such complicated operations, requires less time and money, and is reserved for people of average fortune. The third, which is performed for a very small sum, is applied to the poor, that is, to fourfifths of the Egyptian population. The three methods are based upon the same principle-to extract from the body those parts which usually decay, then saturate the remainder with salts and aromatics to -¡prevent any change taking place in it. The drugs used are more or less valuable, the work more or less carefully done, the appearance of the mummy more or less luxurious, according to the price given; but the result is the same in all cases-the body lasts instead of perishing, and its perpetuity guarantees that of its double-the soul. The mummy of Rameses II. reposed in the tomb he had prepared in his lifetime in the Valley of the Kings. As a precaution against robbers, it was transported to the tomb of Amenophis I., where it remained for nearly two centuries with the great Pharaohs of the preceding dynasties. Thebes declined in power; a king of the twenty-second dynasty wished to be rid of the accumulated dead and buried them pell-mell in a corner of the mountain, so carefully hidden that they remained there for twenty-eight centuries. Towards 1871, some fellahs in quest of antiquities discovered the group of Pharaohs, of which they made merchandise for ten years, selling a scarabæus here, a papyrus there, some pieces of stuff, some jewels, funeral statuettes, all the property of former kings. Everything that escaped pillage was, in 1881, transferred to the Boulak Museum; and Rameses, freed from his bandages, saw the light of day once more, after an interval of more than three thousand years. Now he sleeps his last sleep in a hall in the Museum under a glass case. The Assyrians certainly believe that the life of man is prolonged beyond this world. They know that one part only of the elements which compose it dies upon this earth-the other continues to exist beyond it, if not for ever, at least for some time to come. However, they do not share the Egyptian belief that the immortality of the soul is indissolubly linked with that of the body, and that after death it perishes, if the flesh which it inhabited, is allowed to decay. In the Assyrian creed, the soul is certainly not indifferent to the fate of the body it has quitted; the pain it feels at death and the discomforts of its new state are increased, if the corpse is burnt, mutilated, or left unburied as food for birds of prey. Nevertheless, this sentiment is not carried so far as to lead the Assyrians to feel the same necessity for escaping corruption that induces Egyptians to have themselves transformed into mummies. The corpse is not subjected to the injections, repeated oaths in preserving fluids, and laborious bandaging, which render it indestructible; it is perfumed, hastily dressed, and buried as soon as a change takes place in it, a few hours only after life is extinct. No one must seek in Assyria for monuments or pyramids like those in Egypt. There are no mountains running to right and left of the stream, of stone, soft enough for galleries or funeral rooms to be hewn out of it, or hard enough to prevent the chambers, once hewn, from crumbling upon themselves. Nineveh, and the majority of the great cities of Assyria and Chaldæa, are surrounded by large, low plains, where all that is buried quickly decomposes under the influence of heat and damp. Vaults dug in the soil would soon be invaded by water in spite of masonry, the paintings and sculptures would be spoiled by the nitre, the objects of furniture and coffins destroyed. The house of the Assyrian dead could not, therefore, be, like that of the Egyptian, a house for eternity. Yet the Assyrian corpse dwells there and his soul with him. An attempt is made at the time he leaves our world to supply him with the food, clothes, ornaments, and utensils which he may require in .the next. Well treated by his children or heirs, he protects them as well as he can and wards off from them evil influences. When they abandon and forget him, he avenges himself by returning to torment them in their homes; he brings illness upon them and crushes them by his curse. If through an accident he remains unburied, he becomes dangerous, not only to his own family, but to the whole country. The dead, unable to procure for themselves the necessities of an honest life, are pitiless for each other. If any spirit goes among them without a tomb, without libations or offerings, they will not receive him, and will not give him even an alms of bread out of their scanty provisions. The spirit of the unburied dead, having neither dwelling nor means of subsistence, wanders through the cities and the towns, and supports himself by rapine and the crimes he commits against the living. He glides into the houses during the night, reveals himself to the inhabitants under horrible disguises, and terrifies them. Always on the watch, as soon as he surprises a victim, he springs upon him, "the head against his head, the hand against his hand, the foot against his foot." The individual thus attacked, whether man or beast, will never escape from him, unless magic can furnish some very powerful weapons of resistance against him; the vampire figures by the side of spectres and ghouls among the demons, whose fury is averted by invoking the doubles of heaven and of earth. THE LORD'S PRAYER IN THE EARLY CHURCH; A Text and Studies Contributed to Biblical and Patristic Literature. By Frederic Henry Chase, B. D. Edited by J. Armitage Robinson. Octavo, pp. XII., 179. Cambridge: University Press. 