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Hawies. 179 pp. 15 Unusually entertaining from first to last.Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. 83. Lives of Illustrious Shoemakers. W. E. Winks. 287 pp. A reál novel and good book.-New York Herald. 84. Flotsam and Jetsam. Thos. Gibson Bowles. 266 pp His description of the sea and life upon it cannot be excelled.-Interior, Chicago. $5. Highways of Literature, David Pryde. 156 pp. Of great practical use.-New York Herald. 86. Colin Clout's Calendar. Grant Allen. 288 pp. The record of a summer in the country; the orchard, etc., quaint and instructive. 7. Essays of George Elliot. Nathan Sheppard. 238 pp- In her essays we gain access to her deepest convictions.-The Sun, N. Y. 88. Charlotte Bronte. Laura C. Holloway. 144 pp. An admirable sketch of the distinguished author of Jane Eyre." 25 25 104. With the Poets. Canon Farrar. Canon Farrar's Preface alone is worth the price of the book three times over.-N. Y, Christian Intelligencer. 105. Life of Zwingli. Jean Grob. Decidedly the most solid and condensed 106. Story of the Merv. Edmond O'Donovan. 25 Has all the value of truth and all the interest of fiction.-Hawkeye, Burlington. 125. Old Sailor's Yarns. Roland F. Con. 15 They have all the flavor of the salt sea wave. -New York Herald. Two graphic novels by the great Russian writer. Translated by Gesoni. 25 108. Memorie and Rime. Joaquin Miller. 237 pp. 25 This is the fullest, fairest, and most accurate memoir of the great reformer. Taylor, D.D. William M. 265 25 111. My Musical Memories. H. R. Haweis. 283 pp. 25 25 112. Archibald Malmaison. Julian Hawthorne. 93. A Winter in India. Hon. W. E. Baxter M. P. 154 pp. Opens the door to a vast storehouse of information.-Interior, Chicago. 126 pp 15 A bright, intelligent and late account of India. The Mail, Toronto. Crisp,clear and animated.-The Graphic, N. Y. 120 D-ways of Literature, D. H. Wheeler, 247 pp. 25 This volume is rich in scholarship and suggestion. Evening Transcript, Boston. 15 25 114. 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By Sir Edwin Arnold (author of the Light of Asia), with portrait.. 20 50 25 FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers, 18 and 20 Astor Place, N. Y. J. H. VOORHEES, Metropolitan Block, Sioux Falls, South Dak. E. C. SCHWAN, Cleveland, Ohio. HARVEY & McDONALD, 15 Toronto St., Toronto, Canada. MCPHILLIPS & WILLIAMS, Whetham Block, Vancouver, B. C. H. L. CHRISTY Cor. Fifth and Wylio Aves., Pittsburgh, Pa. NORRIS & HOWARD, Ernest & Cranmer Building, Denver, Colo. CLARENCE A. BRANDENBURG, 4:2 Fifth St., N.W., Washington, D.C. JAMES R. CHALLEN, 20 and 21 Law Exchange, Jacksonville, Fla. JUST PUBLISHED. THE Lady of Cawnpore A Romance. By FRANK VINCENT and ALBERT EDMUND LANCASTER. 12mo, cloth, 420 pp., $1.50, post-free. THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD; Or, THE GREAT CONSUMMATION. BY SIR EDWIN ARNOLD, K. C. I. E., C. S. I. With Introduction by RICHARD HENRY STODDARD. Illustrated with 14 full-page reproductions from HOFFMAN'S CELEBRATED PICTURES of the Life of Christ, and by a portrait of Mr. Arnold. 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J., says: "I have used it for several years, not only in my practice, but in my own individual case, and consider it under all circumstances one of the best nerve tonics that we possess. For mental exhaustion or overwork it gives renewed strength and vigor to the entire system. Descriptive pamphlet sent free on application to Rumford Chemical Works, Providence, R.I. Beware of Substitutes and SMITH PREMIER TYPEWRITER pore" will find it a remarkable book. It deals with human beings, and subjects them to the passions and emotions of their kind. While it is not without sensuousness, it admits of no lasciviousness nor immorality. Its tendency is pure and Christian, not agnostic or depraved. It is neither feeble, neutral tinted, nor conservative, but reis acknowledged by the best experts veals the inmost workings of the soul. It deals "THE LIGHT OF ASIA" to be the only perfect writing For its literature and for its Buddhism, "A complete machine. It is full of new and inrefutation of the alleged claims of Buddhism.". Tribune, Chicago. with idealized realism in its most picturesque and alluring forms. Regarding the authors, Frank Vincent, the great traveler and writer, has traveled 275,000 miles, written his name in the registers of over 500 hotels. He is gifted in languages and dialects, and is on terms of intimacy with more than 1,000 distinguished foreigners. Among his varied experiences he counts interviews and audiences with two Empresses, two Queens, two Princes Imperial, three Viceroys, four Mabarajahs, four “As a piece of destructive criticism genious devices. It has outstripped all It is unsurpassed in the English language."-Examiner, competitors because it has none of the 12mo, cloth, 177 pp. New York. Price, 75 cents, shortcomings and defects of the old postage free; or, with a manilla-bound copy of "Light of Asia," 90 cents. Typewriters. Emperors, and five Kings; has received Court ENGLISH HYMNS; distinctions, decorations, etc. Albert Edmund Lancaster is best known by his admirable essays on literary and social topics, full of fine observation of men and manners and marked by a rare felicity and refinement of style. He is also the author of various successful plays, one of which, "Conscience," was produced at the Union Square Theatre, New York City. As one-half of the story of "The Lady of Cawnpore unfolds itself in India, the other in New York, the joint authors are well appointed and happily associated in its production. FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers, 18-20 Astor Place, New York. Their Authors and History. By Rev. Samuel W. Duffield. 