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Wlasta heard these threats, and suffered personally from their insolence; but while the proposed change in affairs depressed her comrades, it only fired her with the spirit of vengeance and resistance.

Never was a woman more truly born for a leader, for a revolutionist than Wlasta. She was tall and majestic like a goddess; proud or gracious as it was necessary to accomplish her ends. She disciplined her troops in military tactics, teaching her women warriors a skill and adroitness that immortalized them in the annals of war. She heaped upon men. whom she called “barbarians," all the imprecations of her wrathful eloquence, and commanded that wherever a man should be found, he should be killed, maimed, or added to their galley-force.

Plots were laid to entrap men to their ruin, wives were incited to stab their husbands when giving caresses; lovers were inveigled into conferences to be maimed, mutilated, or captured. Men suspected poison at the table, and feared the dagger at every turn. As Wlasta's power increased the insolence of women also increased. Wifely obedience was no longer the ritual of Bohemian households. Women carried the purse, went to the chase, and formed the heads of the families. Men nursed the babies, cooked, and mended the clothes. In brief the rôle of the two sexes was completely changed.

Naturally enough that state of subjection did not endure, and the men rallied at the call of one Stamolas. Wlasta, apprised of their approach, put her women under arms, and rode through their ranks, crying: "The longed-for hour has come! The day of vengence has arrived! You will meet husbands, brothers, fathers even, but let that not arrest your hand or make falter your heart. The nearer the tie, the tenderer the heart into which you plunge the dagger, the greater will be your glory. It is your liberty and not your love that is at stake; and liberty, liberty was never won but through seas of blood and fields of carnage." She called each of her warriors by name, and praised the ferocious ardor she saw gleaming in their eyes. Like a torrent they fell upon the men and the first fierce yell of the Amazons put their whole camp in disorder. The women cut to pieces the men they met; the carnage became general, and the camp was surrounded on all sides. Wlasta's eye fell upon Stamolas, about whom was grouped his staff. With one swoop of her charger she was upon him, and cleft his head in twain. Intimidated by the fall of their chief, the men took to their heels, leaving three hundred of their dead on the field. Wlasta issued the following laws:

I. Upon the birth of every male child in Bohemia, the thumb of his right hand shall be cut off and his right eye destroyed, so that he may be disabled for using the sabre, and for giving true aim to his

arrow.

II. It is forbidden to men, under pain of death, to carry arms, no matter of what sort. They are permitted to ride on horseback, with their legs joined and hanging at the left side of the horse. Any man, daring to ride otherwise, incurs the penalty of death.

III. All men, noble or of low birth, shall follow the plough, and perform every sort of servile labor. Women will fight for them, defending their homes and their country.

IV. All young women will choose husbands to suit themselves. Every man, who shall refuse to accept the hand offered to him, shall be punished with death.

These laws were promulgated everywhere in Bohemia. Men cursed and groaned with renewed force upon the appearance of this last afront to their sex. They assembled before the prince's palace, demanding with loud cries to be armed, and threatening to dethrone Przémyle, if he did not march against the women at once.

It would be tiresome to tell and painful to read the story of that final battle; how every woman "to a man" perished rather than surrender; how Przémyle offered them quarter, and not one would accept it; how they all fell, arms in hand, faithful to the last; and how the dreadful Wlasta met a "Hec

tor" worthy of her steel, and both fell together. One must admire their heroism, and the spirit that reigned so triumphantly to the bitter end.

The discontent engendered by Wlasta in the feminine heart, did not perish with her on the battlefield. Many years afterward occasional efforts were made by women to regain supremacy over men.

The Wlastas of to-day fight with different arms, and pursue a different mode of warfare; but it may be some comfort for them to know that their "griefs" have the merit of age and the prestige of heroic and martial valor.

THE SKULL OF A MAN WHO SAW SAINT GEORGE. GUSTAVE SCHLUMBERGER.

TH

Revue des Etudes Grecques, Paris, January to March. HE patron saint of England has been dead a good while, the year of his death being generally put at 303 of our era. In the general decay of all sublunary things, including human bodies, it would hardly seem possible that there can be yet in existence any portion of a man who had set eyes on a person who died sixteen centuries ago. Nevertheless, the fact of such a phenomenon seems tolerably well established.

When Saint George was put to death, under Diocletian, for embracing Christianity, there were present at his martyrdom a number of persons, who were so touched by what they saw that they turned Christians. Forthwith they were all arrested and decapitated at Nicomedia. One of these persons was Akindynos, who became a notable saint of the Greek Church. After his death the churches of the Orient divided among them his remains. A portion of his skull became the property of the church of Saints Comus and Damien in Constantinople. A Russian pilgrim, Archbishop Anthony, of Novgorod, who visited the capital of the Eastern Empire in the year 1200, and who left a manuscript account of his visit, which has come down to us, venerated this relic, and has given a description of it. A silver plate was fastened to the bone of the saint, and on this plate was engraved his name and bust.

Four years after the visit of the Archbishop, in 1204, the Latin warriors of the Fourth Crusade took Constantinople, and the spoils of the innumerable religious edifices of the city became the property of the conquerors, and, transported to the West, were bestowed there on various churches and monasteries.

The piece of the skull of Saint Akindynos was allotted to a lord of Franche-Comté, long a part of the kingdom of Burgundy. He was, probably, a Sire de Vadans. However that may be, the possessor of the relic presented it to the Cistercian Abbey of Rosières, a rich monastery which is entirely destroyed, but which stood in what is now the canton of Arbois.

