that rules "to do business" meant easy access to the treasury. The appropriations of this Congress reached the unexampled sum of $988,417,183.34, and with the money authorized to be refunded to the several States, amounted to the sum of $1,007,930,183.84. This Congress created specifically 1,941 new offices, at an annual cost of $2,359,215, and increased the salaries of 403 officials in the aggregate $245,108.12. It also fastened its system of subsidies and bounties on the Government for years to come, rendering the House powerless until the periods named shall have expired. The policy of inexcusable expenditure by this Congress, declared in the rules adopted, does not express fully the drift of the Republican party, as represented in Congress. It is more clearly expressed in its measures in favor of bounties and subsidies.

The two great parties which now struggle for supremacy are well illustrated by the views of two distinguished men of this present period, the late Mr. Randall and Mr. Reed, both Speakers of the House, and gentlemen of superior abilities.

From Mr. Randall's standpoint it was infinitely better that the Government should be even penurious, with an overflowing treasury, than lavish and corrupt in expenditures.

Mr. Reed's views are fully expressed in his rules " to do business." No one misapprehended the meaning of this-the excessive taxation of the people, and lavish expenditure of the people's money.

SOME

THE OFFICIAL USE OF HELL.

L. BAMBERGER.

Die Nation, Berlin, February. YOME weeks ago, a Berlin banker misappropriated some valuable papers committed to his custody for safe keeping, and the popular indignation at once vented itself in a denunciation of the law for the inadequacy of its penalties. "Instead of simple imprisonment, the offender should have been condemned to imprisonment with hard labor." The logic of the popular contention was that although the fear of disgrace, misery, and imprisonment failed to deter him, the dread of an added penalty would have sufficed. This is the unreason of the deterring theory as it presents itself to the untutored mind. The criminal law, truly, is designed to deter by fear of consequences, and jurists in all ages have laid more or less stress upon the adequacy of the punishment as a deterrent, but none of the great philosophers and jurists, from Aristotle to Schopenhauer understood it in the mechanical sense that the severer the punishment, the greater its restraining influence. With the progress of the centuries and consequent increase of knowledge, the enlightened tendency is to a mitigation of punishment, and the purging of our criminal prisons of their worst horrors.

There is no doubt that Bismarck relied very much on the deterring agency of brute force in his management of men. We are still suffering from the inheritance of his methods, and we are even now passing through experiences which have a closer connection with them than may appear at first glance. The new School laws whose quintessence consists in the idea. that the quickening of the fear of eternal punishment is the best means of preserving the monarchy, is, in spirit, only a legacy of the old system, although Bismarck himself was perhaps too shrewd to make this application of it. It may, however, be no small satisfaction to him to see his successor fall into one of the gravest errors to which he could possibly commit himself, by an injudicious extension of the idea. However sharply we may criticise the domestic policy of Bismarck during the last ten years, we must at least do him the justice to admit that he recognized the mistakes of the Kulturkampf, and was diverted by that insight into a strife for the attainable. Although other motives may have animated him, this was unquestionably his guiding principle from the moment that he unloaded his sins upon the scapegoat, Falk, and sent him out into the wilderness. The Prince realized, even if late,

the limits of the utility of brute force; and it was a great gain for the German nation that he closed the campaign, and gave his country peace.

Unfortunately, this dearly-bought advantage has been sacrificed by the present Government. I say "sacrificed," because the Government is above the suspicion of having committed itself to the terrible blunder of the public-school-law system with forethought and full appreciation of its consequences. And great as is the evil of placing the public schools under the dominion of the Church, the consequences of the newly reopened quarrel are even more serious, and their evil effects will manifest themselves much more readily-one might say they are already manifesting themselves. How the school law will operate if it be applied, or how it will turn out in practice, are matters for future determination in spite of the anxiety which its introduction properly arouses, it may work less evil than is anticipated. But be that as it may, the religious strife which has been Germany's greatest curse for the past four hundred years, is again unloosed; the two contending camps are already confronting each other, and the Government will inevitably be drawn into the strife.

