union organization functions strictly and consistently according to type. Yet as representing fairly distinct alternative programs of union action and as guides to the essential character and significance of the diverse organizations and groups included in the heterogeneous union complex, these functional types apparently do exist and are of the most vital concern to the student of unionism. There are seemingly four of these distinct types, two of which present dual variations.

The first and perhaps most clearly recognizable functional type may be termed business unionism. Business unionism appears most characteristically in the programs of local and national craft and compound craft organizations. It is essentially trade-conscious rather than class-conscious. That is to say, it expresses the viewpoint and interests of the workers in a craft or industry rather than those of the working class as a whole. It aims chiefly at more here and now for the organized workers of the craft or industry, in terms mainly of higher wages, shorter hours, and better working conditions, regardless for the most part of the welfare of the workers outside the particular organic group, and regardless in general of political and social considerations except in so far as these bear directly upon its own economic ends. It is conservative in the sense that it professes belief in natural rights and accepts as inevitable, if not as just, the existing capitalistic organization and the wage system as well as existing property rights and the binding force of contract. It regards unionism mainly as a bargaining institution and seeks its ends chiefly through collective bargaining supported by such methods as experience from time to time indicates to be effective in sustaining and increasing its bargaining power. Thus it is likely to be exclusive, that is, to limit its membership by means. of the apprenticeship system and high initiation fees and dues, to the more skilled workers in the craft or industry or even to a portion of these. In method, business unionism is prevailingly temperate and economic. It favors voluntary arbitration, deprecates strikes, and avoids political action, but it will refuse arbitration and resort to strikes and politics when such action seems best calculated to support its bargaining efforts and increase its bargaining power. This type of unionism is perhaps best represented in the programs of the railway brotherhoods.

The second union functional type seems best designated by the terms friendly or uplift unionism. Uplift unionism, as its name indicates, is characteristically idealistic in its viewpoint. It may be trade-conscious or broadly class-conscious, and at times even claims

to think and act in the interest of society as a whole. Essentially it is conservative and law-abiding. It aspires chiefly to elevate the moral, intellectual, and social life of the worker, to improve the conditions under which he works, to raise his material standards of living, give him a sense of personal worth and dignity, secure for him the leisure for culture, and insure him and his family against the loss of a decent livelihood by reason of unemployment, accident, disease, or old age. In method, this type of unionism employs collective bargaining but stresses mutual insurance, and drifts easily into political action and the advocacy of co-operative enterprises, profitsharing, and other idealistic plans for social regeneration. The nearest approach in practice to uplift unionism is perhaps to be found in the program of the Knights of Labor.

As a third distinct functional type, we have what most appropriately may be called revolutionary unionism. Revolutionary unionism, as the term implies, is extremely radical both in viewpoint and in action. It is distinctly class-conscious rather than trade-conscious. That is to say, it asserts the complete harmony of interests of all wage workers as against the representatives of the employing class and seeks to unite the former, skilled and unskilled together, into one homogeneous fighting organization. It repudiates, or tends to repudiate, the existing institutional order and especially individual ownership of productive means, and the wage system. It looks upon the prevailing codes of right and rights, moral and legal, as in general fabrications of the employing class designed to secure the subjection and to further the exploitation of the workers. In government it aspires to be democratic, striving to make literal application of the phrase vox populi, vox Dei.

Of this revolutionary type of unionism there are apparently two distinct varieties. The first finds its ultimate ideal in the socialistic state and its ultimate means in invoking class political action. For the present it does not entirely repudiate collective bargaining or the binding force of contract, but it regards these as temporary expedients. It would not now amalgamate unionist and socialist organizations, but would have them practically identical in membership and entirely harmonious in action. In short, it looks upon unionism and socialism as the two wings of the working-class movement. The second variety repudiates altogether socialism, political action, collective bargaining, and contract. Socialism is to it but another form of oppression, political action a practical delusion, collective bargaining and contract schemes of the oppressor for preventing the united and immediate action of the workers. It looks

forward to a society based upon free industrial association, and finds its legitimate means in agitation rather than in methods which look to immediate betterment. Direct action and sabotage are its accredited weapons, and violence its habitual resort. These varieties of the revolutionary type may be termed respectively socialistic and quasi-anarchistic unionism. The former is perhaps most nearly represented in the United States by the Western Federation of Miners, the latter by the Industrial Workers of the World..