1891. THE worship of the early Church was closely connected with the manners and methods of the worship in the Synagogue. Just as Hellenistic and Palestinian synagogues, with Greek, Hebrew, or Aramaic forms of services existed side by side; thus, too, in the oldest Christian Church, the public services partook of both characters. In regard to this public service, the early Gospel presentation had to assume a twofold character, namely, an Aramaic and a Greek. Out of this grew, then, a twofold written tradition of the Gospel contents. The Lord's Prayer, the repetition of which three times a day is urged by the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, was certainly used by these congregations before it assumed a written form, and thus had passed through a "liturgical history," the makers of which are apparent in the different recensions yet extant. This can be shown by an examination of the various readings of each single sentence in the Prayer. In connection with this, comparison of the parallels, references, and interpretations of the different petitions to be observed in the New Testament and in early Christian literature, contribute to determine the original significance of the various statements of the Lord's Prayer. The longer form of the Prayer, as we find it in Mat-、 thew, represents the customary Greek form of the Prayer. The shorter form in Luke, as is seen, for instance, of the single term Father," in the address, or a translation of the Aramaic “ Abba," is the more original form, with which we can compare the plain 'Abba" (Mark xiv: 36) in the Gethsemane prayer of Christ, which prayer has in general a great similarity of sentiment with the Lord's Prayer. In the case of the first and second petitions these are found in a Gospel manuscript (Cod. Ev. 604) and Gregor of Nyzza, Maximus, and Tertullian, warrants for the one or the other of these petitions, which ask for the gift of the Holy Spirit, which can be explained only if we suppose that this prayer was used in the liturgical act of the laying-on of hands. Of special importance in this connection are Gal. iv: 6, and Rom. viii: 13, where the "Abba" address, reminding us again of the Lord's Prayer, is put in connection with the reception of the Holy Spirit. The expression "upon us found in Cod. Bezae (Luke xi: 2) in connection with the first petition, is explained by the union of the words concerning the sanctification of God's Name and the calling upon this Name in consecrating a candidate. The use made of this prayer in the baptismal act explains this addition. In the case of the third petition, the words, on earth as it is in heaven" are to be regarded as a supplement to all three petitions. The original form of the fourth petition was give us this day our daily bread," and the last term was current in the Syrian Church in two forms, namely, "Bread for every day," and "Bread for to-day." The second form was used in the case of prayer in the morning, but in the evening the form used in the Gospel of the Hebrews was substituted. The Christian Greeks in place of this chose the word made by themselves, namely, εлιоνб105 or "for the coming day," which could then be used both mornings and evenings. In the fifth petition the form of the second half is a vow, as it is given in Luke, in the original reading. The seventh petition is entitled to special investigations (p. 71-167) on account of the question whether the rendering is to be "Deliver us from Evil," or " Deliver us from the Evil one." A detailed investigation of the Greek preposition εx and άño (from) and of the word 'πovηpos” (evil) leads to the conclusion that the masculine rendering "Evil one" is the original meaning and was thus understood in the ancient Church. The addition of the doxology was probably caused by the use made of the Lord's Prayer in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, and was probably an insertion of the Syrian Church. This idea is corroborated by the liturgical usages made of doxologies in the synagogues and churches. The Press. CHILI. [The news of Chili's decision to withdraw the Matta note, recall the demand that Minister Egan be retired, and submit the questions growing out of the Baltimore affair to some neutral nation for arbitration, or to the the United States Supreme Court for adjudication, was not received in this country until early Tuesday morning-too late to be adequately commented on in Tuesday's papers. As this part of THE LITERARY DIGEST is closed Tuesday evening, it is impossible in the present number to give any presentation of the views of the press upon Chili's reported change of attitude.] THE PRESIDENT'S ernment would not, under the same circum-i tained with the Government of Chili upon New York Tribune (Rep.), Jan. 26.