And the conditions are now so different from those amid which Bismarck assailed the Roman Catholic hierarchy. Scarcely a fraction of the orthodox Lutheran Church sympathized even in secret with the Ultramontanes. But now, that the present Government has unfurled its flag, it finds itself confronted, not only by the ever-formidable Catholic Church, but by the whole army of rigid Protestant.Orthodoxy in open alliance with it. An intellectual woman once ventured to remark that most misfortunes are due to the unnecessary mistakes of mankind." An entirely unnecessary mistake was the inauguration of this unfortunate law.

But if the naked, ultimate, simple truth of its origin were told, the narration would be as follows:

Because they had not sufficient faith in earthly weapons and armor, in criminal laws and police, to successfully repel the encroachments of the Social Democracy, it was thought necessary to enlist the fear of Hell, to be implanted in the schools by clerical agency. That is the gist of the whole matter. The old convenient fallacy that the Devil must stand sentinel to avert evil is revived. By means of the sharp sword of the Socialist laws on the one hand, and the social-political provision sop on the other, it was hoped that the Social Democracy would be cured. No such result has been achieved. Now the fear of hell-fire must be called into requisition. Quod medicamenta non sanant, ferrum sanat, quod ferrum non sanat, ignis sanat. The practical working of this system of deterring by the agency of supernatural terrors will be considered in another paper.

SOCIOLOGICAL.

THE WOMAN QUESTION IN SWEDEN.*
ESSELDE (S. LEIJONHUFOND).

Qvinden og Samfundet, Copenhagen, No. XI. (OMETIMES the currents of the universal human progress

SOM

in all its features are to be observed in one individual. In Sweden, E. G. Geijer has been such a one, and particularly in reference to the Woman Question.

In the Rigsdag of 1829, Geijer objected to giving the sister equal rights of heritage with the brother, because it was unnecessary, since the injustice of the old law, if still in force, is not felt; and dangerous, because a new law will create trouble in many families!" Ten years later we will find him signing the following truths: "Judicial progress runs parallel with the recognition of woman's rights;" "it is senseless to regard as minors those women who are to educate the future citizens to manhood and majority;” “political rights cannot be denied woman, even if she voluntarily resigns them for higher duties." Much was said about Geijer's inconsistency at the time. But the community at large has been guilty of the same "inconsistency." Nowadays that sort of inconsistency is called evolu

That Reform Bill, which was lost in 1829, was passed fifteen years later by the first Rigsdag under Oscar I., in spite of the most vigorous opposition by the nobility. Following the same question of equal rights, forty years later we find that wife and husband have separate rights as regards individual property.

In 1860 a law was introduced to give the unmarried Swedish woman majority at the age of twenty-five, but it met with all sorts of opposition and evil forebodings. Yet "inconsistency" triumphed. In 1884 the new law regarded her of age when twenty-one years old, the age of man's majority.

The nobility vetoed the proposed law to give noble-born women the same freedom in the selection of a husband as enjoyed by women of the other classes. Yet "evolution" in six years caused the proposition to be carried by acclamation,

In 1859, great progress was made, when a royal rescript established a seminary for the education of female publicschool teachers. In 1872 the University was opened to them, and they were admitted to most of the learned professions on equal terms with men.

The progress of the movement is further seen in woman's work in the telegraph and postal service; in the grant of equal rights with man in municipal affairs and her consequent influence upon the elections to the Landsthing.

We wish to record the names of the advocates of woman's rights, from Richert to Louis de Geer; from L. G. Hierta and Svensen to Magnus Huss; from A. O. Wallenberg and Oscar Stackelberg to Gunnar Wennerberg.

Since 1859 the Swedish woman has had her own representative in the daily press, that is the reason that the Woman Question is much further advanced in Sweden than in the neighboring countries, "Tidskrift för Hemmet" was edited by Fru Rosalie Olivecrone (La straniera) and Fróken S. Leijonhufond (Esselde) and by the latter alone since 1884.

The Swedish women can never forget what Frederika Bremer has done for them. Next to Geijer, her name stands forth as the heroine of the Woman Question. Her name has been immortalized by the Frederika Bremer Förbundet and its inestimable work.