The piece of the skull was carefully preserved in the abbey of Franche-Comté. It is mentioned in an inventory of the property of the convent made in 1714. In the time of the Revolution the relic of Rosières disappeared with the abbey and the church. The monks were dispersed, the monuments destroyed, the precious objects sent to the melting-pot. From that time to this nothing was ever heard of the skull of Saint Akindynos until this year, when it was discovered in a remarkable way.

The parish priest of a little commune in the vicinity of Rosières, the Abbé Guichard, an archeologist of reputation, in some excavations he had made among a mass of wood-ashes contained in an old salt-pit, Im. 50c. under ground, found the bone of the saint, with the silver plate still affixed to it. The Abbé Guichard, enlightened as to the value of his discovery by Mr. Gauthier, sent the relic to me.

The fragment of skull is a portion of the left parietal fossa. The silver plate, a work of the tenth century, is of circular form. On it is engraved the bust of the saint, with his name written in Greek characters. The figure is that of a young man; the hair is long, the beard pointed. The plate is fastened to the skull by four little bands of metal and eight nails.

!

Books.

DIE WAFFEN NIEDER!* Eine Lebensgeschichte. Von Bertha von Suttner. Dresden and Leipzig: E. Pierson. 1892.

[Twenty-two years ago, the cry" To Arms!" aroused all Germany to an enthusiastic response. Napoleon III., for dynastic reasons, thought it good policy to curb the growing power of Prussia, and signalize his reign by a brilliant campaign. He determined to satisfy the French thirst for glory by the annexation of the Rhine provinces. Prussia's appeal to the smaller States to rally to the defense of the sacred soil of the German Rhineland swept over the land like an electric wave, arousing in every breast a fierce fire of patriotism, a passionate impulse to fight for the integrity of the Fatherland, and to die for it if need be. Once more Germany was united; princes and people were of one accord; and Saxony and Bavaria, Baden and Westphalia, Hesse and Silesia, Hanover and Brunswick, Pomerania and the Swabianland, sent forth their sons to battle for the German cause. Not a man in Germany, worthy of the name, shrank from the needed sacrifice, not a mother hesitated to send her son or husband to the front. It is a period which Germans may well recall with pride, a period at which all thought of self was subordinated to a loftier impulse of duty. Other forces may have been at work also; the long slumbering battle-instinct in the German burgher class had been aroused, it had found its justification in the Gallic invasion; but, whatever the causes, the German nation was for the moment exalted, and ennobled.

The German arms were everywhere successful. France, beaten in the field, brought on herself further humiliation by prolonged struggle; but so far from being humbled by defeat, she at once set herself about the reform of her army, and has spent the intervening years in preparation for revenge. Germany must needs keep pace with her. Industry is crippled, the nation, in common with all the nations of Europe, is an armed camp.

And now,

while Germany is groaning under the burden of war-taxation in time of there falls clarion-tongued upon the national ear, "Die Waffen nieder!" peace, (Lay down your arms!). Clear, sharp, and imperative it rings out as though it were a command from heaven, a respite from the weary burden under which the nations of Christendom are groaning. It is a woman's cry, but the volumes through which she has found access to the public ear have been characterized as epochmaking. It is a call to the nations to disband their armies, and submit all differences to an international tribunal. It strips war of its glamour, presents the battle-field in all its naked horrors, dwells on the noble lives wasted, the rich blood spilled, and the bright homes desolated for the indulgence of a surviving instinct of savagedom; and it appeals to all who regard war in that light to engage in a new crusade for its suppression.

And now to the work itself, which is written in the form of an autobiography. Martha, borr von Althaus, afterward Martha von Dotzky, finally Martha von Tilling, is the medium employed by the author to depict the horrors of war from her own experiences, to arouse sympathy by the passionate outpouring of her own sufferings, and with her keen woman's wit to combat the plea of "inevitable" with which Junkerdom justifies its profession of arms.]

MARTHA VON ALTHAUS was a member of the inner circle of

Austrian nobility. Her father, a retired general, centres all his past in a glorious campaign in Italy, her brother, and all the young men in her circle of acquaintance, worship the profession of arms, which, apart from diplomacy, is regarded as the only profession fit for a gentleman. Martha has read histories which represent war as the chief employment of nations, and military distinction as the acme of virtue. Saturated with the element which envelopes her, she, too, is emulous of distinction, and in her day-dreams pictures herself as a modern Joan of Arc. This is only the hankering after an unknown ideal which interprets itself at her first ball, which she is allowed to attend, en tour, to give her confidence on her first appearance in the Salons of Vienna. Here she was introduced to Count Arno von Dotzky, a lieutenant of Hussars, who made love "like a soldier." On both sides, it was a case of love at first sight, and they were married on her eighteenth birthday, shortly after her presentation at Court. They enjoy a brief year of unalloyed happiness, during which she gives birth to a boy whom the fond parents at once enroll as a soldier, promoting him to corporal at the end of three months. While thus playing with life after the manner of children who have never known care, she is aroused to a realization of its earnestness by the prospect of war with Italy. Arno is fired with dreams of distinction, and his wife and child, the Corporal Rudolf, are relegated to the background; but she pictures him as borne down by the flying-wounded, helpless, deserted. These are moments of terrible anguish, but Arno consoles

her.