-Presi- ULTIMATUM. The President's Message on the Chilian question, sent to Congress last Monday, is a review and summary of the events and the correspondence, but contains no specific recommendation. The President's statement of the facts bears at all points severely against the Chilian Government and people, and neither recognizes nor even hints at any mitigating circumstances or considerations. Touching Minister Egan, who is supposed by many to have been largely responsible for the origin and growth of unfriendly feeling toward the United States in Chili, the President says: It may be well at the outset to say that, whatever may have been said in this country or in Chili in criticisin of Mr. Egan, our Minister at Santiago, the true history of this exciting period in Chilian affairs, from the outbreak of the Revolution until this time, discloses no act on the part of Mr. Egan unworthy of his position, or that could justly be the occasion of serious animadversion or criticism. He has, I think, on the whole, borne himself in very trying circumstances with dignity, discretion, and courage, and has conducted the correspondence with ability, courtesy, and fairness. It is worth while also at the beginning to say that the right of Mr. Egan to give shelter in the Legation to certain adherents of the Balmaceda Government who applied to him for asylum has not been denied by the Chilian authorities, nor has any demand been made for the surrender of these refugees. The following is the text of the dispatch sent by Secretary Blaine to Minister Egan on Jan. 21, constituting the "ultimatum" of the United States Government to Chili: "I am directed by the President to say to you that he has given careful attention to all that has been submitted by the Government of Chili touching the affairs of the assault upon the crew of the United States steamship Baltimore in the city of Valparaiso on the evening of Oct. 16 last, and to the evidence of the officers and crew of that vessel, and of some others who witnessed the affray; and that his conclusions upon the whole case are as fol lows: First. That the assault is not relieved of the aspect which the early information of the event gave to it, viz: That of an attack upon the uniform of the United States Navy, having its origin and motive in a feeling of hostility to this Government and not in any act of the sailors or of any of them. "Second. That the public authorities of Valparaiso flagrantly failed in their duty to protect our men, and that some of the police and Chilian soldiers and sailors were themselves guilty of unprovoked assaults upon our sailors before and after arrest. He thinks the preponderance of evidence and the inherent probabilities lead to the conclusion that Riggin was killed by the police or soldiers. Third. That he is therefore compelled to bring the case back to the position taken by this Government in the note of Mr. Wharton of Oct. 21 last, a copy of which you will deliver with this, and to ask for a suitable apology and for some adequate reparation for the injury done to this Government. "You will assure the Government of Chili that the President has no disposition to be exacting, or to ask anything which this Gov case the "I am further directed by the President to say that his attention has been called to the note of instructions sent by Mr. Matta, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to you, under date of the 11th ultimo. Mr. Montt very prudently, and, I must suppose, from a just sense of the offensive nature of the dispatch, refrained from communicating it officially to this Gov ernment. "But in view of the fact that Mr. Montt was directed to give it to the press of this country, and that it received the widest possible publicity throughout the world, this Government must take notice of it. You are therefore dithe expressions therein imputing untruth and rected to say to the Chilian Government that insincerity to the President and to the Secretary of the Navy in their official communications to the Congress of the United States are in the highest degree offensive to this Govern ment. Recognizing the usual rules of diplomatic but in view of the fact that Mr. Matta was "I am now, however, directed by the Presi- aims at no other advantage on the American continent than the increased exchanges of commerce upon a basis of mutual benefit, it assumes the obligation of defending American rights under all circumstances and upholding There is nothing the National honor. that can be submitted to arbitration except the amount of the indemnity. New York Herald (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 26.For three weeks or more after its publication, Mr. Harrison took no official notice of the offensive circular, and then sent his ultimatum because Minister Pereira did not withdraw the objectionable expressions within three days after the conference with Mr. Egan. cipitate action was This prenot even warranted by Chlli's mistake in asking for the recall of Minister Egan. We have no doubt that the ultimatum of last Thursday fell like a thunderclap on the Chilian Government, as it will on the people of this country. necessarily, not to say inexcusably, imperiled We think it has unthe friendly relations of the two Governments. New York Sun (Dem.), Jan. 26.