of Trade Unions, 13-14. Published by American Federation of Labor (1892).

But let us hear his defense. We are told that Trade-Unionism is an encroachment upon individual right, that the toiler, whether union or non-union, has the privilege to sell his labor as best suits himself. To this we reply: (1) The toiler does not enter the market under equal conditions. (2) Monopoly over land, the source of wealth, and over exchange, its medium of distribution, gives to the capitalist an economic advantage in the struggle. (3) The legalization of privilege forces upon the unprivileged the necessity of combination in order to sustain themselves. (4) The logic of events has settled the line of action; it lies neither in the prayermeeting nor in the polling-booth, but in mutual accord of action and determined self-help.

Industrial combination, under such circumstances, is as necessary for the exploited toiler, as military organization for an invaded people. We are in a state of industrial war. Every appeal to legislation to do aught but undo is as futile as sending a flag of truce to the enemy for munitions of war. The growth of solidarity evidenced in wider federation, in leading to broader views of the issue, and deeper sense of interrelations, can but intensify this feeling toward the "scab."

Unions have already demonstrated their power to rise above the subsistence level, where otherwise they would be. It is our duty, not only to ourselves, but to our families, to enlarge the scope of union among our fellow craftsmen. Our task is to be true to the need of the hour in order to be the better fitted for the unknown needs of the struggle tomorrow. The lines are being closer drawn, and the exigencies of the situation demand concert of action, both against the combined enemy and the traitor who would betray our cause by a shot from the rear. In such a struggle for a higher civilization-a struggle forced upon us-the industrial recreant is a social traitor.

Out of conflict all progress has come. The history of the Labor Movement, its increasing self-reliance, its growing indifference to "labor politicians," its development of sturdy independence and manhood, all alike indicate change in its methods among future possibilities. But with all this, and its accompanying wider sympathy and extension of mutual ties, the feeling of loathing toward the "scab" has intensified.

To sum up, to assert egoism against mutual interests is unsocial and hence a denial of the mutual basis upon which equitable relations alone can exist. Thus the "scab" is not merely unsocial, but by his acted word virtually places himself with the industrial invaders

and becomes an enemy. Equal freedom cannot be strained to mean a denial of mutual interests. Social evolution is not a mere theory, but a record of facts, and no fact is more strongly brought out than that progress has resulted only in so far as mutual interests have been recognized. We do not institute them, they compel us.

Therefore, primarily as human beings, become so by social evolution, and by the social environment in which the present struggle is conditioned, and recognizing as the goal of industrial advance the mutuality of interests involved in the assertion of equal freedom, in strict accord with all sociological deductions, and with the utmost submission to the higher law permeating social growth, we reverently raise our hats to say prayerfully: "To hell with the 'scab'!"

F. SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT AND UNIONISM 305. Labor and Efficiency2

BY FREDERICK W. TAYLOR

It is safe to say that no system or scheme of management should be considered which does not in the long run give satisfaction to both employer and employee, which does not make it apparent that their best interests are mutual, and which does not bring about such thorough and hearty co-operation that they can pull together instead of apart. It cannot be said that this condition has as yet been at all generally recognized as the necessary foundation for good management. On the contrary, it is still quite generally regarded as a fact by both sides that in many of the most vital matters the best interests of employers are necessarily opposed to those of the men. In fact, the two elements which we will all agree are most wanted on the one hand by the men and on the other hand by the employers are generally looked upon as antagonistic.

What the workmen want from their employers beyond anything else is high wages, and what employers want from their workmen most of all is a low labor cost of manufacture.

These two conditions are not diametrically opposed to one another as would appear at first glance; on the contrary, they can be made to go together in all classes of work, without exception, and in the writer's judgment the existence or absence of these two elements forms the best index to either good or bad management.

The only condition which contains the elements of stability and permanent satisfaction is that in which both employer and employees "Adapted from "Shop Management," in the Transactions of the Society of Mechanical Engineers, XXIV, 1343-1347 (1903).

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