E

The Reviews.

POLITICAL.

ENGLAND IN EGYPT.*

MADAME JULIETTE ADAM.

New Review, London, January.

INGLISH readers will not expect from me a history of the Egyptian question; but with a desire of weighing contradiction, they will perhaps like to read a summing up of the views entertained by a French mind regarding the acts of the occupying Government in Cairo.

The Liberals, I believe, were sincere in their first efforts to raise and reconstitute Egypt. It seems to me that Mr. Gladstone experiences a certain repugnance in regard to traditional Conservative policy. The tardy pity which he displayed for the woes of Ireland, certain acts, too numerous to quote, which * The Editor of the Review states that Madame Adam requests him to say that her article was written before the recent utterances of Mr. A. J. Balfour and Sir Charles Dilke, which have thrown new light on the situation.

have justly separated from him some Radicals born Conservative, like Mr. Chamberlain, and some false Liberals, like the Marquis of Hartington and Mr. Goschen-all these show a weariness of English political courses, and a desire to enrol himself at last on the side of truth and justice, in contradistinction to the reputation, centuries old, of "perfidious Albion.”

Was not his chief lieutenant, Mr. John Morley, a man of high moral worth, of whom even his enemies speak respectfully, obeying the sentiment which to-day rules Mr. Gladstone's life, when he said:

England plays a sorry part in the eyes of Europe by violating her promises; she is hampered in all directions by the position she has taken up at Cairo, and her attitude there has made difficulties in Newfoundland. On the other hand, England would never have acted as she has done at Zanzibar, had she not been in her present situation in Egypt. This situation has given to Germany an advantage over England.

Furthermore, the Foreign Office, in its desire to preserve Egypt and the approach to the Soudan, has been led from concession to concession till it has allowed Germany to penetrate into Egypt. The machinations of Major Wissman, who, under English auspices, actually prepared the access into Africa via Khartoum, are fresh in remembrance. Possibly Emin Pasha, by his flight to Wadelai. may be completing some grandiose scheme of an African empire in rivalry of England that has had its germ in the disturbing brain of William II.

Conservative policy in Egypt has been one course of misdeeds. One most striking fact clearly demonstrates Lord Salisbury's constant resolution to take gradual and definite possession of Egypt, and to prevent the possibility of the Egyptian feeling returning towards France. The fact is typical. It is the decree abolishing the corvée (forced labor on State works), which was promulgated on the 21st of September, 1890. It was not from any feeling of humanity that Lord Salisbury wished to free the Fellaheen from the most vexatious and tyrannical tax ever imposed upon a nation. The palpable aim of this necessary reform was to drive France into a corner from which she could only escape with damage.

Abroad we are considered a sentimental people, eager for justice, defenders of the humble, exercising our influence according to our highest conceptions of the rights of man. The abolition of the corvée was presented to France with a train of arguments so specious that in her candor she discussed its abolition and placed conditions upon it, thus accepting the odious part assigned her by the Tory party, failing gravely in her own principles and becoming so deeply entangled in the toils of the Foreign Office that she could not fail to compromise her popularity, either by yielding compulsorily later on to further concessions, or by an obstinate resistance.

The Fellaheen deceived or conquered, France could only try to hold her popularity with the European colonies. The Foreign Office caused its agents to examine and revise the law of licenses. The principle of this revision, accepted at the Conference of London, in 1885, in consequence of the needs of the Egyptian Budget, had, under the changed situation, no excuse for its application, and it should have been our part to defend the European colonies at all cost, being as they were a powerful obstacle to the assimilation of Egypt by England. But France, lulled to sleep, continued to present the extraordinary spectacle of consenting where she should have resisted, as in abolishing the corvée she discussed where she should have taken the initiative.

The European colonies, I repeat, are the natural enemies of the English, who desire to annex Egypt. If Lord Salisbury is to be satisfied, they must be exhausted and impoverished,

famine? The first concentration of troops would result in frightful consequences within fifteen days. They may be very bitter against us in St. Petersburg, but there is little disposition to engage in war during the current year.

Many Russians, even among those in high position, are in favor of war, simply because they hold that, whether successful or unsuccessful, it must inaugurate more freedom. This may be true, but in this matter the Czar holds the reins in his own hands, and is immovable.

THE

THE WAR QUESTION.
GENERAL VON LESZCZYNSKI.
Deutsche Revue, Breslau, January.