-General Harrison's message and the accompanying The documents chronicle, and the message indocuments leave no further room for doubt. terprets, a progressive and aggressive defiance of right and justice, starting from an original ultimatum that went to Santiago from Mr. Blaine last Thursday. outrage in itself intolerable, which justifies the arbitration is not to be tolerated. The matters presented in Mr. Blaine's note of Jan. 21, and recited in the President's message to Congress yesterday, are not within the jurisdiction of any Power or any council on the face of this earth existing, or that can by any intervention or interference be constituted. The idea of the insult and the injury Chili very wisely, "Mr. Montt, in a note Jan. 20, has advised me that he has been directed by his Government to inform the Government of the United States that you are not a persona grata to the Government of Chili, and to request your recall. This has been laid before the President, and he directs you to say that, in view of the foregoing, he does not deem it necessary to New York Morning Advertiser (Ind.-Dem.), make any present response thereto. quite time to consider this suggestion after a It will be Jan. 26.-What is needed in the Chilian matter is arbitration, and it seems to be needed right reply to this note is received, as we shall then away. In the dawn of the 20th century civiliknow whether any correspondence can be main-zation should be too far advanced for war. It has been rumored that England would consent to take a day off and sit as arbitrator on this question, but John Bull isn't the arbitrator we want. Mr. Bull is hardly a disinterested spectator. Forty per cent. of Chili's foreign trade is done with England, and he may, therefore, be said to have interests at stake. Mr. Bull can stand aside and accept assurances of our distinguished consideration. A more natural arbitrator in the present unpleasantness would be Switzerland. The row is between sister Republics, and Switzerland is the mother of all Republics. She has no entangling alliances with either, and could render even and exact justice to both Chili and the United States. We are in favor of leaving the decision with Switzerland and will agree to abide by the result. New York Recorder (Rep.), Jan. 26.-The enthusiastic reception of the message in both branches of Congress, by the Democratic House as well as by the Republican Senate, is proof that in this our country's great affair the patriotism of the Chief Executive, the Secretary of State, and his other Cabinet advisers is free from the slightest imputation of partisanship, and that General Harrison speaks the heartfelt sentiments of the American people one and indivisible, and never more firmly united. ever prolonged and however costly, there | from fundamental and incurable vices of organization, From an interview with Ricardo L. Trum in Mr. Harrison's argument is the absence of VARIOUS ASPECTS. MINISTER EGAN. London Standard, Jan. 26.-The plain truth is Mr. Harrison has been to infinite pains to Spy out a provocation. He has cultivated a The Chilian statesmen could not reasonably be quarrel that might easily have been composed. expected to make an abject apology. They have made the frankest and fullest admission that the incident is deplorable. We are not aware that America has gone nearly so far to Philadelphia Press (Rep.), Jan. 26.-Presi- soothe Italy for the New Orleans affair. The dent Harrison's message opens a new chapter judicious inquirer will, however, seek an exin our diplomacy. Whatever the result-planation in American politics. whether Chili apologizes or Congress empowers the President to exert the full force of the Nation to protect its humblest seamenthere is not the world over a place, however distant, or a spot, however isolated, where American citizens will not find themselves invested with a new dignity and enjoying greater safety. The United States will stand with the one or two nations which deem wanton and unpunished injury to a single citizen sufficient cause for war. In the end such a policy means peace. The nation which is always ready for war is never challenged to break the peace. Citizens whose flag and fleet are ever ready to protect them are preserved from the insult and injury which demands armed redress. Peace, security, and freedom from insult for all our citizens in our widening trade in South America and throughout the world will come as the result of President Harrison's message. Philadelphia Record (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 26. From beginning to end President Harrison's message is a studied, vindictive, but by no means successful attempt to put the Chilians in the wrong and to arouse a war spirit among the American people. Boston Advertiser (Rep.), Jan. 26. The President, the Secretary of State, and their associates in the Administration have acted with a moderation, a manifest desire for peace, an evident sense of the solemn responsibility, that are worthy of all praise. They have exhibited a resolute purpose to take no step to ward war so long as peace is possible without Valparaiso Heraldo, Dec. 22.