THE

THE REIGN OF TERROR IN PERSIA.
SHEIKH DJEMAL ED DIN.

Contemporary Review, London, February. HE Reign of Terror? Yes, it has come. My country is laid waste. Persia is decimated. Her irrigation works are ruined. Her soil unplanted. Her histories undeveloped. Her people scattered. Her noblest sons in prison, tortured, bastinadoed, robbed without pity, murdered without trial by the Shah and his Vizier. This man, the son of the Shah's late cook, is now the absolute disposer of the life and property of those who remain alive and have anything left. No account of the horrors now being perpetrated in Persia can be overstated: not a tenth part will ever leak out-underground dungeons, torture-rooms, devils in human shape, greed, avarice, unbridled lust, unscrupulous violence, and the Shah himself the careless spectator, or interested perpetrator of the worst crimes that sully human nature, and defile the pages of Oriental history. I have come over here to tell all Europeans who are interested in Persia, that the grievances of my countrymen can no longer be hid; that they concern Russia and England, to both of which great nations the Persian turns, knowing that it is for the interest of neither to see Persia depopulated and ruined. Neither England nor Russia will be permitted to conquer Persia, but both, for their own sakes, should aid her to development. Let it be understood that, under the present Shah, we have no law, and of late, I may add, no government. In former times the Grand Vizier used to stand between the Shah and his people; he represented, and, to some extent respected, the interests of both; he was a high noble, and sometimes a great minister and a great man; he mixed on equal terms with the high Persian nobility, who exercised a species of feudal authority and lived in patriarchal state on their well-cultivated lands. Now all that is changed; the Shah has ruined the nobles, seized their wealth, crushed their

authority, scattered their people. The Vizier is from the dregs of the people, respecting none, respected by none. He robs openly for the Shah and himself. Such is the "Court"; the old strain of Persian aristocracy is almost extinct, a few hide away, some are banished, some in prison, some are dead-all are degraded, crushed, lost to Persia.

Then, I say, there is no Law. A patriarchal government without a written code is tolerable; but neither law nor government, only cruel, rapacious, unscrupulous, and sleepless tyranny-that is not tolerable; yet that is our lot. The Persians have borne much; they are, like most Eastern nations, accustomed to high-handed rule of thumb and rough-dealing, and some spoliation; but the overbent bow has snapped at last. They cry out for redress. The insurrections the Times makes so light of, are evidences of a fire that smoulders, and is ready to burst out over all Persia. The attitude of the people at this moment means European protection or Persian revolution. One stifled cry is ready to burst from the heart of every Persian. It is "Justice"! May we not live untortured, unrobbed? If not it is better to die. One reason the complaints are not more universal is the idea that the Shah's misrule is known and countenanced by both the English and Russian Governments.

The people are also whispering among themselves • The Shah is no longer responsible for his actions, he must be deposed. This is what the people are now saying for the first time in the Shah's reign. Why has it come to this? Why has it not come to this before? I will tell you why. The people have been deluded with false hopes. For years the Shah has appeared to approve the moderate demands of his eminent Minister, Prince Malcolm Khan; I, too, followed in his steps and the people gathered about me as their deliverer. A code of law" was all their cry; the Shah listened and smiled; every one began to scent the sweet odor of coming liberty. Alas! The dream was short-lived. The Shah suddenly drew in. The stormy tide must be stemmed at once. He saw his absolute tyranny would be checked. A dark frown succeeded the transitory smile. The frown was permanent. Soon came words. Soon came actions. The Times calls this the Shah standing firm. The Shah tottering to his fall would be a truer description of his attitude. I, Sheikh Djemal ed Din, and Son of the Prophet, was suddenly arrested, simply because I had formulated propositions approved by the Shah himself-most moderate-most practicable-the minimum of concession, most wise, and in full accord with all that was intelligent and respectable in Persia-terms inapplicable, unfortunately, to the Shah and his present Ministers.