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My darling, courage, control! there is nothing so dreadful about it. We shall soon return home as conquerors, Then we shall be doubly happy. Do not cry so; it rends my heart. I'm almost sorry that I pledged myself to go, in any case, even if my own regiment were not ordered to the front but no, only think of it: If my comrades must go to the front, with what right could I remain at home? You yourself would be ashamed of me. Some time I must go through the baptism of fire, and until that occurs, I can hardly regard * The peculiar significance of this book, in consideration of its authorship, the importance of the subject treated, and the attention it has attracted in Europe, seem to justify the appropriation to it of all our space in this department.

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But Arno came back no more: he "remained" on the field of glory. And Martha ? In the interval between Arno's departure and his death in the battle of Solferino, she had protested with all her soul against the conventional pleas by which her party sought to justify the war, and especially against the plea that war was of divine institution; nevertheless in the early days of her mourning there was something of solace in the feeling that she was regarded as one of those who had made great sacrifices for her country. Next to the blood of the patriot were not the tears of the bereaved mother, wife, and sweetheart the most precious libation?

The succeeding four years were spent by Martha in close retirement which she devoted mainly to the young Rudolf, and the study of the problems which perplexed her. Her views were greatly biassed by Buckle in whose "History of Civilization" she saw all her dim perplexities mirrored in clear outline. She saw it laid down as a fact that war which is the prime pursuit of the savage, becomes less and less a measure of self-preservation as civilization advances; that the chronicles of camps and courts, which make history in earlier stages of society, are mere isolated phenomena of modern civilization, impeding, but scarcely warping the career of human progress. She saw war reduced to its true proportions in history and stripped of its glamour, and concluded that the battle-instinct is kept alive mainly by illusions fostered in youth, by a false presentation of the subject in history.

Martha thought, for she had felt, and she possessed, moreover, the critical faculty; but she was still young; the despair which crushed her with the news of Arno's death passed into grief, the grief into melancholy, the melancholy into indifference, and this, in turn, into the joyousness of life. After four years of retirement she woke one morning to the realization that she was really a very enviable young woman-three and twenty years of age, and the possessor of wealth, beauty, station, freedom, an attached family, and a very lovable boy. Her two sisters were ready to "come out," and she herself was enchanted with the idea of presenting them, and of mingling once more in the gay world from which she had so long withdrawn. The old wound had healed; and the broader views of life opened up by Buckle and Darwin made her realize that had Arno lived, they two would have drifted intellectually apart from each other. She resolves never to marry a soldier again; but in due course a new suitor came in the person of Lieutenant-Colonel von Tilling, and she could not say him nay. In fact, although he let his secret be read, she had to exert consider. able address to wring the confession from him. But Baron von Til

ling is a man fitted in every way to be her mate. A Prussian by birth, he has taken service in the Austrian army, but he has been brought to realize that his calling is, for him, an anachronism, that the profession of the soldier is opposed to progress and humanity. Moreover, he has experienced all the horrors of war, he has witnessed the terrors of the panic-stricken, with the exultant foe shouting behind them, the hor rors of the battlefield after friend and foe have swept by and left the wounded to their fate; with all this he realizes the force of existing conditions, and the necessity of keeping in touch with the spirit of the age; and, at the period of his marriage, although pride alone or the fear of being misconstrued would have withheld him from sending in his resignation, he was still further influenced by the sense that as there was fighting to be done, it behooved him to take his share. But as he participated in his wife's studies his mental horizon widened, and he meditated resigning, and organizing the nucleus of a peace crusade, when the Schleswig-Holstein affair came to a crisis, and effectually thwarted his intentions. The order to join his regiment was a severe blow to both of them; the birth of her child was at hand, and the excitement of parting brought on premature birththroes, in the midst of which he had to tear himself from her, and hurry to the scene of action, with no better consolation on the road than the news that his child was dead, and his wife in a very precarious condition.

Tilling served through the campaign, but was slightly wounded at its close, and Martha's life hung in the balance through the whole period. With his sentiments opposed to war as a means of settling international difficulties, he had studied the Schleswig-Holstein tangle exhaustively, and depicts the pleas which were advanced to justify the

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war with cutting irony. Yes, he has done with soldiering. Henceforth he will enlist as a soldier in a cause which he may not live to see victorious, but which sooner or later shall triumph-the cause of peaceful adjustment of international difficulties.

Tilling now decided to quit the service, but man proposes in the face of unseen obstacles. The war inaugurated speculation and commercial disasters, and among these was the collapse of the bankinghouse in which Martha had her private fortune. They had now nothing but Tilling's pay, and for him to resign now and render himself dependent on her father was beyond discussion.

The Austro-Prussian campaign followed quickly, and its announcement came at a moment when Tilling was on duty in Bohemia, and she in Vienna. With the news came a letter from Tilling that he was already under orders to march with the advance guard; and for Martha there remained nothing but to make lint for the wounded, and see visions of Tilling lying among heaps of slain.

Tilling found abundant opportunities to write, down to the eve of the decisive battle of Königgratz, in which he was to take part on the morrow. The battle was fought and lost, but day succeeded day, and no letter from Tilling. After some days there came a letter from her good friend, Dr. Bresser, who was in the neighborhood of the battlefield, trying to organize what help he could for the wounded. He expected a Frau Simon, a Saxon Miss Nightingale, to join him in a few days. The sufferings, he described as boundless-beyond the power of imagination to conceive. Martha read and pictured Tilling lying among the wounded and the dead, until, in imagination, she heard him calling her name. The tension was too terrible-she hastily resolved to hurry to the scene, and search the battlefield and hospitals for her wounded husband. She had a letter from Tilling in which he had described the measures for removing the wounded to the rear during a battle, and she soon found that there were scenes more horrible even than battle-the field after the battle.