Finally in the union complex it seems possible to distinguish a mode of action sufficiently definite in its character and genesis to warrant the designation predatory unionism. This type, if it be truly such, cannot be set apart on the basis of any ultimate social ideals or theory. It may be essentially conservative or radical, tradeconscious or class-conscious. It appears to aim solely at immediate ends, and its methods are wholly pragmatic. In short, its distinguishing characteristic is the ruthless pursuit of the thing in hand by whatever means seem most appropriate at the time regardless of ethical and legal codes or the effect upon those outside its own membership. It may employ business, friendly, or revolutionary methods. Generally its operations are secret and apparently it sticks at nothing.

Of this assumed union type also there appears to be two varieties. The first may be termed hold-up unionism. This variety is usually to be found in large industrial centers masquerading as business unionism. In outward appearance it is conservative; it professes a belief in harmony of interests between employer and employee; it claims to respect the force of contract; it operates openly through collective bargaining, and professes regard for law and order. In reality it has no abiding principles and no real concern for the rights or welfare of outsiders. Prevailingly it is exclusive and monopolistic. Generally it is boss-ridden and corrupt, the membership for the most part being content to follow blindly the instructions of the leaders so long as they "deliver the goods." Frequently it enters with the employers of the group into a double-sided monopoly intended to eliminate both capitalistic and labor competition and to squeeze the consuming public. With the favored employers it bargains not only for the sale of its labor but for the destruction of the business of rival employers and the exclusion of rival workmen from the craft or industry. On the whole its methods are a mixture of open bargaining coupled with secret bribery and violence. This variety of unionism has been exemplified most frequently among the building trades organizations under the leadership of men like the late notorious "Skinney" Madden.

The second variety of predatory labor organization may be called, for want of a better name, guerilla unionism. This variety resembles the first in the absence of fixed principles and in the ruthless pursuit of immediate ends by means of secret and violent methods. It is to be distinguished from hold-up unionism, however, by the fact that it operates always directly against its employers, never in combination with them, and that it cannot be bought off. It is secret, violent, and ruthless, seemingly because it despairs of attaining what it considers to be legitimate ends by business, uplift, or revolutionary methods. This union variant has been illustrated recently in the campaign of destruction carried on by the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers.

B. THE VIEWPOINTS OF LABORER AND CAPITALIST

287. The Sons of Martha

BY RUDYARD KIPLING

The Sons of Mary seldom bother, for they have inherited that good

part,

But the Sons of Martha favor their mother of the careful soul and the troubled heart;

And because she lost her temper once, and because she was rude to the Lord, her guest,

Her sons must wait upon Mary's sons-world without end, reprieve

or rest.

It is their care in all the ages to take the buffet and cushion the

shock;

It is their care that the gear engages, it is their care that the switches

lock:

It is their care that wheels run truly; it is their care to embark

and entrain,

Tally, transport, and deliver duly the Sons of Mary by land and

main.

They say to the mountain, "Be ye removed!" They say to the lesser floods, "Run dry!"

Under their rods are the rocks reproved-they are not afraid of that which is nigh.

Then do the hilltops shake to the summit; then is the bed of the deep laid bare,

That the Sons of Mary may overcome it, pleasantly sleeping and

unaware.

They finger Death at their glove's end when they piece and repiece

the living wires;

He rears against the gates they tend; they feed him hungry behind their fires.

Early at dawn ere men see clear they stumble into his terrible stall, And bait him forth like a haltered steer and goad and turn him till evenfall.

To these from birth is belief forbidden; from these till death is relief afar

They are concerned with matters hidden-under the earth line their altars are:

The secret fountains to follow up, waters withdrawn to restore to the mouth,

Yea, and gather the floods as in a cup, and pour them again at a city's drouth.

They do not preach that their God will rouse them a little before the nuts work loose;

They do not teach that His Pity allows them to leave their work whenever they choose.

As in the thronged and lightened ways, so in the dark and the desert they stand,

Wary and watchful all their days, that their brethren's days may be long in the land.

Lift ye the stone, or cleave the wood, to make a path more fair or

flat,

Lo! it is black already with the blood Sons of Martha spilled for

that,

Not as a ladder from earth to heaven, not as an altar to any creed, But simple service, simply given to his own kind, is their common

need.

And the Sons of Mary smile and are blessed-they know the angels. are on their side;

They know in them is the grace confessed, and for them are the mercies multiplied;

They sit at the feet and they hear the word-they know how truly the promise runs;

They have cast their burden upon the Lord—and the Lord, He lays it on Martha's sons.