To

Now you must remember that until lately we not only enjoyed a patriarchal aristocracy, and a noble body of teachers and preachers, intent on learning and education, but also sanctuaries, or places to which those persecuted, or out of favor at Court might flee; and these sanctuaries have always been respected by our rulers. Well, the Shah has desecrated and destroyed this ancient and pious institution. There was one sanctuary especially sacred not far from Teheran. that, on hearing of his Majesty's displeasure, I had retreated; but to such a despot nothing is sacred. Three hundred of my devoted disciples were with me; we lived there, studying, praying, working, believing, watching. In the middle of the night the sanctuary was violated by the emissaries of the Shah. I was seized, well-nigh stripped in midwinter, and hurried away over the frontier. All Persia seethed with indignation and fury. It meant a blow to reform, to justice, to the national hopes and aspirations. The Shah was afraid. His Vizier diligently published that I had been escorted with all honor, by my own wish, to the frontier; that special supplies of money and stores had been dispatched after me that I might lack no comfort. Lies! I was half-naked, half-starved, in chains, till I escaped to Bagdad. I came to England; I resolved to tell the shameful story, not for myself, but for my

UNIVERSITY EDUCATION AND ASTRONOMY. WILHELM FOERSTER.

It is hardly correct to say that credit is the cause, although crises could not have their present form without it. The final cause of the movement is not even destruction and new formation of capital and credit as Clément Juglar has it. There is destruction of capital in the speculative period by bad management, by mistakes, and too great consumption, and of

credit when the crisis comes, which, to some extent amounts to the same; and both capital and credit are again in the liquidating period slowly formed anew. But we ask about the cause of these same movements, and also of these waves of capital and credit.

There cannot be any other reason for the whole phenomena of ups and downs than the “ particularity" of the human mind, the waves in human appreciation. Men move together, and many are too apt to act together; to follow in the same waves of mood. This is the case even with the leaders in the world of credit and of commerce, the Trades and Stock Exchanges. It is not without reason that it is sometimes said of them that the public there often act like a flock of sheep, one running after the other. And it is not only in the appreciation that gives or retrenches credit, that the human mood is so variable. It is also in the appreciation which increases or decreases production and prices. All values are moved by demand and offer, and both depend to a very great extent on the human will. In the long run there is a level brought about by circumstances which have, at least, the appearance of necessity. But the incessant waves moving this sea of prices and values, greater or smaller, are acts of human volition. There is a curious regularity in those wave-movements, and they depend largely on the mental waves in the human world, only the long up-waves are followed by a much stronger downward movement, so that the true level can be attained. Clément Juglar says he can read figures like a book, and can predict what will happen to some extent. It is the world of values with which we have to do, tending to equilibrium, and still always in movement.

RUSSIAN JEWS IN FRANCE.-Mr. L. C. Mamlock, of Paris, visited Rouen, Havre, Trouville, and Honfleur. Speaking of the work among the hundreds of Jewish emigrants, chiefly from Russia, who pass through Havre on their way to America, "Never," he says, "in my life have I seen such utter destitution and misery, and never in my life shall I forget this sad living picture of sufferings, and the tales of woe they told me. I have read a good many heartrending accounts, given in different papers, of the inhuman treatment and persecutions practiced on those unfortunate beings, but the most graphic accounts published have not half told or described the actual state of these poor Jews as I saw them, and the bitter and severe cruelties which they have endured. I could not help asking myself the question, when I saw these inoffensive, down-trodden people before me: Is this the recompense, reward, and gratitude shown to these ancient guardians and custodians of our most precious promises, and of our heavenly inheritance in Christ Jesus. Surely this is not humane, and certainly not Christian!

On the first steamer I visited I saw no less than 800 Jews and Jewesses, besides children. The next steamer bore away 750: and on the third and last occasion I saw 900 of these unfortunate creatures, who had been driven away from their homes, for no other reason than that they are Jews, sons and daughters of Abraham. And when I asked them, what they intended to do, the reply was, 'God only knows; we cannot tell; but we trust that He will help us, and not forsake us." There was, happily, still this great reliance on God, and the looking to Him for aid and support.

