itself executed through an irresponsible executive, for that is autocracy. An executive limited only by the direct expression of popular will cannot be held to responsibility against his will, because, having possession of all the powers of government, he can prevent any true, free, and general expression adverse to himself. We should, therefore, reject every proposal which involves the idea that the people can rule only by voting. A second is that in estimating the value of any system of governmental institutions due regard must be had to the true functions of government and to the limitations imposed by nature upon what it is possible for the government to accomplish. We all know that we cannot abolish all the evils in the world by statute, nor can we prevent the inexorable law of nature which decrees that suffering shall follow vice, and all the evil passions and folly of mankind. Law cannot give to depravity the rewards of virtue, to indolence the rewards of industry, to indifference the rewards of ambition, or to ignorance the rewards of learning. The utmost that government can do is measurably to protect men, not against the wrong they do themselves, but against the wrong done by others, and to promote the slow process of educating mind and character to a better knowledge and nobler standards of life and conduct. We all know this, but when we see how much misery there is in the world, and some things that government may do to mitigate it, we are prone to forget how little, after all, it is possible for any government to do. The chief motive power that has moved mankind along the course of development that we call the progress of civilization has been the sum-total of intelligent selfishness in a vast number of individuals, each working for his own support, his own gain, his own betterment. It is that which has cleared the forests and cultivated the fields and built the ships and railroads, made the discoveries and inventions, softened by intercourse the enmities of nations, and made possible the wonders of literature and art. Gradually, during the long process, selfishness has grown more intelligent, with a broader view of the individual benefit from the common good, and gradually the influences of nobler standards. of altruism, justice, and sympathy have impressed themselves upon the conception of right conduct. But the complete control of such motives will be the millennium. Any attempt to enforce a millennial standard now by law must necessarily fail. Indeed no such standard can ever be forced. It must come, not by superior force, but from the changed nature of man. A third is that it is not merely useless but injurious for government to attempt too much. It is manifest that to enable it to deal with the new conditions we must invest government with the authority to interfere with the individual conduct of a citizen to a degree hitherto unknown in this country. While the new conditions of industrial life make it plainly necessary that many such steps shall be taken, they should be taken only so far as they are necessary and effective. Interference with individual liberty by government should be jealously watched and restrained, because the habit of undue interference destroys that independence of character without which, in its citizens, no free government can endure. Just so far as a nation allows its institutions to be molded by its weakness of character rather than by its strength, it creates an influence to increase weakness at the expense of its strength. Undue interference by government is at the expense of individual initiative, energy, enterprise, courage, independent manhood. A fourth is that in the nature of things all government must be imperfect because men are imperfect. Every system has its shortcomings and inconveniences; and these are seen and felt as they exist in the system under which we live, while the shortcomings and inconveniences of other systems are forgotten or ignored. It is not unusual to see governmental methods reformed and, after a time long enough to forget the evils that caused the change, to have a new movement for reform which consists in changing back to substantially the same old methods that were cast out by the first reform. The recognition of shortcomings is not in itself sufficient to warrant a change of system. There should be an effort to estimate and compare the shortcomings of the system to be substituted, for although they may be different they will certainly exist. A fifth is that, whatever changes in government are to be made, we should follow the method which undertakes as one of its cardinal points to hold fast that which is good. When we take account of all that governments have sought to do and have failed to do in this world, we find as a rule that the application of new theories, though devised by the most brilliant constructive genius, have availed but little to preserve the people for any long periods from the evils of despotism on one hand or of anarchy on the other, or to raise any considerable portion of the mass of mankind above the hard conditions of oppression and misery. And we find that our system of government, built up in a practical way through many centuries, has done more to preserve liberty, justice, security, and freedom of opportunity, for many people for a long period, than any other system of government ever devised. Human nature does not change very much. The forces of evil are hard to control, as they have always been. It is easy to fail and hard to succeed in reconciling liberty and order. H. THE BASIS OF NATIONAL EFFICIENCY 65. Individualism and American Efficiency29 BY ARTHUR SHADWELL The United States is new, partly developed, and untrammeled by traditions. It is not a homogeneous country, but a medley of peoples, nations, languages, creeds, and climates, having in daily life little in common but the mail, the currency, and the tariff. The British Empire itself hardly comprises a more heterogeneous racial assortment; it has the white man, the black, the red, the yellow, and the hybrid; the yellow includes most kinds of Asiatic and the white, every kind of European. Soil and climate are no less varied than the population; and though laws and social conditions exhibit more. homogeneity, they yet exhibit large and numerous discrepancies. Still the United States is a nation, and the people possess some distinctive national qualities, well worth considering. In general they are alert, inventive, ingenious, and adventurous beyond all other people, but hurried, careless, and unthorough. The merits of this temperament are more immediately obvious than its defects. The roar and bustle