8vo, fine English cloth, 675 pp., $3.00. "A noble volume, a monument to the author's taste, learning, and faithful industry."-E. C. Stedman. thorough work of its kind on either side of the AtlanThis is by far the most complete, accurate, and tic."-Theodore L. Cuyler, D.D. FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, 18-20 Astor Place, New York. NOV. 14, 1891 The Place of Greece in Civilization 38 English Novels 39 40 42 Italy and France. The Affairs of China. The Armed Truce of the Powers 31 Bismarck in the German Parlia SCIENCE AND PHILOSOPHY: ment.... 31 The Results of the Revolution in Chili.. 32 The Place of Party in the Political System.... The Light of the Future.. The Effect of Smokeless Powder on the Wars of the Future.. Among the Prehistoric Monuments in Brittany.. 41 41 ........ 33 The Ethics of Confucius.. SOCIOLOGICAL: La Rassegna Nazionale, Florence, September 16. HE second cause of disagreement between Italy and France France desires war ardently and only awaits an opportunity to make it under favorable conditions. No country or people can suppose that France will ever relinquish the hope of getting back her lost provinces, while it is certain that she cannot repossess them without a great war. There is something more, however; if France could regain those provinces by pacific means, she would not be satisfied, since she wishes to recover, not only Alsace-Lorraine, but her lost prestige and that military primacy which she formerly held in Europe and to which she believes herself entitled. How can * Part I. appeared in last week's issue of THE LITERARY DIGEST. you suppose that the French nation would abandon the desire of wiping out by other great victories the immense defeat of 1870, if you reflect that the war of that year was desired by the military jealousy of the French, to whom it appeared that Prussia had acquired greater glory in '66 than France in '59, and that Sadowa had eclipsed Solferino? Would they now give up their ardent desire to get revenge for Metz and Sedan, and forget that the Prussians have entered Paris three times in this century? This is why France is the only country in Europe which wants war, which has been preparing for it for twenty years, and which has a material and moral interest in provoking it. Italy, on the other hand, has no reason for making war on anyone, and sincerely desires peace, of which she has very great need. With peace Italy expects to consolidate her unity and her political institutions, expects industrial and agricultural prosperity and the amelioration of her finances, at present far from flourishing. Everyone in Italy desires peace, even those who might be suspected of being partisans of war-I allude to the Radicals and Irredentists. While the latter demand the restoration to Italy of Trieste and Trent, they at the same time insist on large reductions in the military budget, and some even go so far as to clamor for the abolition of the permanent army. From this it is an irresistible conclusion that the Irredentists keep up an agitation simply through love of disorder and opposition to the monarchy, since it cannot be that they desire war while they begrudge the cost of it. That Irredentism is solely a party cry is too clear. The Irredentists demand Trieste and Trent, but say not a word about Corsica and Nice. They curse Austria, whose dominion has extended over Trieste and Trent for centuries, and hurrah for France, which but recently has got possession of the two provinces she last acquired. Moreover, Trieste was voluntarily ceded to Austria, while Corsica was sold as they sell slaves, and when she refused to submit to be vended thus ignobly, she was reduced to submission by French arms! Why, then, want to liberate Trent and Trieste and leave the country of Paoli and that of Garabaldi enslaved by the foreigner? Have the Irredentists forgotten the fierce and unfeeling opposition of their predecessors to Cavour, when, much against his will, he had to give up Nice in order to create Italy? Have they-forgotten the fury of Garibaldi and his outcry in a full Chamber: "You have made me a foreigner in Italy!" The endeavor, vital for us, that the French shall not acquire an absolute predominance in the Mediterranean, and the importance that the maintenance of peace in Europe has for us, have alienated Italy from France. These are the two true causes of the disagreement, not spoken of by many, but felt by all. Every other reason for disgust, the occupation of Tunis, the incessant war made by the military, the bureaucrats, and the clergy most of all, on the Italian element there, the sympathy, ill concealed, of very many French Monarchists and Republicans for the temporal power of the Pope, and the hopes that they nourish in the pontifical court, the losses that have been caused to our commerce by the French tariff, the almost daily insults and the frequent provocations of the press, the adhesion of Italy to the two central Empires, all these are manifestations of those two fundamental causes of disagreement and the consequences of them. To put an end to these