-As our Government has not, as yet, instituted any claim for unjustifiable acts committed during the war, these form no part in the present discussion between the two Governments. Further, the question of asylum is no longer a matter of dispute, our Government having plainly declared that while it will respect that asylum it does not feel obliged to give a safe conduct to those who have sought refuge in the Legation; and as regards the third incident, that of the Baltimore's sailors in Valparaiso, that will soon come to an end once the Courts have given their sentence in accordance with the usage between friendly nations. There is, therefore, really no question in dispute, and certainly none of burning discussion, between our Government and that of the United States, as our there is unquestionably no feeling of unkindliness, much less of enmity, between the Chiliindependent for nearly a century. During an and American peoples. Chili has been that time we have had more than one difference of opinion and more than one serious question with the United States, as we have had with other nations, but they have all been settled amicably and to the entire satisfaction of the several Governments. Nor have these questions left in memory the slightest feeling of unkindness; and we have always believed and continue in the belief that the Government and the people of the United States have been and are our friends. Why, then, in view of these facts and conBoston Globe (Dem.), Jan. 26.-Mr. Harri- sidering the very unimportant questions at son's statements set forth in strong and effec-issue, should there be any feeling of uneasiness tive language his reasons, as Chief Magistrate of the country, for calling Chili to a sharp account. Most assuredly the dignity and honor of the United States are to be maintained and asserted. Every true citizen, whatever may be his party views, will stand up and be counted squarely and unmistakably on the side of American rights. dishonor. Baltimore Sun (Dem.), Jan. 26.-No matter how aggravating or how insolent the behavior of Chili may appear, the United States can afford to be magnanimous and generous in its treatment of a small South American republic. It is a quarrel between a nation of sixty-five millions of people and one of three millions; between the richest nation upon the face of the globe and one of the poorest, just emerged from the throes of a civil war. To a war between the United States and Chili, how or apprehension? Why, if we have always re- that Francis W. Egan, son of Minister Egan, on June behalf of the North and South American Construction and The German authorities understood the condition of affairs and overlooked the matter. "The patch from San Diego, California, says: Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), Jan. 25.-At the outset Minister Egan made himself a partisan of Balmaceda. As the Government recognized that man's authority, Egan was right in also recognizing him, but he was wrong in so acting toward him and with him as to prejudice the interests of the United States in Chili in the Balmaceda and the success of the Congressionevent, which occurred, of the overthrow of alists. While an officious and unnecessary partisan of Balmaceda, Egan also became an unnecessary and offensive volunteer of unasked-for mediation between the parties to the civil war. come from There was nothing to arbitrate and | Chilian doubts our military courage. For pen? The United States would, of course, there was nothing to mediate. In the nature Chilian hostility, as for the hostility of any subdue Chili. Sixty millions of people would of things the fight was one to a finish. The civilized man, or body of men, the remedy is have whatever satisfaction can mediation of Egan could only mean the pre- kindness and consideration. For the death of whipping three millions. The inglorious war servation of the Balmaceda Government under the sailors the remedy is some compensation would give up many thousands of brave men modifications, when the overthrow of that to their families and to the wounded. But to to be food for gunpowder. It would add Government was the unconditional and abso- prevent this being ridiculous it ought to be $100,000,000 to our National debt. It would lute object of the Congressionalists because it obtained by peaceable means. To get it by swell a pension list which already costs more was the only alternative to their extinction. war is like spending $1,000 at law for the re- than two of the great standing armies of The fussiness and ill judgment of Egan in this covery of $5. The one thing an American Europe. But, far worse than this, the Great matter were monumental. They are explicable statesman should keep foremost in his mind is Republic, whose victory for peace in the by the fact that his son, it is reported, had been that he can go to war at any time, but, the Treaty of Washington was more glorious than made the agent of American claims which de- war once begun, he never can tell beforehand any victory in war for the past hundred years, pended on the action of the Balmaceda Govern- at what time he can make peace. 