HE question of war hinges very much on the military resources of the nations contemplating it. The strength of the German army is very easily calculated; the basis of calculation being, first, the army on a peace-footing, whose training is uniform and consequently effective, then on the officercorps, and lastly on the trained citizens. The uniformity of training in every German army-corps is absolute and thorough, the ground principle being the treatment of the individual soldier whose thorough training during his period of service, abides with him throughout life. His discipline and facility in military exercises are ingrained into his very nature. The training now being introduced into the French and Russian armies, has been in vogue with us for over fifty years. The development of self-reliance in the leaders has always been deemed of first importance; and to this may be attributed the ready initiative which characterized every battle of the last war. There is no need to comment on our officer-corps, which is universally admitted to be the first in the world; I will only say that it never was better than it is to-day.

The third important factor is our body of trained citizens. This body is animated by a lofty sentiment of patriotism, of duty, and of honor, unapproached by any other nation. Those who passed with me through the campaign of 1870, can bear witness to the extent to which their spirit leavened the masses; to the exultation and confidence with which the reserves and landwehr went to the front. This trained corps embodies the material for a great number of efficient officers and subalterns, an element, limited in the French army, and almost non-existent in the Russian army.

Finally, the nation confides in the army, and the army in the nation. They are animated by one sentiment, and should we be assailed, the nation's pulse would beat as that of one man. Turning now to Russia, we find that she is less well equipped than we are; the present moment, too, is unfavorable to her engaging in important military enterprises. Moreover no nation engages voluntarily in war while its army is in course of being supplied with new weapons, and this will occupy Russia until 1894 in spite of all French support.

Again, an army of one or two million men cannot find subsistence in any enemy's country; even in a wealthy country like France, our army was dependent on the Home Commissariat for the greater part of its supplies. How, then, can Russia think of invasion while her people are suffering from

Public opinion in Germany is at present agitated, because Russia is continually moving troops to the west. This is certainly unpleasant, but does not forebode war. Russia aims to mobilize her troops on the model on which Germany has long since mobilized hers. They have the idea that if they can organize the cadres in the West first, it will greatly facilitate the subsequent mobilization. The view is quite sound, if the mobilization can be completed in time of peace, and if the full complement can be dispatched in order. But if the two ifs" fail, the advantages of the measure are very questionable. The Russian Hotspurs talk of invading Germany with masses of cavalry. They are influenced by the redoubtable services rendered by that arm in the American Civil War, but they would find the conditions very different in a civilized country with railroads and telegraphs, a thoroughly organized public service, and troops in masses. They might raid a border village or two, but they could never penetrate into the country. But the war party in Russia is only the revolutionary party, the followers of Skobelev, the party represented by Delourede and followers in France.

France is equally well armed with ourselves; our organization is, however, sounder, the sense of duty more general and ambition for personal distinction never exceeds the limits called for in the interests of the service. We serve the Kaiser, and no one thinks of winning laurel wreaths at the expense of his fellows. It is very doubtful if the central direction in France could subordinate the several divisions of the army to unity of action. The subordinate leaders, on the other hand, want independence and decision, due to an absence of traditional training.

In time of peace, the discipline of the French army is extremely severe, much more so than with us. Discipline does not count for much in the field when hundreds of thousands come together. Here we want other factors,—training, good example, and sense of duty are much more effective than punishment.

In the higher French military circles they are not altogether without anxiety that the troops might become troublesome. At any rate it may be feared that the smallest disaster may result in disorganization. There are splendid French officers and French soldiers, but they belong to types which are becoming rarer from year to year. A new spirit animates the French army, and it is hardly an admirable one.

As regards our allies, it must be conceded that the Austrian army is being very much improved. The tactics are good, so also are the discipline and sense of duty, No one doubts that the several sections of the Empire would be of one mind in their resistance to Russian aggression. In intelligence the Austrian army far surpasses the Russian, and the equipments are good. Roumania is alert, and her alliance is advantageous in respect that she diverts the attention of two Russian armycorps to herself.

A very important matter in the present situation is the attitude of England. Her alliance would strengthen us materially. It would compel Russia to occupy Finland, Livonia, and Riga in force. In the South, too, England holding the Mediterranean with Italy and Austria would set free three Italian corps. for service elsewhere.

We cannot, however, count on England's alliance. She hates Russia, but she fears France. It might be said that, in the present situation, England holds the balance of power,

but she will fail to seize the opportunity, especially if a Liberal Ministry come into power. We must consequently leave England out of our calculations, and for my own part I rely too thoroughly on our own resources to feel any anxiety.

But, for the reasons above given, I see no prospect of war. We certainly shall not attack either Russia or France, and France, under its present organization, is not likely to attack

us.