manifestations, something else is necessary besides the declarations of the Italian Radicals, who for lack of solid reasons excite scandals in Parliament and in the street; something besides their protests, without dignity, of attachment to France, which evoke so little reciprocal feeling from the French Radicals; something besides the idyls of many journalists about community of race and the illusions of some good-hearted men about a possible Latin alliance. There is but one way to restore peace and harmony between Italy and France. Let France not oppose Italy's having in the Mediterranean possessions and influence; let France cease to aim at a predominance in that sea, to which Italy cannot for a moment consent; let France no longer persecute the Italian element in Tunis, nor try to change the protectorate of that country into annexation of it; and let her then give solid guarntees not to disturb the peace of Europe. Such steps will, permit, if not disarmament, at least a diminution of armaments. To obtain from France, however, any one of these things would be so difficult, that it may well be called impossible. That no other method save the one I have indicated would restore harmony between the two Latin nations, and that this sole method is for the present, at least, unattainable, seems to me the general persuasion. The condition of things flowing from this general persuasion is such that, whoever be Ministers of Italy, whatever profession of faith they have made before attaining power, the course of foreign policy does not, and cannot change. Be they revolutionary, like Crispi and Nicotera, moderate, like the Marquis di Rudini, a sort of radical, like Zanardelli, or very conservative, like Count Ferraris, passionate and violent, like Crispi, cold and skeptical, like the dead Depretis, it is necessary for them to tread the same path, namely: to suspect France of lying in wait to get control of the Mediterranean; to endeavor to extend our possessions and influence in that sea, essentially Italian ; and to adhere to the Triple Alliance in order to maintain peace in Europe, in opposition to the only nation which desires war. THE THE AFFAIRS OF CHINA. Edinburgh Review, October. fallacy of human confidence in its own capacity for accurate prediction has received another illustration from recent events in China. Only a few months ago, the governments of the civilized world were congratulating themselves on the personal reception of their representatives at Pekin in audience by the Emperor of China, and were basing on that incident the hope, amounting almost to a positive conviction that the old China with its innate Hostility to foreigners had finally disappeared, and that in its place had arisen a solidly united China with a strong Government ready to carry out all its treaty obligations, and with a well-disposed people anxious to testify, in every way, its desire to live on terms of peace and harmony with foreigners. The vision thus created was an agreeable one, but a few weeks served to dispel it, and to revive fears that have not been so acute for thirty years. Once more we are compelled to think, that at Pekin there is a weak rather than a strong Government, and, without impeaching its good faith, there is considerable doubt as to its ability to properly fulfill its treaty obligations, while throughout China is apparent an unequivocal and inveterate antipathy to foreigners, which needs very little encouragement to break out into disturbances that would render international harmony impossible. Even should the popular excitement yield on the present occasion to official treatment, enough has happened to modify our confidence in the indisputable power of the Pekin executive, and to seriously qualify the perhaps unreasonable expectation, that China had accepted, without reserve, her place in the family of civilized nations, and that she might be, therefore, treated with the same candor and confidence as any of the recognized Great Powers. So far as matters have yet progressed in China, there is rather The recent riots need for vigilance, than ground for alarm. and massacre of English subjects along the great river Yang-tsekiang do not by themselves justify the conclusion that there is a determination among the Chinese masses to expel the foreigners, and that we shall again be compelled to fight for the position we have acquired with such difficulty in their country. If there is any reason to fear that the riots at Wuhu and Wusueh may be followed by graver consequences than the murder of French subjects in 1870 or of Mr. Margery in 1875, the explanation is to be found in the consideration of other circumstances that have come to our knowledge, and that relate to the internal condition of China and the stability of her own government. Without accepting the somewhat alarming conclusions that are based on those circumstances, they are nevertheless such as to deserve careful consideration. They involve not only the continuance of friendly relations between China and the Treaty Powers, but also the internal peace of China and the very existence of the ruling dynasty. At any rate, we believe that the outbreak is not to be ascribed to religious intolerance but to secular motives of hostility. This view is held not by irresponsible persons alone, but by the official representatives of this country in China. In the last blue book issued on Chinese affairs, the reader will find