'Immedi- would stand before the world pilloried for ment for their success, while on their success ate satisfaction, șir," or, "A written apology, abandoning its own policy of arbitration. The depended the gain or loss of an opportunity damn him," are duellists' phrases, not those of mother Republic of the Western Hemisphere to the minister's son to make a fortune. This a politician. We can fight Chili a year hence would become known to all the younger and was scandalous. This is at the root of the as well as next month, and a year hence we still struggling republics to the south as a bully whole business. All else grows out of it, as may be sure we shall all see more clearly than among nations. The loss of trade would be from the acorn the oak. we do now the merits of this quarrel. We great, but the loss of moral and political preswaited seven years for the settlement of the tige would be greater. General Sherman, who Alabama claims, but they were settled without knew whereof he spoke, once said grimly that any naval fuming, and they cost no man's life, "War is all hell!" The American people destroyed no man's home nor property, and owe much to the firmness of Secretary Blaine left our relations with Great Britain, as every- and to a free and vigilant press for preventing one admits, better than they had been for the horrors and the wrongs of war for politics three-quarters of a century. chiefly. A needless war is a National crime. Philadelphia Times (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 26.Whether there shall be war or peace, the people will have their reckoning with Minister Egan and the political power that clothed him with honors he could not appreciate and with duties he could not perform. NATIONAL HONOR." CHILI AND THE ARBITRATION PRINCIPLE. The Detroit Tribune (Rep.), Jar. 22.—With respect to the present controversy with Chili, the United States is not even morally com mitted to arbitration, for Chili expressly withheld her assent from the plan of arbitration to which the United States agreed. As between the United States and Chili, therefore, matters stand just as they did before the conference of 1890, except for the declarations of principle on either side regarding arbitration. delegates from Chili declared that while they recognized as an absolute proposition the excellence of the principle of arbitration," they did not accept it as unconditional and obligatory. They further said: "We are unwilling to entertain the illusion that any conflict which may directly affect the dignity or the honor of a nation shall ever be submitted to the decision of a third party. Judges will not be sought either in that case or in any other of analogous nature to decide whether a nation has the right to maintain her dignity or preserve her New York Times (Ind.), Jan. 26.—A narrow New York Evening Post (Ind.), Jan. 25.—It was the generally accepted opinion of the wellto-do class, the class known as gentlemen in all European countries, even a century ago, that what was called an "insult" had to be on pain of social disgrace punished by the person insulted by fighting the insulter with some kind of weapon. The duel became, after a while, what we now see it, as it exists on the European Continent, and in the Southern States-a means of showing the public that the challenger ist deficient in physical courage, and that anybody who insults him incurs a certain risk in doing so. bu. it has died out completely in England and the Northern States, not only under the growth of humanitarianism in both countries, but under the increasing application of what is called common sense, or, in other words, reasonableness, to the conduct of life. The absurdity of the duel as a remedy has, in fact, had more to do with its extinction in these countries than anything else. The duel proves nothing except that neither of the disputants is afraid to fight. other question of fact, and rights no wrong except an accusation of personal cowardice. But it is quite plain that the old duelling view of honor, and of fighting as a remedy, is by no means extinct in the conduct of National affairs. A great many public men and a great many newspapers have talked of the requirements of the present Chilian crisis in the exact language in which the duty of offended individuals used to be described in the 17th and 18th centuries, showing that in politics the