The war cry comes from the Boulangist and revolutionary parties, and from talking to drawing the sword is a great step. Still a revolution would take it at a leap, and it behoves us to be prepared. In spite of immediate favorable conditions for peace, we must be on guard; every day, every hour we must be prepared to hurl back the attacking foe.

To this end, it is necessary that the standing army be in a position to absorb the whole military strength of the nation in the hour of danger, and that is a matter of army evolution, irrespective of whether it is qualified by a two or a three-years period of service.

THE AGE OF IRON.

THE STATES OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE versus RUSSIA AND

FRANCE.

WE

Daheim, Leipzig, Vol. 38, No. 8.

E are living in an age of iron. The French naval demonstration at Cronstadt and the change in the political system at Constantinople have opened our eyes to the facts that the political horoscope has changed to the detriment and danger of the Triple Alliance, Their enemies are only awaiting a favorable moment to strike the blow.

A comparison of the military strength of the opposing alliance shows that in every particular, numerically at least, the States of France and Russia are stronger than those composing the Triple Alliance. Italy plays a rather poor rôle and one is tempted to doubt whether it is to be regarded as a first-class Power. The financial status of both the allies of Germany is exceedingly precarious, and this has a serious influence on the status of their armies. It goes without saying that in the coming great struggle Germany must assume the lion's share of the labor and the burden.

In giving the figures of the military strength of the five nations under consideration, those soldiers who can be called out only in extreme danger, are not taken into consideration. These are the Landsturm in Germany and Austria; the Territorial Reserves in Italy and France; the Opoltshenie, or Imperial Defense, in Russia. Of these classes of troops, Germany, Austria, and Hungary keep no official records.

Comparing the number of inhabitants in each country with the annual per capita amount spent for military purposes, we have the following:

In each and every respect France stands at the head of the nations in its military status. Although it has 12,000,000 less of a population than Germany, it maintains 40,000 more soldiers in times of peace, and the law of July 15, 1889, will increase even this number. In France, 1.4 per cent. of the population is under arms in times of peace; in Germany, less than 1 per cent. The following is the phenomenal state of affairs in France:

Its army entire consist of 728,631 in active service, 985,702 reserves of the active army, 994,614 territorial army, 1,266,192 reserve of territorial army; total, 3,975,139 soldiers.

Add to this the foresters, firemen, and others who are drilled on. military methods, we have a total of 4,128,000 men whom France in an extreme emergency can call out under arms, or fully 11 per cent. of the entire population. The highest percentage that was ever called out into war in all history was in

Counting in Territorial Reserves, Landsturm, etc., these five nations can, in case of war, bring upon the field of battle more than fifteen million soldiers!!

WE

AN ESTIMATE OF THE NEGRO.*
Grenzboten, Leipzig, January.

E have all reason to concern ourselves about the character and capacity of the Negro. The share in the task of educating the heathen African assumed by our missionaries during the past two hundred years, has been enlarged and rendered more responsible by our occupation of the continent. Whatever view we take of colonial policy, we stumble continually on the question of education, and, in fact, in its highest sense, the whole colonial policy is an educational policy. All humanizing agencies concentrate themselves on this point. The Negro must be emancipated from heathendom, liberated from slavery, and driven out of his slothfulness. This is absolutely necessary, for he is indispensable to the soil which he occupies. The Negro bears also in his character, traits which more nearly resemble those of children than of grown persons; and on that account may never, perhaps, achieve thorough independence. So much the more difficult is the task for the Europeans who assume the responsibility of his training; but, it may be stated with the most perfect confidence that those colonies will be the most permanent and prosperous in which the native population shall attain the highest moral and intellectual development of which it is susceptible.

The story of the establishment and development of Liberia, the independent republic founded by liberated American slaves, who returned to the continent from which their ancestors had been torn by slave-dealers, affords one of the most interesting and instructive lessons presented by the Dark Continent. One is apt to be misled, says Büttikoser, by the published accounts of this colony. The numbers and power of the Liberians are too insignificant to justify their pretensions to rule the wide region over which they exercise the merest shadow of sovereignty; hence the shameful dilemma in which the republic has been placed by the demands of powerful neighbors, as, for example, by the boundary pretensions of England, and the demand of Germany for compensation for the robbery of the German ship Carlos. The financial condition of the colony was for a long time inconceivably hopeless, and it is now only slowly improving. It is not to be denied that a slip of Christian civilization has taken root here in the * Based on J. Büttikoser's Reisebilder in Liberia.