"Most of these Jews were good workmen, such as tailors, joiners, bricklayers, plasterers, masons, shoemakers, locksmiths, house-painters, etc., and these, together with thousands of others, were driven away from Russia."-Jewish Intelligencer, London, February.

IN

Deutsche Rundschau, Berlin, February.

N the Lecture-course of the German universities, Astronomy is not included among the natural sciences, but under mathematical science, while at the same time it is taught as a distinct branch, and as, in a manner, constituting a connecting link between mathematics and the natural sciences.

This exclusion of Astronomy from the list of natural sciences is not justified by its nature, but it is a memorial of the special influence exerted by astronomy in the development of both mathematics and natural science; a memorial of the wonderful inner mutual relations existing from the remotest antiquity between the unfolding of mathematical thought, and the development of astronomical discovery, enumeration, and

measurements.

In spite of the obscurity which still rests on the mutual interdependence of the two sciences in the early stages of their development, it is certain that at given decisive moments they both proceeded from the starting-point of regarding the heavens, not as a part of the great surrounding material nature, but as an independent mathematical, ideal, world, corresponding to the mathematical inner world of the human soul.

But if astronomy is so intimately related to mathematics on the one hand, and to the natural sciences on the other, it is no less intimately related to what may in a special sense be characterized as the spiritual sciences. From the dawn of civilization, astronomical labor and discovery have been so intimately associated with all the more earnest efforts and investigations of humanity, and with every aspect of the human soul, that the history of astronomy is inseparable from the history of philosophy, and, in a certain sense, from the history of art. A certain measure of astronomical knowledge, too, is as essential for the student and teacher in almost every branch of culture as the coöperation of the philosopher, the historian, the philologist, and the archæologist are in the investigation and presentation of the history of astronomical science.

The essential kernel of the questionable distinction between the aims and methods of the universities and technical high schools is, admittedly, that the mathematical-scientific instruction in the technical high schools is designed for direct application in industrial pursuits, or other departments of material activity. The student is trained to aim at a high scientific knowledge of his subjects, because thorough scientific comprehension is the surest foundation of thoroughness and dexterity in actual performance. But the acquisition of this practical ability is the point kept in the foreground.

It would be a mistake to encumber such a course of study with historical, critical, and methodological investigations, precisely as it would be both an error and an injustice to hamper the pursuit of these studies, which demand a certain atmosphere of mental calm, with a demand for their practical appli

cation.

But this general distinction by no means detracts from the scientific importance of the instruction in the technical high schools. Apart from the fact that men of high scientific attainment and capacity are drawn to them by general proclivity or special aptitude, the appliances at command, and habits of practical investigation afford special facilities for broadening and deepening their grasp, and must inevitably render both teachers and students the pioneers in further research. Every attention has been given in Germany to furnish these institutions with all necessary technical appliances.

In the calmer region of university instruction, where the students are for the most part more closely devoted to historical, philological, critical, and philosophical labors, their task

aided and rounded by the labors of the technical institution, those deeper transformations and reformations of first principles flourish, on which all decisive and enduring progress ultimately rests.

It is in this sense fully justified that such departments of scientific labor as have, so to say, won their spurs in technical labor, should have a special rôle accorded to them in university education, and thereby a comprehensive theoretic elaboration secured for them, after their liberation from their technical associations.

A symbolical comparison between the above two prime types of investigation and higher education, is indicated in the comparison between the Promethean and Epimethean natures in Goethe's "Pandora."

Our industrial life, and our civilization needs both.

While the technical instruction of the high schools, including agricultural colleges, develops the industrial strength of the nation, the university has to dea! especially with the education of legislators, doctors, pastors, teachers, the higher State officials, etc., and in fact, all those who, taking no active part in industrial life, nevertheless, promote the well-being of the industrial masses by coöperating for the physical, social, and moral well-being of the whole.