duelling tradition about "honor" still lingers. It is quite true that the position of a peaceably disposed nation in our day is not exactly analogous to that of a peaceably disposed citizen who has the Courts and police to appeal to for defense against wrong-doers. A nation is rather in the position of a peaceably disposed American or Englishman living in a duelling or semi-barbarous community. It has to provide for its own protection against violence and robbery, and in some manner to diffuse among its neighbors the belief that it wouid be dangerous to inflict injury on it. For this reason it has to carry arms openly and make open display of its willingness and ability to use them if necessary. But any use of arms beyond what is absolutely necessary for the spread and maintenance of this conviction, and above all, any reliance on arms as a ready remedy for a past wrong, is a relic of barbarism. The only evil we can remedy by a war with Chili is, if any, Chili's ignorance of our resources and of our formidableness as an armed antagonist. That any such ignorance exists among the governing class in Chili no sensible man who knows anything of the country will believe. Our "honor," in the duelling sense, can hardly be involved, because no intelligent MISS WILLARD TO THE PRESIDENT. honor. We must insist on this affirma A nation whose dignity has been wounded, or whose honor has been injured, will never seek in arbitration the remedy for the offense.' CHILIAN DUPLICITY. Brooklyn Standard-Union (Rep.), Jan. 25.The Chilians, or Chilenos as they call themselves, are a hybrid race, of Spanish, Indian, and negro blood, and have the worst qualities Among the protests against war received by of each of those races. The perfidy of the the President was the following: To the President: The National Woman's Christian Temperance With the highest esteem. I am, on behalf of the FRANCES E. WILLARD. WHAT WAR WOULD MEAN. New York World (Dem.), Jan. 22.-Suppose the war faction had prevailed, or should yet prevail, in this country, what would hap Spaniards and the cunning and treachery of the A CHIMERICAL IDEA. New York Staats-Zeitung (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 26. All this contention is a satire upon the idea of an American union that has been so fondly cherished by our Republican statesmen. The bonds of sympathy and interest between the people of the United States and those of the Spanish-American countries are of the feeblest will probably succeed, but a BLOT OUT THE CONFEDERATE DISABILITIES. 22. New York Recorder (Rep.), Jan. Whether war comes with Chili or not, the possibility of it has given birth to a suggestion which it is to be hoped will be crystallized into law before the new year shall have become very old. It is that the legal disabilites under which ex-Confederate officers are debarred from military or naval service shall be swept from the statute-book, so that in the event of war with Chili the men who wore the blue and the men who wore the gray may stand shoulder to shoulder in defense of the flag they both reverence to-day. Irrespective of present complications, the time has come when the expunging pen should be drawn across those black and scarlet pages. It is more than a quarter of a century since these laws, proper enough at the time, were enacted. The country has outlived them as it has outlived the fierce passions and animosities, the bitterness, the agony, and the travail through which the Nation passed in that supreme crisis of its existence. North and South have clasped hands long ago across the bloody chasm," and nothing remains to remind us that it ever existed except those now mildewed enactments. The obliteration of them will unify the country as it has not been unified since North and South together crossed the Rio Grande in the war with Mexico. It will be the old Union once more in all its glory, its strength, and its majesty. POLITICAL. THE FEBRUARY CONVENTION OF THE programme been so invariably valuable to it during many to machine the politics of all the years as Kentucky has had in him. It is not States and Territories in the Federal of his mere party political services we here compact may be so large as to go to pieces in speak, though he is the most sagacious of polithe endeavor to carry it out. The defiance in- ticians, but of the work he has done for the volved in rushing through a snap judgment welfare and enlightenment of his people in for Senator Hill in the State of his home, in other, and, outside of the State, perhaps iess rushing through a midwinter snap judgment noticed ways. With the courage and humanity for him, may be resented by other States to which have always characterized him, it was whose Democracy, rightly or wrongly, Grover on Mr. Watterson's persistent demand, in the Cleveland is incomparably the most fragrant face of bitter hostility and unpopularity, and forcible of living Democratic statesmen. soon after the war, that the authorities of Machined Republicanism forced a midwinter Louisville were compelled to repeal a law Convention in this State in 1880. The recoil which forbade colored people to use the street from it defeated the third term nomination of cars. His contest for the equal rights of all Grant, for which it was designed. men, based on broad and generous sentiments New York World (Dem.), Jan. 25.