German, one is Croatian, and the other is Italian. A brief statement of their character and purposes may be made as follows:

(1) The German newspaper was established in 1871 and is edited by a German of the second generation. It is printed in a small hand establishment in which Germans are at present exclusively employed. A circulation of 1,750 is claimed, which is entirely among Germans living in Community A, and other places in the same county. An interesting fact in connection with the racial composition of the subscribers was brought out by a statement of the editor to the effect that he found it very difficult to retain a circulation among Germans of the second generation on account of a lack of interest in the German language and in affairs of interest to Germans. His paper therefore finds its largest circulation among the older German immigrants and not among their children who have grown up and settled with their own families.

This newspaper is the organ of no organization, and its purpose is stated to be to furnish largely local news of interest to its readers. An examination of the paper itself shows that this is true, although considerable attention is given to national, state, and German items of news. The editor states that his attitude toward his race with reference to its progress in the United States is to encourage citizenship, while at the same time he encourages the keeping alive of German family customs. It should be noted that it is patronized to a considerable extent by local advertisers among Americans and Germans, especially by the latter.

(2) The Italian paper has been published in the community for only a few months, but it has been in existence in another part of the State for about eighteen months. Recently the whole establishment was moved to Community A. It is edited by an Italian of the first generation, and has a circulation of about 2,500 (claimed), 500 of which is in the community and 2,000 in other localities chiefly in Pennsylvania. Its chief competitor in the locality is published in Pittsburg, and claims a circulation in this community of 1,200. The local editor says that his newspaper is the organ of no society or organization, but that he conducts it as a purely business enterprise. He assigns the same reason for not having any policy with reference to the progress of his race in the United States, and claims that as long as he can make money out of the paper he is not particular as to the nature of his policies.

A considerable contrast with the German paper is shown in the character of the advertisements. It has comparatively a small number of American advertisers, while a large number of Italian banks in several localities, restaurants, and mercantile establishments are patrons. This is of course partly due to the difference in the field of its circulation, the Italian paper being much more widely scattered than that of the German paper.

(3) The Croatian paper is in its fourth year of publication. Until recently it was controlled by a Servian banker and business man, and was used largely by him and his interests for advertising purposes. Since the failure and indictment for embezzlement of this man, it has continued in the control of his friends, and is edited by a welleducated and intelligent Croatian who reads and writes English. A circulation of 1,175 is claimed, only 175 of which is in the community and 1,000 in other localities in the United States.

This newspaper is possibly the most interesting that is published in the locality, because of its past history and the personality of the editor. Just how closely he is connected with the interests that formerly controlled the paper can not be accurately known, but he claims that his policy is to do everything he can to encourage citizenship and assimilation among Croatians in the United States.

The character of the advertising in this newspaper is much the same as that in the Italian, although not as large in proportion, and it differs considerably in character so far as the Croatian and other foreign patrons are concerned. Some of the larger American department stores are advertised, while Slovak and Polish establishments of various kinds are also represented.

Immigrants from southern and southeastern Europe who live in Community A also subscribe more largely to periodicals published in other localities than they do to local newspapers. This fact is evidenced by the data obtained in the family study. These newspapers, so far as the limited information available shows, are published by three groups of interests: (1) Racial organizations in the United States; (2) church organizations; and (3) business interests, chiefly steamship and banking and mercantile.

IMMIGRANTS IN THE PROFESSIONS.

There are not enough immigrants in the professions to show any especial racial tendency or progress. Four foreign physicians are conducting practice to a greater or less extent. One of these is a Hungarian Hebrew, another a Pole, a third an Italian, and the fourth a Welshman of long residence. The Pole studied medicine in the United States; the others received their training before coming to this country. One young Slovak, a son of a well-to-do and wellassimilated immigrant, is at present studying medicine at an American university. There are three pharmacists, all of whom received their training before coming to the United States. At the present time another Slovak, the son of one of the principal immigrant property owners in the largest foreign section, is studying law at a professional school.

Several native physicians and a dentist have a considerable practice among the foreigners. Lawyers are infrequently employed by immigrants of southern Europe, so that there is little demand for members of this profession of their own race.

FRATERNAL AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS.

The following table indicates the name, race, character, membership, dues, and benefits of the various immigrant fraternal and other organizations in Community A:

TABLE 325.-Fraternal and other organizations among immigrants, Community A.

In

As the above table suggests, there is a strong tendency toward racial distinctions in the membership of the various societies. few instances has it been found that immigrants belong to societies controlled by any other race than their own. These instances occur in cases where immigrants of long residence in the United States and of close association with another race will join the society of that other race. For example, a Magyar in the chief foreign section, having been intimately associated with the Germans living there, has joined the German Beneficial Union. He also belongs to the Verhovay, the society of his own race.

