leaving a correspondence here in England with Sir Thomas Broughton', a man of great power and dependencies in Lancashire. For before this time 2, when the pretended Plantagenet was first received in Ireland, secret messengers had been also sent to the Lady Margaret, advertising her what had passed in Ireland, imploring succours in an enterprise (as they said) so pious and just, and that God had so miraculously prospered in the beginning thereof; and making offer that all things should be guided by her will and direction, as the sovereign patroness and protectress of the enterprise. Margaret was second sister to King Edward the Fourth, and had been second wife to Charles surnamed the Hardy, Duke of Burgundy. By whom having no children of her own, she did with singular care and tenderness intend the education of Philip and Margaret, grandchildren to her former husband 3; which won her great love and authority among the Dutch. This Princess (having the spirit of a man and malice of a woman) abounding in treasure by the greatness of her dower and her provident government, and being childless and without any nearer care, made it her design and enterprise to see the Majesty Royal of England once again replaced in her house; and had set up King Henry as a mark at whose overthrow all her actions should aim and shoot; insomuch as all the counsels of his succeeding troubles came chiefly out of that quiver. And she bare such a mortal hatred to the house of Lancaster and personally to the King, as she was no ways mollified by the conjunction of the houses in her niece's marriage; but rather hated her niece, as the means of the King's ascent to the crown and assurance therein. Wherefore with great violence of affection she embraced this overture. And upon counsel taken with the Earl of Lincoln and the Lord Lovell, and some other of the party, it was resolved with all speed, the two lords assisted with a regiment of two thousand Almains, being choice and veteran bands, under the command of Martin Swart

1 Qui consiliorum suorum veluti procuratorem in Angliâ reliquerat Thomam B. &c. 2 The translation adds — (ut supra diximus), referring to the messengers mentioned at the beginning of the paragraph. In the MS. the words "(as we said before)" inserted after "Lady Margaret," have a line drawn through them.

3 An incorrect expression; which is retained in the translation. He meant to say grandchildren to her husband by his former wife. They were the children of Maria, Charles's only child by his first marriage. See Polydore Vergil, p. 724.

(a valiant and experimented captain) should pass over into Ireland to the new King; hoping that when the action should have the face of a received and settled regality (with such a second person as the Earl of Lincoln, and the conjunction and reputation of foreign succours), the fame of it would embolden and prepare all the party of the confederates and malcontents within the realm of England to give them assistance when they should come over there. And for the person of the counterfeit, it was agreed that if all things succeeded well he should be put down, and the true Plantagenet received; wherein nevertheless the Earl of Lincoln had his particular hopes. After they were come into Ireland', (and that the party took courage by seeing themselves together in a body,) they grew very confident of success; conceiving and discoursing amongst themselves, that they went in upon far better cards to overthrow King Henry, than King Henry had to overthrow King Richard: and that if there were not a sword drawn against them in Ireland, it was a sign the swords in England would be soon sheathed or beaten down.

And first, for a bravery upon this accession of power, they crowned their new King in the cathedral church of Dublin, who formerly had been but proclaimed only; and then sat in counsel what should further be done. At which counsel though it were propounded by some that it were the best way to establish themselves first in Ireland, and to make that the seat of the war, and to draw King Henry thither in person, by whose absence they thought there would be great alterations and commotions in England; yet because the kingdom there was poor, and they should not be able to keep their army together, nor pay their German soldiers; and for that also the sway of the Irishmen and generally of the men of war, which (as in such cases of popular tumults is usual) did in effect govern their leaders, was eager and in affection to make their fortunes upon England; it was concluded with all possible speed to transport their forces into England. The King in

3

In the beginning of Lent, according to the Herald (Cott. MSS. ubi sup.) which would be in the beginning of March. Ash Wednesday fell that year on the 28th of February.

2 Copiis multo majoribus instructos.

3 On the 4th of March, 1486-7, a commission was issued to Thomas Brandon to take command of "the armed force about to proceed to sea against the king's enemies there cruising." Cal. Pat. Rolls.

2 Hen. VII.,

the mean time, who at the first when he heard what was done in Ireland, though it troubled him, yet thought he should be well enough able to scatter the Irish as a flight of birds, and rattle away this swarm of bees with their King; when he heard afterwards that the Earl of Lincoln was embarked in the action, and that the Lady Margaret was declared for it, he apprehended the danger in a true degree as it was; and saw plainly that his kingdom must again be put to the stake, and that he must fight for it. And first he did conceive, before he understood of the Earl of Lincoln's sailing into Ireland out of Flanders, that he should be assailed both upon the east parts of the kingdom of England by some impression from Flanders', and upon the north-west out of Ireland: and therefore having ordered musters to be made in both parts, and having provisionally designed two generals, Jasper Earl of Bedford, and John Earl of Oxford (meaning himself also to go in person where the affairs should most require it), and nevertheless not expecting any actual invasion at that time (the winter being far on 2), he took his journey himself towards Suffolk and Norfolk, for the confirming of those parts. And being come to St. Edmond's-bury, he understood that Thomas Marquis of Dorset (who had been one of the pledges in France) was hasting towards him to purge himself of some accusations which had been made against him. But the King though he kept an ear for him, yet was the time so doubtful, that he sent the Earl of Oxford to meet him and forthwith to carry him to the Tower, with a fair message nevertheless that he should bear that disgrace with patience; for that the King meant not his hurt, but only to preserve him from doing hurt either to the King's service or to himself; and that the King should always be able (when he had cleared himself) to make him reparation.