-To Senator Hill: A State Convention in midwinter! It is unprecedented. It is illogical. It is unfair. It is undemocratic. It is unwise. Why, then, this extraordinary haste? What do you fear? What do you expect to gain? You fear nothing, but you expect to gain much from the effect which New York's declaration will have upon other States. We grant that the effect will be very great. But unless it be perfectly clear that the Convention is a truly representative body, and its expression that of the real sentiment of the party, it will count greatly against you rather than for you. The great mass of Democrats in this country love fair play and detest sharp practice. Moreover, they feel kindly towards Mr. Cleveland. Even a suspicion of unfairness on the part of your friends in dealing with his friends would create a feeling of resentment against you which might become serious at the polls. Some thousands of Mr. Cleveland's friends live in this city. How are they to make themselves heard in the National council? They cannot vote in Tammany primaries except by permission of Tammany Inspectors, and no other primaries are recognized by your State Committee. Grant that you succeed in June. What about November? Would not Mr. Cleveland's friends of humanity and Christianity, has been in this social influ [The New York Democratic State Committee met in New York City on Jan. 26 and voted to hold the State Convention, for the selection of delegates to the feel that if they were not wanted in Conven- the ablest statesmanship of the day to his It had National Convention, at Albany on Feb. 22. been rumored for several days that this action would be taken, and there was a general understanding that it was planned in the interest solely of Senator Hill's Presidential aspirations.] tion they would not be needed at election? We New York Times (Ind.), Jan. 27. Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), Jan. 22.—The proposition is to call the State Convention at an unquestionably early period. The purpose is the choice of a State delegation which will be a unit for David B. Hill as the candidate of New York for the Democratic nomination for President, and comprehended within this design is the desire to have such action by the Democracy of the State of New York produce an effect on the choice of delegates by other States. The course laid down has in it the quality of audacity which David B. Hill and his friends always illustrate. The friends of Grover Cleveland in New York, Buffalo, and other places have protested against this intended midwinter State Convention, but have lost no time in adding that their protests, in their judgment, will not be effective, that they will make no contest against the machine programme, because none would be successful, and any would present an unjustly meagre measurement of Mr. Cleveland's strength, and that they expect the Hill project will go through to accomplishment within this State. We do not believe that the Democratic party of the State of New York will relish a midwinter convention. They never had one before and they do not like novelties. An enforced midwinter expression for Senator Hill in this State will enable his opponents in other States to point to the compulsory, premature, and artificial methods employed to secure it and to declare that the expression wears just that character THE HERALD'S" CANDIDATE. itself. If anything could be calculated to make New York Herald (Ind.-Dem.), Jan. 22. the other States of the Union override New If to be the foremost, the bravest, the wisest, York in the National Convention, it would be and the best followed citizen of his State is a this manifest eadeavor on the part of New title to the confidence of a National party York to override the preferences or antici- Henry Watterson richly deserves the favorable patively to warp the action of other States. consideration of the Democratic Convention The experiment of machining the politics when it shall meet in June. No State of the of the largest commonwealth in the Union Union has had a citizen whose counsel has a statesman, and Mr. Watterson has brought labors in his newspaper, and among his associates in public life. The nomination of Mr. Watterson for President would, we believe, be more generally acceptable to his party all over who can be named, for he has lived above the the country than that of almost any other man petty wrangles and jealousies of factions, and has the reward of a peacemaker, the respect and confidence of all sides. His election to the Presidency would cause less heart burning among Republicans than that of any other Democrat, for his political opponents have always found him a lover of fair play-a just and generous, though a positive, man. A CHINESE IMMIGRATION AGAIN |