The membership of the benefit societies does not by any means include all of the population of any particular race. The large

majority of every race do not belong to them. The nonmembers give two reasons: (1) That they can not afford it; and (2) that they already are insured against sickness, accident, or death in the steel company's mutual benefit association. It is a significant fact that the membership of the racial societies is composed almost entirely of those who have resided in the locality for some time and who expect to remain permanently in the United States. Thus the societies themselves work toward assimilation, and to the extent that they bring newer immigrants into association with permanent and older residents, they constitute a factor for assimilation.

Another peculiar mark of immigrant benefit societies is the fact that their existence is closely bound up with the church to which their members belong. Thus the names, St. Rocus, St. Stephen's, Hungarian Reformed, etc., indicate that their members are members of the immigrant churches by the same name and denomination as well as race. Frequently it is the case that the priest is the treasurer, or that the president of the church organization is also the head of the benefit association. It seems clear, after careful questioning, that often the church and the society are cooperating even in a financial way, although by no means as a means of extending charity. In nearly every case the society is started contemporaneously or very soon after the organization of the church. Not only does this close interrelation of church and benefit society occur locally, but in large societies extending over the whole race in the United States. The Servian Orthodox Society, for example, is a national organization with a strong branch among the Servians of Community A. The chief financial supporter to the local church was the treasurer of the whole benefit society.

The Welsh, Swedes, and English immigrants have no local societies. The Irish belong to the Ancient Order of Hibernians, and the nonassimilated German immigrants, as well as the Welsh, Swedes, and English, are insured in the American life insurance companies.

Nearly all of the immigrant benefit societies are conducted on the assessment plan, with certain variations. The different methods. may be classified as follows:

(1) Mutual benefit societies:

(a) Societies paying sick and death benefits in fixed sums, the rate of assessments being determined by the number of members and the nature of the benefit.

(b) Societies having fixed assessments for paying death benefits, usually for funeral expenses, the amount of the benefit being determined by the number of members.

(2) Old-line insurance societies of the nature of American insurance companies, having fixed premiums and fixed benefits.

The simplest form found in Community A is the first mentioned. A good example is the Hungarian Reformed Benefit Society. The members number only 50, and are required to pay regular dues of 50 cents per month for the payment of sick benefits and expenses of management. In case of the death of a member, every other member must contribute $1 to defray his funeral expenses. As the total regular income would be only $25 this call is frequently made and it is stated that members are assessed for more than the regular dues in order to cover the cost of paying the $25 per week benefit to sick members. The expenses of operation are small in this instance; one

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man is doing in his leisure time all the managerial work and receiving a salary of $5 per month. There are no medical examinations, but new members are admitted by vote of the society, and due consideration is given, it is claimed, to age and physical condition, though without setting any definitely stated benefits in either case, of the applicant. The German Beneficial Union is patterned after American insurance companies. The members number 160 and pay $2.50 per month for each $600 policy. The benefits are $10 per week for sickness, limited to five weeks within a single year, and death benefits of $60 for each year in which premiums have been paid. Sick benefits are deducted from final settlements by the union and the total amount of premiums paid in, less the deductions, is paid to the policy holder at the end of a stipulated time (ten, fifteen, twenty, or more years) with per cent interest. Medical examinations are made, and age limits fixed, although a flat premium rate is charged according to the length of the time the policy is to continue.

Only

The honesty with which immigrant benefit associations are managed depends, of course, on the honesty of the officers, especially the treasurer, as no bond is required of them. It is not surprising therefore to find that instances of dishonesty and even fraud occur. recently, a Slovak benefit society, based on the simpler form described above, failed because the treasurer disappeared with the surplus. In this instance the surplus amounted to only $30, but the opportunity of obtaining benefit was lost to the members, each of whom had contributed about $30 since its organization.

The case of the Servian Orthodox Society is an example on a larger scale. When an investigation of the financial affairs of the society was instituted, it was found that the treasurer, a prominent immigrant banker, had embezzled or had allowed to be embezzled not less than $30,000 of its funds. These are the two most recent examples, and others are stated by immigrant residents to have occurred in past years.

Two so-called political societies exist, one among the Croatians and the other among the Slovaks, both in the foreign section. The former has 100 members, its membership being limited to naturalized citizens and those who have signified their intention of becoming naturalized. Its meetings are monthly, and supposedly held for the purpose of discussing and informing its members of American political topics. The Slovak organization has only recently been started and it is not fully organized. At present its membership numbers about 50, and is composed of naturalized Slovaks who wish to become informed on American political subjects. There is a movement among leading men of the Slovak race to start a club for the purpose of having American politics and civic topics explained, but as yet no organization has been effected. In none of these instances have any evidences of political motives of a local nature been discovered. As a matter of fact, the political societies are intermittent affairs, started by the enthusiasm of one or two men, and conducted with little success. The German immigrants who live in the native sections of the city and have become identified with the descendants of the original Germans belong to the German-American Union and take part in its annual ceremonies.

Among the Magyar young men is a musical or singing society which meets once a week. Recently a benefit feature has been added.