For the teacher, especially, the university course is absolutely essential beyond all others, he needs the calmness of spirit, the richness and depth of intuition, which alone is capable of exercising an inspiriting and elevating influence on the youth of the higher schools. For him especially the university education cannot penetrate too deeply into the ultimate sources of knowledge; for him especially it is essential that the university teacher should be not a mere pedagogue, but a thinker. If I may now venture to round off these observations on the aim and methods of university education, by the expression of a pious wish, I will say, that if we would have such teachers, we must place them amid conditions suited to their life and labors. They must be guarded against overwork, for overwork of the teacher means overwork for the scholars; as far as circumstances admit, too, they must be allowed the greatest intellectual freedom, and be placed above any estimate of their labors by outside standards whether of Church or State.

All changes and reforms of the system, the course of study, etc., are unimportant in comparison with the graver problem of permanently providing our more advanced students with teachers who, relieved of all sordid cares and anxieties, shall be able to carry out their ideal of intellectual culture.

Assuredly, Othello kills Desdemona with his own hands, and urges lago to kill Cassio, her presumed paramour; but when we talk about human passions and human acts, we must not judge by appearances alone; we must go beneath the surface and search for the origin of those acts and passions.

I assert that Othello, such as Shakespeare makes him live and move, is not a type of jealousy; that he is not jealous by nature; that jealousy is not born with him, spontaneous, as with a man destined, for his own misfortune, to exemplify that passion. If Othello is not jealous, what is he then? A hasty examination, if I am not mistaken, will show clearly what he is.. Let me premise, by pointing out a matter of capital importance for forming a just judgment of Othello. He has, it must be conceded, several good reasons for being habitually jealous of Desdemona, or, if not actually jealous, at least for having that unquiet feeling, that vague and cloudy suspicion, which is related to jealousy, if I may be allowed a somewhat odd comparison, as vapor is related to water, which is condensed vapor. Othello is no longer young, nor handsome, nor attractive; he is ignorant of the graces and elegance of courtiers; he belongs to a race of men quite different from that of his young wife, who fell in love with him from hearing him tell the long and wonderful story of his enterprises, of the dangers. he had passed, of the misfortunes he had suffered. All this he knows well, and frankly mentions, confessing, moreover, that youthful passions are dead in him, that certain desires have grown cold. On her side Desdemona does not speak either of the beauty or the amiability of the Moor; but of his other qualities, of his valor, his great soul, his glory. Of all these she declares she is enamored, and on account of these is willing to give herself up to him entirely, abandoning her father, her country, and every other thing which can be dear to her; since, as she says, she “saw Othello's visage in his mind." A jealous man who stood in such a position towards a young and beautiful woman would have been sure that her love would easily be lost, and on the slightest suspicion would have prevented her from even looking out the window and made a prison of his dwelling.

Othello commands soldiers, and is Governor of Cyprus. He has always people about him and in his house. He has under him young officers, certainly handsomer and more agreeable than he, like, at least some of them, to that Cassio, of whom the honest Iago says, that he has all the attractive qualities "which the Moor is defective in," and that he seems to have been created expressly to make ladies unfaithful. Among all these Desdemona lives, comes, and goes, speaks with whom she pleases, and has entire freedom as to her behavior; and Des-demona is so young and prepossessing that it could not be but that some one of these young men would become enamored of her; and Desdemona is young, and has a warm and ready fancy, as the story of her own falling in love with Othello shows, and she has eyes in her head, and can change her mind. Yet, during the first and second act of the drama, there is not in Othello's mind a shadow of suspicion or apprehension; he does not think, for a moment, of taking precautions against certain dangers; he shows in every word, in every act, along with a simple and strong love, perfect serenity of mind, full and entire security. Can such a person be the type of a jealous man?

It is a reasonable conjecture that, without the machinations, plots, and calumnies of Iago, the life of Othello and Desdemona would have been quiet and happy, obscured by no cloud, or, at most, by some light and passing shadows. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that these machinations, plots, and calumnies would have been fruitless or injured their author only, if there had not been in Othello certain qualities which aided lago. What were those qualities?

Othello is a simple-minded man, without lacking brains, who had passed all his life among arms, on fields of battle, and as he himself admits, knew little of anything save what pertains