No cannonading, no braying of trumpets, no beating of drums now, nothing but low, agonizing groans. The trodden earth saturated with blood, the once smiling villages reduced to ruins . . . and on the battlefield, thousands upon thousands of dead and dying-helpless dying. Scarce a trace of vegetation to be seen, but road and meadow are strewn with swords, bayonets, knapsacks, mantles, overturned ammunition wagons, blown-up powder tumbrils, guns with broken carriages. Near the cannon whose throats are blackened with smoke, the ground reeks with blood; there lie the most, and the most mutilated dead and halfdead, literally torn by balls. And the dead and half-dead horses!-they raise themselves on their remaining legs only to sink again, until at length they raise their heads for the agonizing death-cry. One gully is completely filled with bodies trodden into the mire. The unfortunates had probably fled here for shelter, but a battery had charged over them-the horses' hoofs and the wheels crushed them. Many of them still live. A mangled, bloody mass, but "still living." Frau Simon accompanied the Prussian surgeon to the castle where the most of the wounded lay. Dr. Bresser determined to go through the remaining houses of the village, and I decided to accompany him. That Friedrich was not in the castle the Doctor was positive, having already made the round of it.

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What all have I seen and experienced on this day!

To close the narration were truly the simplest and the most attractive course. In the presence of too-horrible scenes, one closes the eyes and turns aside the head-even memory strives to exclude such scenes. When no good can be done. -when the past is beyond recall, why should we torment ourselves and others by raking it up?

To what end? I will answer that question later. For the present let it suffice: I must!

Here follows a long series of horrid scenes from the other battlefields of the campaign, which Martha gathered from eye-witnesses, principally surgeons. Her own tour of inspection was soon over. She broke down completely in a few days, and Dr. Bresser sent her back to Vienna, and telegraphed to her father to meet her. arrived at Grumitz, her father's estate, a few hours after Friedrich, who had been wounded in the leg, and had no opportunity of writing.

She

"Oh Friedrich, Friedrich!" I repeated amid tears and caresses, "have I recovered you?" "And you must needs search for and tend me? How heroic, and yet how foolish, Martha !"

"Foolish, yes-I see that now. Your voice calling to me was fantasy, superstition, for you did not call me. But heroic? No. If you only knew how cowardly I behaved in the presence of the suffering! Only you-if you had lain there, I could have tended you. Oh Friedrich I have seen terrible things, scenes which never can be effaced from memory. Oh, how can man thus mar our beautiful world, Friedrich? A world in which two persons can love each other as you and I do. How can people, capable of such happiness as ours, be mad enough to fan the flames of death-bringing and misery-bringing hate?"

"I also have witnessed a horrible sight, Martha-something which will ever

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And now the Prussians marched upon Vienna, and while terms of peace were being discussed, a body of troops were quartered on Grumitz. One of their number, Prince Heinrich von Reuss, was enamored of one of Martha's sisters; and the author indulges in much sarcastic humor over the dilemma of her father, who hated the Prussians collectively like poison, but liked the Prince individually well enough for a son-in-law.

The young people were affianced, the Prussians marched off, leaving only their sick behind them, and now the cholera broke out among these, and fatal indeed was its record in Martha's house. Her two sisters and brother were swept off, and her broken-down father fell a victim to paralysis of the heart. Martha herself fell into a state of blank passive despair. Her father's wealth had all fallen to her and her husband took her to Switzerland, where she gradually recovered interest in life, a life with a steady purpose now, for Friedrich had sought out the promoters of the Swiss Cross Movement and was discussing measures for the New Crusade. This was now to be the business of their lives; and, while resolved to hold aloof from society, they sketched out for themselves a course of study and of travel.

now,

Friedrich had now left the service, and some months later they returned to Vienna, and after Martha had set her affairs in order they determined on a visit to Berlin. The road lay through Bohemia, they broke the journey in Prague, and at breakfast the next morning they learnt that it was All-Souls'-Day, and determined to visit the graves of those who fell at Königgratz.

We had now reached the spot where the greatest number lay buried-friend and foe side by side. The plot was enclosed like a church-yard. Hither flocked the great body of mourners; for here, most probably, were their own mourned ones laid at rest. Here, by the fence, the mourners knelt and wept; here, on the palings, they hung their wreaths and grave-lanterns.

A tall, slight man, with distinguished youthful bearing, and wearing a general's cloak, advanced toward the tumulus; the crowd fell back respectfully, and I heard a low murmur:

"The Kaiser."

Yes, it was Francis Joseph, the father of his country, the chief of the army, who, on this All-souls-Day, had come to offer up a silent prayer for the lost children of the soil, for his fallen soldiers.

He, too, like Friedrich, stood with bare, bent head in mournful reverence before the majesty of death.