of industrial life in America, the excitement, the abundance of novelty, the enormous scale of operations, the boundless adventure, the playing with millions-all these impress the mind and draw attention from the defects which they foster and conceal. An English workman who had lived for years in the heart of it, where the smoke is thickest, the roar of machinery loudest, and the sound of millions most common, summed it up better than anyone I have met. "This is an adventurous country," he said; "they think nothing of millions; but it's all hurry-skurry work. Let her go! Give her hell! That's the word." The recklessness is magnificent, and I suppose that at present it is business; but that is because the country is not yet filled up. There seem to be boundless possibilities within the reach of every man, and being generally intelligent, alert, and ambitious, they hurry to realize them. If a man fails today in one direction, no matter; he can try again tomorrow in another. The Yankee of old, as presented in literature, was an astute but deliberate person, saying very incisive things in a slow, drawling way, quick of mind, but slow of movement, not to be hurried, and much given to "whittling," which is not a very feverish and purposeful occupation. Does anyone whittle now? The present spirit arose with "Adapted from Industrial Efficiency, I, 1-47 (1906). with the new conditions we must invest government with the authority to interfere with the individual conduct of a citizen to a degree hitherto unknown in this country. While the new conditions of industrial life make it plainly necessary that many such steps shall be taken, they should be taken only so far as they are necessary and effective. Interference with individual liberty by government should be jealously watched and restrained, because the habit of undue interference destroys that independence of character without which, in its citizens, no free government can endure. Just so far as a nation allows its institutions to be molded by its weakness of character rather than by its strength, it creates an influence to increase weakness at the expense of its strength. Undue interference by government is at the expense of individual initiative, energy, enterprise, courage, independent manhood. A fourth is that in the nature of things all government must be imperfect because men are imperfect. Every system has its shortcomings and inconveniences; and these are seen and felt as they exist in the system under which we live, while the shortcomings and inconveniences of other systems are forgotten or ignored. It is not unusual to see governmental methods reformed and, after a time long enough to forget the evils that caused the change, to have a new movement for reform which consists in changing back to substantially the same old methods that were cast out by the first reform. The recognition of shortcomings is not in itself sufficient to warrant a change of system. There should be an effort to estimate and compare the shortcomings of the system to be substituted, for although they may be different they will certainly exist. A fifth is that, whatever changes in government are to be made, we should follow the method which undertakes as one of its cardinal points to hold fast that which is good. When we take account of all that governments have sought to do and have failed to do in this world, we find as a rule that the application of new theories, though devised by the most brilliant constructive genius, have availed but little to preserve the people for any long periods from the evils of despotism on one hand or of anarchy on the other, or to raise any considerable portion of the mass of mankind above the hard conditions of oppression and misery. And we find that our system of government, built up in a practical way through many centuries, has done more to preserve liberty, justice, security, and freedom of opportunity, for many people for a long period, than any other system of government ever devised. Human nature does not change very much. The forces of evil are hard to control, as they have always been. It is easy to fail and hard to succeed in reconciling liberty and order. H. THE BASIS OF NATIONAL EFFICIENCY 65. Individualism and American Efficiency29 BY ARTHUR SHADWELL The United States is new, partly developed, and untrammeled by traditions. It is not a homogeneous country, but a medley of peoples, nations, languages, creeds, and climates, having in daily. life little in common but the mail, the currency, and the tariff. The British Empire itself hardly comprises a more heterogeneous racial assortment; it has the white man, the black, the red, the yellow, and the hybrid; the yellow includes most kinds of Asiatic and the white, every kind of European. Soil and climate are no less varied than the population; and though laws and social conditions exhibit more homogeneity, they yet exhibit large and numerous discrepancies. Still the United States is a nation, and the people possess some distinctive national qualities, well worth considering. In general they are alert, inventive, ingenious, and adventurous beyond all other people, but hurried, careless, and unthorough. The merits of this temperament are more immediately obvious than its defects. The roar and bustle of industrial life in America, the excitement, the abundance of novelty, the enormous scale of operations, the boundless adventure, the playing with millions-all these impress the mind and draw attention from the defects which they foster and conceal. An English workman who had lived for years in the heart of it, where the smoke is thickest, the roar of machinery loudest, and the sound of millions most common, summed it up better than anyone I have met. "This is an adventurous country," he said; "they think nothing of millions; but it's all hurry-skurry work. Let her go! Give her hell! That's the word.” The recklessness is magnificent, and I suppose that at present it is business; but that is because the country is not yet filled up. There seem to be boundless possibilities within the reach of every man, and being generally intelligent, alert, and ambitious, they hurry to realize them. If a man fails today in one direction, no matter; he can try again tomorrow in another. The Yankee of old, as presented in literature, was an astute but deliberate person, saying very incisive things in a slow, drawling way, quick of mind, but slow of movement, not to be hurried, and much given to "whittling," which is not a very feverish and purposeful occupation. Does anyone whittle now? The present spirit arose with "Adapted from Industrial Efficiency, I, 1-47 (1906). |