Pages 39 and 40. "The wretched pro. clamation of neutrality, of April 22d, 1793, was most likely communicated to Pitt, long before it had been openly propofed in the cabinet of America. On the 8th of June following, the court of London iffued the order for feizing ne tral fhips, bound to France with provifions.This was just forty-fix days after the proclamation of Mr. Washington. Perhaps his manifefto had reached England before that order iffued. At any rate, Pitt was undoubtedly acquainted with the Prefident's abhorrence for the French revolution."

Page 99. "The proclamation of neu trality does not, therefore, deferve that title. It was a proclamation of ignorance and pufillanimity."

Page 41. "Mr. Washington had then only two things to do: The one to nego ciate with the court of Lisbon, for the continuance of the blockade. The other to redeem the prifoners, whofe deliverance he had prevented fome years before On this occafion Mr. Washington difplayed the fame want of wisdom and economy, that marks almost every other part of his administration."

Pages 47 aud 48. "The first wrong ftep of the Prefident, with regard to the remittance of the tribute, was aggravated by every poffible circumftance of impropriety. In direct breach of the conftitution, he involved the United States in the additional expenfe of that frigate,

without deigning to confult the legidature of his country. If fuch proceedings are fuffered, it is evident that all civil government must foon be at an end. I am as folicitous as any man can be to think well of Mr. Washington, to believe, if poffible, that he was misled by the bad people about him, and that he ferved his coun. try with zeal, as far as his faculties and information would carry him."

Page 72. "Adams and Washington have ince been fhaping a feries of these paper-jobbers into judges and ambaffadors. As their whole courage lies in want of fhame, thef: poltroons, without rifking a manly and intelligible defence of their own mealures, raife an affected yep against the corruption of the French directory; as if any corruption could be more venal, more notorious, more execrated than their own. For years toge ther the United States refounded with curfes against them, while the grand lama of federal adoration, the immaculate divinity of Mount Vernon approved of, and fabfcribed every one of their blackest measures."

Page 102. "This fpeech has a charm, that completely unmasks the scandalous hypocrify of Washington."

Idem. "Mr. Adams has only com pleted the fcene of ignominy, which Mr. Washington began."

Page 103. "The expences of each army were fucceffivly abftracted from the treafury by Mr. Washington, without the fanction of a ftatute, and in exprefs breach of the conftitution. Mr. Washington difdained to make an apology for this violation of his duty; and in both, congrefs were too mean to demand it. The charges of the recent tour to Northampton must have been obtained in the fame way, becaufe Congrefs were not in feffion when that affray broke out. This laft prefidential felony will be buried by Congrefs in the fame criminal filence as its predeceffors."

Extracts from a pamphlet called "The Profpe&t before U," to her the calumnies of Prefident Adams, by James Thompson Callender, for which he was indicted, tried, and found guilty, and fined 200 dollars, and imprifoned nine months

1. The reign of Mr. Adams has hitherto been one continued tempeft of malignant paffions. As prefident he has never opened his lips, nor lifted his pen without threatening or feelding. The grand object of his adminiftration has been to exafperate the rage of conté ding parties, to calumniate and deftroy every man who differs from his opinions. Mr. Adams has labored, and with melancholy fuccefs, to break up the bonds of focial affection, and under the ruins of confidence and friendship, to extinguifh the only beam of happ nefs, that glimmers through the dark and defpicable farce of life."

2. "The contriver of this piece had been fuddenly converted, as he faid, to the prefidential fyftem, that is, to a French war, an American navy, a large standing army, an additional load of taxes, and all other fymptoms of debt and defpotifm."

3. The fame fyftem of perfecution has been extended all over the continent, every perfon holding an office muft either quit it, or think and vote exactly with Mr. Adams."

4. "Adams and Washington have fince been fhaping a feries of thefe paper-job. bers into judges and ambaffadors. As their whole courage lies in want of fhame, thefe poltroons, without riking a manly and intelligible defence of their own measures, raife an affected yelp against the corruption of the French Directory, as if any corruption could be more venal, more notorious, more execrated than their own."

5. "The object with Mr. Adams was to recommend a French war, for the fake of fupporting American commerce, but in reality for the fake of yoking us into an alliance with the British tyrant."

6. "While fuch members of the effective agents of the revolution languith

in obfcurity, or fhiver in want, afk Mr. Adams, whether it was proper to heap fo many myriads of dollars upon William Smith, upon a paper-jobber, who next to Hamilton, and himfelf, is perhaps the molt deteftable character on the continent."

7. "You will then take your choice between innocence and guilt, between freedom and flavery, between paradife and perdition. You will chufe between the man, who has deferted and reverfed all his principles, and that man whofe own example ftrengthens all his laws; that man, whofe predictions, like thofe of Henry, have been converted into histo ry. You will chufe between that man, whofe life is unfpotted by a crime, and that man whofe hands are reeking with the blood of the poor friend lefs Connecticut failor. I fee the tear of indignation ftarting on your cheeks. You anticipate the name of John Adams."

8, Every feature in the conduct of Mr. Adams, forms a diftinct and addition= al evidence, that he was determined at all events to embroil this country with France."

Mr. Tracy wishes to be a foreign envoy -Mr. Eleazar Goodrich is looking for the place of collector of the cultoms in New-Haven.

Prefident Dwight has a host of brothers, fons, and coulins, who want employment.

His brother Theodore wants to be a diftrict attorney, and to have a feat in Congrefs, or the upper houfe in Connecticut.

Tapping Reeve, one of the Illuminati, and one of the judges of the fuperior court is a promoter of the tyranny affumed by members of Congrefs from Connecticut, in order to obtain the place of diftrict judge.