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Long, long, he stood motionless. I could not turn my eyes from him. What were the thoughts that surged through his soul? What feelings agitated his heart, which, I knew, was a good and gentle heart? It came over me that I could follow him in his train of sensations, and share with him the thoughts which coursed through his bowed head. Oh my poor, brave fellows dead, and to what purpose? We have not even conquered. My Venice! lost so much, so much lost and your young lives and you sacrificed them so freely for me. Oh, that I could restore them to you! It was not for my own sake that I required the sacrifice. For your own sakes, and for the sake of your country were you led into this war and not through me, even although at my command. Was I not compelled to issue the command? It is not for my sake that my subjects exist-no, it was for their own sakes that I was called to the throne. And I was ready at any moment to die for the welfare of my people. Oh, if I had only followed the promptings of my own heart, and withheld the fatal yes when all around me clamored: But could I have opposed them? God is my witness, I could not. scarcely know myself now, what the forces were which urged me on-only this I know-it was an irresistible pressure from without-from you yourselves, ye dead soldiers. Oh how sad, sad, sad-what have you not suffered? and now you lie here, and on other battlefields, swept away by cartridges and sabre cuts, by cholera and typhus. Oh, if I could have said "No And you, Elizabeth, appealed to me to say it. Oh had I said it! The thought is unendurable, alas, it is a miserable, imperfect world too much, too much

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of misery! And even as I thus interpreted his thoughts, my eyes hung on his lineaments, and now-yes! it was "too much, too much of misery "-he covered his face with both hands, and burst into passionate weeping.

Such was the scene on All-Souls-Day, 1866, on the lost field of Sadowa.

Last scene of all, the Tillings take up their residence in Paris. It was the place best suited to the development of their plans for disarmament: their "Peace politics" as they called it. The war of 1870 burst on them unprepared, and Martha's illness prevented their leaving the city before the threatened siege. Their German tongue grated on French ears, and during the reign of the Commune their rooms were searched, and some Berlin letters found in Tilling's possession stamped him as a Prussian and a spy. There was no appeal; the frenzied mob dragged him out and shot him.

[We have here unquestionably a very remarkable work. As a plea for a general disarmament it stands unrivaled. For familiarity with the details of the subject treated, for breadth of view, for logical acumen, for dramatic effect, and literary excellence it stands unequaled by any work written with a purpose. It has already created an enormous stir in Germany and Austria, and we are led to infer that Frau von Suttner has devoted herself to the subject for a lifetime, and that her heroine (herself?) was the chief instrument in the inauguration of the International Peace Conferences.]

The Press.

POLITICAL.

THE RHODE ISLAND ELECTION Providence Journal (Ind.), April 8.-Sober and thinking men on both sides cannot possibly avoid seeing that the recent campaign in this State admirably illustrates one great truth which high-minded and patriotic men must rejoice to know does exist, and the perpetual existence and force of which especially need to be enforced upon the National political managers of both parties at this time. That truth is that even in politics honesty is the best policy, by which is meant in the long run the winning policy, and that there is an element, a large and controlling element, among the common people to which personal cleanliness, in the moral and political sense, often appeals as strongly as great principles of government or finance, and always more strongly than the sordid and dishonorable arts of the unscrupulous politician. The lesson should not be lost on party managers. They must put forward, both nationally and locally, their cleanest and ablest men, and strive to elect them by only the fairest and manliest efforts. Otherwise they will roundly deserve the sharp popular rebuke which they will surely receive.

a pretty big country, and it does not always | fair wages have been paid, and there have been accept the pointer " so generously offered by no labor troubles.

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some little corner. In 1890, for example, the Boston Advertiser (Rep.), April 8.-Wednes
general Republican triumph in November," day's election shows that the McKinley Bill
which was so clearly foreshadowed to the edi-
tor of the Tribune by the election in Maine, author of that bill met the voters of Rhode
scare has lost its power to frighten. The
got hopelessly lost sometime during the inter- Island face to face, and they saw in him a
vening two months.
friend. What Major McKinley was to that
bill in the House of Representatives, Senator
Aldrich was to the same measure in the Fed-

Boston Herald (Ind.), April 9.—There are
people who are inclined to hold that it was not
the best party policy for the Democrats to
make a campaign on National issues in Rhode
Island so soon after the Democratic party had
weakened itself by its course in electing Crisp
Speaker, and accepting the train of bad results
that naturally followed from this unnecessary
mistake. Something had been done to remedy
this in defeating the Free Coinage Bill in the
House, and in declaring for Cleveland for
President, but more time was required to re-
cover from the loss of public confidence that
had been the penalty of previous action. Rhode
Island, if left alone by those who introduced
National issues, would probably have voted
about the same way. Cleveland's appearance
had results, but among them it is to be remem-
bered was the increasing of Republican efforts,
as well as the adding to Democratic votes.

eral Senate. Rhode Island's citizens have

called their great Senator to an account, and have pronounced themselves more than satisfied with his accounting. The hue and cry about McKinley prices served its turn astonishingly in the autumn of 1890, when assertion had full swing because experience had not yet begun. The same hue and cry had some, though greatly enfeebled, potency in the autumn of 1891, for the full effects of the new tariff law had not even then been realized; but in the spring of this year of grace, 1892, the people know that on the whole the McKinley Bill has done them good, and not harm.

beaten in advance.