From St. Edmond's-bury he went to Norwich, where he kept his Christmas.3 And from thence he went (in a manner

1 Factâ invasione a copiis e Flandria.

Bacon in all this narrative follows Polydore Vergil; who mistook the time of the year; thinking that all this took place before Christmas. It appears from the Herald's narrative (which may be considered a conclusive authority on such a point) that the King began his journey towards Suffolk in "the second week in Lent:" which was the second week in March. (Cott. MS. ubi sup.)

So Polydore: a mistake. It was Easter, not Christmas, that he kept at Norwich. (Cott. MSS. ubi sup.) Bacon seems to have felt the difficulty of this date, though he had no authority for correcting it: for in the Latin translation the words are omitted.

of pilgrimage) to Walsingham, where he visited our Lady's church, famous for miracles, and made his prayers and vows for his help and deliverance. And from thence he returned by Cambridge to London. Not long after, the rebels with their King (under the leading of the Earl of Lincoln, the Earl of Kildare, the Lord Lovell, and Colonel Swart) landed at Fouldrey in Lancashire, whither there repaired to them Sir Thomas Broughton, with some small company of English. The King by that time (knowing now the storm would not divide but fall in one place) had levied forces in good number; and in person (taking with him his two designed generals, the Duke of Bedford and the Earl of Oxford) was come on his way towards them as far as Coventry, whence he sent forth a troop of light-horsemen for discovery, and to intercept some stragglers of the enemies, by whom he might the better understand the particulars of their progress and purposes; which was accordingly done; though the King otherways was not without intelligence from espials in the camp.

The rebels took their way towards York without spoiling the country or any act of hostility, the better to put themselves into favour of the people and to personate their King (who no doubt out of a princely feeling was sparing and compassionate towards his subjects). But their snow-ball did not gather as it went. For the people came not in to them; neither did any rise or declare themselves in other parts of the kingdom for them; which was caused partly by the good taste that the King had given his people of his government, joined with the reputation of his felicity; and partly for that it was

Easter day fell that year on the 15th of April. The King had kept his Christmas at Greenwich.

So again Polydore: a mistake; induced probably by the previous one. From Norwich Henry went by Cambridge, Huntingdon, and Northampton to Coventry; where he was on the 22nd of April; and where he remained until he heard of the landing of the rebels in Lancashire.

Polydore's mistake of Christmas for Easter is unlucky. It spoils the story of the King's movements. The truth, I suppose, is that at first he thought the danger was most imminent from Flanders, and then he kept near his east coast and went to Norwich; but finding that it did not gather on that side but drew towards Ireland, he proceeded straight towards the west, and took up his position at Coventry, at an equal distance from either coast: and there waited till he should hear at what point he was to be attacked. It was not till the 5th of May that the principal party of the rebels landed in Ireland. (See the King's letter to E. of Ormond, 13th May, Ellis, 1. i. 18.) Upon news of which (according to the Herald, ubi sup. p. 24.) he licensed divers of his nobles to go to their countries and prepare to return with forces upon a day assigned; and himself rode over to Kenilworth, where the Queen and his mother were; and there he heard of the landing of the rebels in Lancashire; which was (see Rot, Parl. p. 397.) on the 4th of June.

an odious thing to the people of England to have a King brought in to them upon the shoulders of Irish and Dutch, of which their army was in substance compounded. Neither wa it a thing done with any great judgment on the party of the rebels, for them to take their way towards York; considering that howsoever those parts had formerly been a nursery of their friends, yet it was there where the Lord Lovell had so lately disbanded; and where the King's presence had a little before qualified discontents. The Earl of Lincoln, deceived of his hopes of the country's concourse unto him (in which case he would have temporised) and seeing the business past retreat2, resolved to make on where the King was, and to give him battle; and thereupon marched towards Newark, thinking to have surprised the town. But the King was somewhat before this time come to Nottingham, where he called a counsel of war, at which was consulted whether it were best to protract time or speedily to set upon the rebels. In which counsel the King himself (whose continual vigilance did suck in sometimes causeless suspicions which few else knew) inclined to the accelerating a battle. But this was presently put out of doubt, by the great aids that came in to him in the instant of this consultation, partly upon missives and partly voluntaries, from many parts of the kingdom.

The principal persons that came then to the King's aid were the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange, of the nobility, and of knights and gentlemen to the number of at least threescore and ten persons, with their companies; making in the whole at the least six thousand fighting men, besides the forces that were with the King before. Whereupon the King finding his army so bravely reinforced, and a great alacrity in all his men to fight, he was confirmed in his former resolution, and

1 Populum enim ad se certatim confluxurum sibi promiserat. The MS. and Ed. 1622 also have "countries;" meaning I think "of the countrie," not "of the countries." 2 "Retraict" in the MS.: sine receptu in the translation.

This is not stated by Polydore; and I do not know where it comes from. But the Herald's narrative supplies an anecdote illustrative of Henry's proneness to "suspicions which few else knew," which is worth inserting. "And on the morrow, which was Corpus Christi day, after the King had heard the divine service in the parish church, and the trumpets had blown to horse, the King, not letting his host to understand his intent, rode backward to see and also welcome the Lord Strange, which brought with him a great host, . . . . which unknown turning to the host caused many folks for to marvel. Also the King's standard and much carriage followed after the King, unto the time the King was advertised by Garter King of Arms, whom the King commanded to turn them all again," &c. Cott. MS. ubi sup. p. 26.

4 The edition of 1622 omits "he."