The above is the clue to the fedition law -certain gentlemen did not wish to have their conduct and defigns investigated at home; for this caufe they have wished to destroy the Editor of the Bee, and introduce a fyftem of terror.

Rogers; the loan officer is Mr. Pierce, a coufin to the late governor Wentworth, and the collector is Mr. Martin, whofe wife is fifter to Mr. Pierce.

Dwight and Willard, as heads of literary inftitutions and ecclefiaftical focieties, thus have the chief fway in Connecticut and New Hainpfhire.

THESE EQUIVOCAL WHIGS AND OLD

TORIES HAVE THE CONTROL IN OUR NA

TIONAL AFFAIRS; are confpicuous in public proceffions; and wear the weed of mourning for Wathington, whom they have often branded with the epithet of Rebel.

Extract from the Mirror of the 2nd of February, 1800.

COMMUNICATION.

We have prefented our readers with a view of the New England Illuminati, and a clue to British, tory of monarchical influ.

bruary, 1800.

COMMUNICATION,

In our laft we presented a clue' to the politics of Connecticut, from their defire to obtain place and favor. We now exhibit a clue to the New-Hamphire arifto cracy. The collector of the customs, loan officer, marshal, one of the fenators of Congrefs, and two of the reprefentatives in that body, were old and avowed tories, and have ever continued to be fuch. The contractor for the naval or fhip building department was alfo a tory-he is brother to one of the reprefentatives, whose fifter is married to the district judge, (whofe former refpect for the independence of America is doubtful.)

Thefe three gentlemen are allied to the Prefident of Cambridge college, who married the fifter of the wife of the diftrict judge, and of the naval contractor and one of the reprefentatives.

The former tory fenator is Mr. Livermore. The reprefentatives are Meffrs. Sheaff and Gordon; the district judge is a Mr. Pickering; the naval contractor is a Mr. Jacob Sheaff; the marthal is Mr.

This

in which intolerance, and a want of due refpect to the revolution and its promoters and defenders, muft be clearly feen. formidable body are hedged round by, or shelter themfelves under the fedition law, tory marthals and juries, which may be packed out of British commiffaries, and the plunderers of our farms, the murderers of our fathers, brothers and fons, or those who burned our churches, and laid wafte our literary and benevolent inftitutions during the laft war,

two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, exclufively of a number of voluntary and unafcertained fubfcriptions, for building and equipping veffels of war, for which the fubfcribers receive intereft, at 8 per

cent,

He has levied a direct tax, which in this state amounts to more than the whole of the tax paid into our state treasury,

He has procured the enaction of an alien and fedition law, which are a curfe to any country in which they exift.

He has given orders to one of our jud. ges to deliver up Jonathan Robbins, an American feaman, to be tried by a British court martial, though the name of the perfon accufed was Nafh; in direct conTradition to the laws of nations, and of Our conftitution.

And finally, He is to have a new loan of 3,500,000 dollars, for which he will be obliged to pay 8, and probably io per

cent,

No. VIII. (p.106*)

Copy of the conclufion of a charge delivered and read from the original manufcript at a circuit court of the United States, bolden in the city of Baltimore, on Monday the 2d day of May, 1803, by Samuel Chafe, one of the judges of the fupreme court of the United States.

Before you retire, gentlemen, to your chamber to confider fuch matters as may be brought before you, I will take the liberty to make a few obfervations; which I hope you will receive as flowing only from my regard to the welfare and prof perity of our common country.

It is effentially neceffary at all times, but more particularly at the prefent, that the public mind fhould be truly informed; and that our citizens should entertain correct principles of governmen', and fixed less of their focial rights. It is a very eafy talk to deceive or mislead the great body of the people, by propagating plaufible, but falfe doctrines; for the bulk of mankind are governed by their paffions, and not by reafon.

Falfehood can be more readily diffe. minated than truth, and the latter is heard

with reluctance if repugnant to popular prejudice. From the year 1776, I have been a decided and avowed advocate for a reprefentative, or republican form of government, as fince etablished by our ftate and national conftitutions. It is my fincere with that freemen fhould be go verned by their reprefentatives, fairly and freely elected by that clafs of citizens, defcribed in our bill of rights," who have property in, a common in creft with, and an attachment to, the community."

anfwered by thofe governments, where The purposes of civil fociety are best the public fafety, happiness, and prof. perity are beft fecured; whatever may be the conftitution or form of government; but the history of mankind (in ancient and modern times) informs us that a monarchy may be free; and that a republic may be a tyranny." The true tel of liberty, is in the praical enjoyment of protetica to the perfon and the property of the citizen, from ali enquiry. Where the fame laws govern the whole fociety without any diftin&ion, and there is no power to difpenfe with the execution of the laws; where juftice is impartially and fpeedily adminiftered, and the poorest man in the community may obtain redress 2gainft the most wealthy and powerful, and riches afford no protection to violence; and where the perfon and property of every man are fecure from infult and in. jury; in that country the people are free. This is our prefent fituation. Where law is uncertain, partial, or arbitrary; where juftice is not impartially adminiftered to all; where property is infecure, and the perfon is liable to infult and violence, without redrefs by law, the people are :! free, whotever may be their form of government. To this fituation, I greatly fear we are fast approaching!

You know, gentlemen, that our ftate and national inftitutions were framed to fecure to every member of the fociety, equal liberty and equal rights; but the late alteration of the federal judiciary by the abolition of the offices of the fixteen circuit judges, and the recent change in our flate constitution, by the eftablishing of univerfal fuffrage, and the further alteration that is contemplated in our state judiciary (if adopted) will, in my judg