among the evidence carefully selected by Consul Gardner of Hankow, a positive statement based on the admissions of a Chinese official, that "the object of the riots caused by the secret societies, was not so much hostility to Europeans as hostility to their own government." The first article in their programme has been "hostility to foreigners because that seemed the best way to embarrass their Government; the second is the vague and impractiable declaration as to supplanting the Manchu, in favor of another, dynasty; and the third in which their astuteness is more clearly shown than in the others, is to excite the inter-provincial jealousy, which, if communications were more perfect, would probably rend the united Empire of China into several fragments. The particular form in which they have sought to arouse that jealousy involves a direct attack upon Le Hung Chang, whom they charge with showing undue preference to officials of his own native province of Anhui, and the neighboring one of Kiangsi forming together the Viceroyalty of Liang Kiang. There is little doubt that the character of the reigning Emperor, Kwangsu, will exercise a determining influence on the future of both China and his own dynasty. He is a young man, having only completed his twentieth year in August, and everything that has been learnt of him is favorable to his amiability and intelligence. He seems not merely to have been carefully brought up to discharge the difficult and dignified ceremonies of his high station, but also by inclination as well as training to be disposed to pursue an enlightened policy towards foreign countries. But although he may exhibit equal judgment to any of his predecessors in selecting his generals, he will never himself be a great warrior, as would be natural in a Manchu chief. The Manchu dynasty has, however, a stronger basis than is It furnished by the military resources of the governing race. has been accepted by the mass of the nation for more than two hundred and fifty years as a Chinese government, and it unquestionably still enjoys the support of the great mass of Chinese officials. Admitting even a dearth of Manchu statesmen at the present moment, there is no scarcity of remarkable officials of Chinese race who are quite capable of rendering Its enemies may the Emperor efficient and loyal service. denounce the Manchu dynasty as foreign, but in all essential points it is thoroughly Chinese, and the administration of the country is conducted by a civil service in which the preponderating element is Chinese. Responsible Chinese officials cannot but see that a change of dynasty will neither remedy their position, nor alleviate the industrial depression, due in a great measure to a falling off in the tea trade. The Manchus may be of an alien, and, as is considered, an inferior race, but their rule is based on Chinese principles, and is upheld by an official class which is almost exclusively Chinese. Any project to depose the dynasty will inevitably be formed from only one of two considerations. Some ambitious and well-informed viceroy may consider that the Manchu dynasty is so effete, and that its power and position are so moribund, that only a push is neccssary to dethrone it; or, in the collisions of rival viceroys which threaten to form a new phase of Chinese life, one or other of the candidates for power may feel impelled to strengthen his own cause by an open attack on the dynasty, and by an avowed intention to supersede it. We believe that the more carefully the matter is considered, the more evident it will appear that any danger to the Manchu dynasty can only present itself in a practical form under one of these two heads. If the Manchu dynasty has enemies, it has certainly no better way of baffling them, and of prolonging its own existence, than by stifling the incipient signs of rebellion, and proving that it is determined to uphold the treaties and to facilitate the growth of commercial intercourse between China and the other countries of the world. OUR THE ARMED TRUCE OF THE POWERS. WILLIAM R. THAYER. Forum, New York, November. UR age surpasses all previous ages in asserting that it has attained the highest civilization; and it is sure that war is barbarous, and believes that it desires peace beyond everything. Yet the fact stands that never in her history has Europe devoted so much attention to her armies as now. What we do, we are; what we think, we would be. Europe, full of pacific thoughts, devotes herself to warlike preparations. Kaisers meet and kiss each other on both cheeks; they extol the sweetness of brotherly love; they attend each other's grand manoeuvres; and then-increase the garrisons along their respective frontiers. In Europe to-day three millions of men, the physical flower of the Continent, have been drilling, marching, practicing at targets, learning the use of bayonet and sabre, and performing as nearly as is possible in and sham fights the evolutions of actual war. It was so yesterday, last year, and through all the yesterdays of twenty years. Seven times during this period has the personnel of the vast host been renewed; consequently, there are now about twenty millions of Europeans, not yet beyond middle life, who have been trained to the fighter's profession, and who could at briefest notice take their places in the active army or in the reserve, This spectacle is without parallel in the history of the world. Every monarch