is not necessary to go far afield for the causes New Haven Palladium (Rep.), April 7.-It of the Democratic disaster. They may be summed up in short order. The people do New York Tribune (Rep.), April 8.-Senator not want Democratic free silver; they do not Aldrich, the foremost advocate of the new want mongrel Democratic tariff reform; they tariff in New England, is sustained as Gover- do not want another Democratic House of Springfield Republican (Ind.), April 8.— nor McKinley was in Ohio. The magnitude Representatives-this one has been a dose; The main issue of the contest was made on and significance of the result in Rhode Island they will not have Republican ascendency in affairs of National concern. The Providence are not to be judged by the size of the State, the Senate endangered; and they will not have Journal refused the Democrats its support for but by the great gain which appears, the Grover Cleveland, with his' dreary platitudes reasons local and also National. That influen extraordinary obstacles overcome, and the and his cowardly selfishness, at any price. One tial newspaper, and with it the Rhode Island indications afforded of the effect of National result of the Rhode Island election, amorg several others, is a direct order to the Democ Independents, would not support a party issues upon similar populations engaged in which in the Empire State had glorified into a similar industries in Massachusetts and Con- racy to hunt up a fresh candidate for the Pres National leader one of the most disreputable necticut, the adjoining States. For the first idency. There is not much likelihood that of Democratic politicians, and which in Con- time in four years the Republicans have a com- obedience to this mandate will be of any help gress had crowned fatal errors of organization plete victory in Rhode Island. The Demo-to them, but they will be forced to obey or be with a hapless display of Democratic strength cratic plurality was 4,419 in 1889, 1,560 in 1890, in favor of the free coinage of the silver dollar. and 1,254 a year ago. But now the RepubliThe result shows that Mr. Cleveland's appeal cans have a majority on the popular vote of was not enough to confine the issue to that of 229, so that they could carry the State for the tariff. The Republican orators and the President with the same vote. The new politi Providence Journal talked siiver, and the cal era in Rhode Island is due to the Constituvoters were influenced thereby. If this view tional Amendment adopted in April, 1888, by of the result be approximately correct, the which all citizens of the State were enfraneffect of the election upon the National Democ-chised and the property qualification for voting racy ought to be sobering in the extreme. was abolished. The tariff issue, according to What has happened in Rhode Island will be Free Traders, transformed Rhode Island into likely to happen in Connecticut and New York a Democratic State, and they shouted with reif the Democratic National Convention lends joicing, and concluded that other New England willing ear to the seductive strain of the silver States were going the same way. It was pleassiren, or is dominated by a leadership that reant then to befool themselves with the idea pels the moral sense of the Nation. that the addition of new voters was not the cause of change, or that the new voters would New York Evening Post (Ind.), April 7- always continue to vote against the industries Rhode Island has long been the most corrupt in which most of them were empioyed. But State in the Union, in the matter of elections, it now appears that the majority of the people and, despite the safeguards of a secret ballot-do not want what is called tariff reform, seeing law, it will always be possible for the party that it threatens their industries. which has the most money at command to make it tell in its favor. Everybody knows Philadelphia Press (Rep.), April 9.—If Mr. that this party in Rhode Island is always the Grover Cleveland had read the market reports Republican-and this year more than ever, as and trade statistics, instead of listening to the the election involved the fate of Senator predictions of his Democratic friends in the Aldrich, who has a tremendous "pull" on the State, he would never have gone to Rhode manufacturers by reason of his prominence in Island to present his favorite issue to the tariff legislation. The great lesson of the voters of the State. A manufacturing State election, so far as its general aspects are con- never has been and never can be carried against cerned, is the demonstration that the independ- Protection and the Republican party when its ent voters hold the decision between parties manufactures are enjoying a prosperous seathis year in their hands. If the voters in son. Rhode Island who do not "belong" to either party had been unitedly and enthusiastically in favor of the Democrats yesterday, the election would have gone the other way.

Let us see.

April 8.-" Rhode Island points the way to Republican victory throughout the Union." This statement in the New York Tribune of this morning has a strangely familiar sound. When did we read it last in the columns of our esteemed contemporary? Oh, yes; it was on the morning of Sept. 9, 1890-the day after "glorious Tom Reed's" triumphant reëlection in the Portland district. The exact expression then was: Maine, true to its motto, points the way to a general Republican triumph in November." But this is

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Rhode Island is a small State; but it held in 1880 a sixth of all the cotton spindles in the United States, or 1,764,569 out of 10,653,435, and it holds an equal share of the 15,000,000 spindles in the country to-day. Ten years ago it had $28.000,000 in capital invested in this trade and 21,474 persons employed in the traffic, of whom nearly one-third are voters. All told, at least a fifth of the voters of the State are to-day directly and indirectly interested in cotton manufactures, and the general prosperity of the State depends on it. There could not be a worse year to ask such men to abandon Protection than the present season. Cotton has been cheaper in this country than for forty years past. The cotton mills in Rhode Island have been doing well this year;

Baltimore American (Rep.), April 8.-The fact that Grover Cleveland launched his Presi dential boom at Providence last week makes the victory all the more significant. In a carefully prepared speech he attacked the tariff policy of the Republican party, and described it as both unwise and immoral, and the people of that gallant little State have promptly met this assault upon their industries and the National prosperity. It seemed to us, at the time, that Mr. Cleveland could scarcely have chosen a more unfavorable spot or a more unfortunate moment to revive the destructive theories which he has forced his party to adopt. Rhode Island has fully shared in the prosperity and progress which have signalized the economic history of this country during the past thirty years under Republican guidance, and it was fatuous to imagine that her people would join in the Cleveland crusade against their own established interests.

Cleveland Leader (Rep.). April 8.-This sweeping victory shows in a striking way the absurdity of Democratic hopes in New Eng

land.

For the first time in his life when not a

It will be a

candidate Cleveland went out of his way to
make a campaign speech, and the result is un-
expected Republican gains.
damper on the Cleveland boom for renomina.
tion, and narrows Democratic hopes for victory

It is not

this fall to New York State again.
likely that it will defeat Cleveland for renomi-
nation, but it very clearly forecasts Democratic

defeat in November.

Pittsburgh Times (Rep.), April 9.-There are some Democrats who are trying to place the responsibility of their defeat upon Grover Cleveland, while his friends claim that had he not dropped a couple of tons of his eloquence and argument into the contest, the result would have been even worse than it is, rejoicing with the joy of the celebrated young doctor who had both the mother and the child die on his hands, but "pulled the old man through." There is nothing in either position. The result in Rhode Island was not the defeat of any man, but the defeat of a party and a policy. Democracy and Free Trade were alike repudi

ated, and no humiliation attaches to Mr. Cleve | land in which his party has not its share. Nor could the Democrats, much as they tried to do so, hide the free silver issue, or cloak it with Mr. Cleveland's presence; far more significant and more potential than his letter against free coinage was the vote of his party in Congress but a few days before. The Democracy cannot belittle the result in Rhode Island, nor dodge its significance. Their party and its policy on Protection and finance were on trial there, and the verdict was against them.

Omaha Bee (Rep.), April 8.—It was worse than useless to preach to a well-employed and prosperous people that they were being oppressed. It was little less than an insult to - their intelligence to argue that they were the victims of a delusion in believing that they owed their employment and their prosperity to a policy which guarded them against the destructive competition of foreign labor. The verdict of Rhode Island is for Protection and reciprocity, as provided by the existing tariff law, and that is certainly important.

"

Newark (N. J.) Advertiser (Rep.), April 8. -Commenting on the overthrow of its party in Rhode Island, the New York Evening Post : says: Rhode Island has long been the most corrupt State in the Union.' What Is the State that boasts of such leaders as Bob Davis, - Denny McLaughlin, Allan McDermott, Orestes - Cleveland, Miles Ross, James Pidcock, and a host of other Democratic lights, to be "turned down by a psalm-singing Prohibition little State like Rhode Island? Perish the thought! New Jersey Democrats, pitted against the 2 whole of Rhode Island, could give points to their opponents and leave the State as bare as a Jersey City free-lunch table after a political orgie.

"

New York Herald (Ind. Dem.) April 8.Everybody who keeps his eyes open knew to a moral certainty which way the elections would go in Rhode Island. There was no earthly reason why that State should not keep up its prestige and furnish a Republican plurality for

local officials.

Under similar circumstances it has always been Republican, and there was no reason to expect that it would inaugurate any change this year. The Democratic ticket was not equal to that of its opponents in personnel. Rhode Island did perfectly right in choosing the best men without respect to party for the administration of her internal affairs. There is good ground for hope, though, that in the approaching campaign she will cast her vote in favor of national economy and against the reckless expenditure which seems to be the Republican policy in these days.

"

may be able to extract from its temporary eva- | unsteady lights in the wilderness of doubt and
sion of defeat by the very skin of its teeth. danger.
Boston Post (Dem.), April 8.-There was Nashville American (Dem.), April 8.-
enough Republican boodle used in Rhode Rhode Island has always been intensely Re-
Island to pay ten dollars apiece for every vote publican in all of the conditions which have
cast for the candidates of that party if it had been regarded as necessary to the making of
been necessary to pay in every case. Suppos- Republican sentiment. It is one great big
ing that half the Republican votes were cast by manufacturing town. Throw a rock in any
honest and conscientious men, this would raise direction and it will fall upon some factory
the average of available expenditure to twenty which is fostered and protected by Republican
dollars apiece for "floaters.' It is not alleged tariff legislation. It is a State which is domi-
that votes were bought in such wholesale nated, directed, and owned by manufacturers.
fashion; but among the Republican managers They own its enterprises, control its politics,
through whose hands this enormous corruption and are the masters of its people. În spite,
fund passed are men who do not know how it however, of such influences Rhode Island's
feels to have scruples of conscience.
majority for the Republican party, under the
tremendous logic of tariff reform, has been cut
vital question of the Presidential succession the the majority side are the wealthy, and on the
Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), April 7.—Upon the down to only a very few hundred votes.
Rhode Island result will not necessarily exer- minority are the laborers. On the side of the
cise a decided influence. It does not mean victors are the manufacturers who receive their
tained in the Nation any more than the re-ment, while on the losing side are the men
that Republican ascendency is sure to be main- munificent bounties from an indulgent Govern-
election of Speaker Reed, in September, 1890, who are forced to sleep under one blanket
by a majority unparalleled in his district, instead of two, wear fewer clothes, pay double
meant that the House chosen in the following prices for the utensils and the necessaries of
November would be in sympathy with his life in order that the country can continue to
political views. It does signify that the con-
pay the bounties mentioned.
test of 1892 is, on both sides, to be stirring and
aggressive; that the great parties are prepared
to contest stubbornly every inch of debatable
political territory, and that neither can hope to
prevail by vainglorious boasting or infidelity
to well-defined principles.