and minister protests that this enormous burden of preparation is necessary, though each protests that he has no desire to break the peace; and the populations whose welfare depends on peace, consent to furnish the means for maintaining this vast armament. Rightly or wrongly, Europe has been persuaded that she cannot dispense with her military system, cannot make her actions tally with her pacific protestations. By whom is her tranquility threatened? What reason have her several Powers for supposing themselves in imminent danger of attack? Revenge and ambition are the most prolific causes of war. Under ambition I class not only the desire to seize the territory or treasure of a rival, but also the desire to divert attention from internal discontent by engaging in foreign war. Among the great Powers to-day, France is saturated with longing to avenge herself on Germany, and Russia is swelling with ambition. The French insist that they wish only to defend themselves from attack; but in their hearts there rankles the consciousness of their defeat in 1870, and there lie Alsace and Lorraine as perpetual reminders that what was French is now German. Germany will yet rue the day when she seized those provinces; for though France may never regain them, yet not * The Statesman's Year Book for 1891 gives the following figures of the chief European armies, on a peace footing: Austria, 336,717 men; Belgium, 48.000; France, 593,277; Germany, 492,246; Holland, 29,000; Italy, 270,000; Portugal, 37,000; Russia, 814,000; Spain, 144.912. The remaining countries would bring the total beyond three millions. in our generation nor in the next will she relinquish the attempt: they are the concrete and visible signs of her humiliation. The flaunting of the German flag over Metz and Strasburg is a taunt she cannot brook, a challenge she will not reject. Germany, having rounded out her empire by the seizure of the Danish provinces in 1864, and that of Alsace and Lorraine in 1871, can honestly enough affirm that she only wishes to be let alone. She has no motive of revenge nor of territorial ambition to goad her into war; but she is still the one great Power whose geographical position compels her to be armed and ready. On the west she is menaced by France, in whom she implanted an implacable hatred; on the east she is menaced by Russia, the colossal barbarian with the barbarian's impulse to overrun the lands and possess the wealth of more civilized men. Russia is, in fact, the centre of the warlike storm-area today. Eliminate her from European politics, and the other Powers would have no remaining plausible excuse for keeping up their armaments, because France would see the hopelessness of dashing her head against Germany supported by Austria and Italy. The possibility of winning Russia as an ally to strike Germany "between the hammer and the anvil" has given French revenge a concrete, practical form, and has forced Germany to stand by her guns. And the Russian monster threatens not only Germany, but, as Napoleon discerned eighty years ago, he endangers all Western Europe. There comes a stage, in the progress of a race out of barbarism, when its rapid increase in numbers is accompanied by a rapid development of warlike propensities. Russia is still barbarous; what we deem civilization there is only skin-deep. There are four or five score millions of these barbarians to-day, who are chiefly conscious of two facts,-that beyond their western borders stretches a land of promise; and that the sword wins the products of loom and plough. What the riches of Italy were to the Germans of the fifth century, what the settlements of Germany were to the Huns in the eleventh century, what the plains of Hungary and the Danubian valley were to the Turks of the seventeenth century-such is civilized Europe to the Russians of to-day. Shall the Slavic race prove the one exception to that general impulse which, from the beginning of history, has sent tribe after tribe from the far East on its march towards the Atlantic? Monarchs and ministers have lost faith in the attainability of real peace, and, as a poor substitute for it, have perfected the present system, whereby each country, by being fully armed, hopes to discourage its neighbors from assailing it. I BISMARCK IN THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT. EMILIO CASTELAR. Arena, Boston, November. CANNOT pardon the historian Bancroft, loved and admired by all, for having compared an institution like the New German Empire with the American Republic. The impersonal character of the latter, the personal character of the former, place the two governments in radical contrast. In America the Nation is supreme-in Germany, the Emperor. Germany is in every way the antithesis of America; it worships personal power. The Hohenzollern dynasty has distinguished itself beyond all other German dynasties by its moral nature and material temperament of pure and undisguised autocracy. Bismarck did as he liked with the Empire when it was ruled by William I., and did not see what would be the irremissible and natural issue of the system to which he lent his authority and his name.. He should have known it as his duty and that of the nation and the Germans, to guard against some atavistic caprice which would strike at his own power. The predecessor of Frederick the Great was a monomaniac and the predecessor of William the Strong was a madman. Bismarck wished |