On

Petersburg (Va.) Index-Appeal (Dem.), April 8.-There was a pretty fair chance of Democratic victory in Rhode Island up to the time that Mr. Cleveland invaded the State and preached tariff reform of his distinctive school in a purely State election. Then the bottom fell out of the Democratic boom. Mr. Cleveland must be a Jonah. By the way, if he can urge harmony on the part of Rhode Island Democrats, why shouldn't he address a few remarks to his bolting friends in New York, urging the beauty and desirability of party unity there? The rule ought to work both ways.

Philadelphia Times (Ind.-Dem.), April 10. The Providence Journal, the old Republican organ and yet the leading journal of the State, was driven by the free silver craze that dominated the Democrats of Congress, and by the domination of Hill in New York, which culminated in the theft of the Legislature, to open protest against Democratic leadership. It refused to support the Democratic ticket in Rhode Island, fearing that a Democratic victory would strengthen the disreputable elements which rule in New York, and the dangerous elements which seem to rule in Congress. If the Democrats would win the campaign of 1892, it must now be obvious to all that not only Hill as a candidate, but Hillism, THE ABLE AND INteresting efforts of the must be eliminated from Democratic National

politics.

Buffalo Enquirer (Dem.), April 8.- A victory which is as bad as a defeat is all that the Republicans can claim in a State which they have controlled in Presidential years ever since their party had an existence. They raked and scraped the commonwealth from end to end for votes, yet with the assistance of the Mugwumps whom they affect to despise all they can do is to carry it by a plurality 66 per cent. less than was given for Mr. Blaine in 1884. After all their labor and outlay they leave it a doubtful State for November.

New York Sun (Dem.), April 8.-It ought to be the first lesson of wisdom, to be imparted to all but natural fools, that any reliance of a Democratic Presidential candidate upon Republican support in the year of a Presidential Charleston News and Courier (Dem.), April election must be illusory. Republicans have 8. Mr. Cleveland's eloquent appeal to the a habit of voting independently, or of not voting at all, in off years; but they do not do Rhode Island voters to stand fast by the policy this in Presidential years, as the Democrats of tariff reform was regarded by the Providence Journal as "eminently sound and conhave learned to their cost. Any expectation, vincing, quite worthy of his own high record, therefore, of carrying any Northwestern or New England Republican State this year is both in and out of office, and therefore worthy mistaken. The second lesson taught by the of all praise and indorsement; result of the Rhode Island election on Wednes-force as addressed to the Rhode Island voters day, is the absolute need of a Democratic in a purely local contest. The Journal added: Presidential candidate this year who can poll the full Democratic strength, and particularly the full strength in the big cities upon which, in the Eastern and Middle States, the party must rely for success.

Boston Globe (Dem.), April 8.-The salient fact of the situation in Rhode Island is that the State is good fighting ground, and that it is just as possible there as in Massachusetts, with proper candidates and the issue of tariff reform and free raw materials kept to the front, to wrest it from the Republican Presidential column. A party that is compelled to fight its hardest to hold a State which until quite lately was one of its impregnable citadels, need not be envied whatever little comfort and hope it

"" but without

St. Louis Republic (Dem.), April 8.—It is still "Cleveland or a Western man," but as the the returns come in from Rhode Island Western Man's stock goes up twenty-five points at a jump.

NEW YORK "WORLD."

Brooklyn Standard-Union (Rep.), April 8.The wonderful World newspaper began to exclaim and advertise, to ejaculate and proclaim, about the surpassing splendor of Rhode Island several weeks ago. We were led to understand that the State was a specialty of the World, that, indeed, that paper was the Christopher Columbus of the community. We looked upon the campaign of the World with the deepest

interest.

was told, as

It was opened with effusive enthusiasm, and continued with vigor of vociferation. Congress was taken in hand, and the House a Democratic body, what to do and to don't, especially what to don't. It was necessary to lead off with a Democratic victory -"Come on, boys!" Double-leaded articles were slathered into the pages of cur cotemporary. There was an extra Rhode Island edition, that teemed and bristled, and spluttered with significant sentiment and hilarious confidence. The whole State was littered with Worlds

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'papered," as they say of a theatre that is fixed for a showy house. We have an impression that special locomotives with globular brazen cratic party is going to remain in 1892 what it was in all the railroads; that brass bands smote the The people have no assurance as yet that the Demo- Worlds decorating them whisked up and down 1890 and 1888, or that it is going to represent the same air far and near, all blowing the grandeur of principles and purposes. The Democrats in Congress have shown no capacity for framing a comprehensive the World and the glory of the coming victory, and adequate tariff reform law on the lines of the gen- advancing by easy stages, as the sun is climberal policy which they have professed to representing at this propitious season into our sky, and and, furthermore, recent developments have disclosed in the party's ranks in large sections of the country a strong tendency to unsound currency theories which may yet lead to a platform or a candidate or both at Chicago which it would be impossible for not only Independents but for many Democrats in this State to support.

casting the robes of the Queen of Spring upon the hills and trailing them along the valleys. It occurs to us that there were smoking steamers snorting over the sparkling and historic waters through which the silvery shad are Our contemporary evidently struck the mar- swimming for the New England rivers. There row of the matter in these forcible comments was a triumphant roll of drums, the blast of upon the situation in Rhode Island. It is well horns, the screech of fifes, the flutter of banworth remembering in all the other States of ners. Statesmen were snatched from the South the Union where, for any reason, the Demo- and West. The silver idiots were first admoncrats are disposed to "wander after false and | ished, then kicked out of the way. What sense

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