During 1908, sixty-four labor organizations, affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, paid out in benefits to members nearly $2.145,000. This does not take into account the sum of nearly $2,550,000 expended by Federation unions the same year to sustain members on strike. In addition, the five brotherhoods of steam railroad employes not affiliated with the American Federation of Labor-conductors, engineers, firemen, switchmen, and trainmen-pay out each year in benefits a sum exceeding $5,000,000.

The accompanying table is merely suggestive, and is not intended as a complete record of the relief work of labor organizations:

The Union as a Labor Exchange.

In reducing the extent of unemployment the trade union at all times, day in and day out, is performing the work of what is practically a national labor exchange. Its members, scattered as they are everywhere throughout mines and mills and factories in all parts of the country, are naturally the first to learn of the need for more men, and through their local and state and national organizations reaching into every industrial center, are able to communicate this demand to fellow members temporarily out of employment. They are also able to make known through their trade union newspapers where there is already an over supply of labor, thus preventing other workmen from going to that particular industry or section. Some unions advance traveling expenses to members, thus making labor more mobile and preventing congestion at certain points, while there may be a dearth of that very same kind of labor elsewhere.

The principal policy of the trade union to

ward unemployment, however, is that implied in the demand for an eight-hour work day-a demand that has already been secured by many labor unions for their members. The American Federation of Labor believes that:

Today, in the midst of an appalling amount of enforced idleness and misery among the organized forces of labor in the industrial centers of the world, the first rumblings can be heard of the cry "eight hours for work; eight hours for rest; eight hours for what we will." Today we repeat what we have claimed for good and bad times, that the simplest condition by which the social order can be maintained is a systematic regulation of the work day to insure to each and all an opportunity to labor.

In addition to an eight-hour work day, among the principal objects of all labor unions is opposition to low wages, one of the causes, if not the leading cause, of poverty. Against low wages every single trade union in the country is fighting, has been fighting ever since their organization-in fact, low wages was the fundamental operating cause which has given to us the labor union. It came into existence primarily to render employment and the means of subsistence less precarious, and to do this it strives to secure to the worker a more and more equitable share of the fruits of his toil. Wages are present in one form or another in every strike, in every controversy over the trade agreement. The trade union is the one potent force that has brought to the Ameriworkingman relatively higher wages than those of workingmen in any other country. The miners' union, by directing the entire strength of its membership in demands for higher wages, has secured in seven years increases in wages ranging from 10 to as high as 663 per cent. for some 300,000 mine employes in a majority of the twenty-eight coal-producing States.

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Labor's First Principle: A Living Wage.

One of the policies of the American Federation of Labor, which represents nearly 2,000,000 trade-unionists, is that: "A principle in the economy of our lives must be established and that is a living wage, below which the wage-workers should not permit themselves to be driven. The living wage must be the first consideration, either in the cost or sale of an article, the product of labor." And on this principle the trade

union struggles ever to establish in every industry a minimum wage. In England this has led to a discussion by the Government of creating by law Minimum Wage Boards.

Enough has been said to indicate the important position the labor union occupies among the social forces at work to prevent poverty; to show all that the trade union does in this respect would be to write a voluminous history of the labor movement. All that we can do here is merely to indicate and suggest.

In the midst of our economic chaos the trade union today stands as a mighty bulwark of strength, battling against all those economic forces which, if unopposed, would soon sink the worker into a condition of industrial servitude bordering on poverty-a condition as injurious to society as to the toiler himself. It has

innumerable other "rights" which our industrial toilers do not now enjoy and which will ever be denied them if they themselves do not control, through their trade union, the forces which are always at work to bring about low wages and adverse conditions of employment. All these and other objects of the trade union have to do with the workingman more as a man, as a father and husband, and as a citizen, than as a mere producer of labor-have to do with him as a

social animal rather than a labor-producing machine.

The Forces to be Opposed.

To secure these and other rights to the workingman the labor union must direct its efforts and strength against all those industrial and social forces which present and oppose their acquisition and retention. It must antagonize the cupidity and self-interest of particular employers: it must break down, without pity and without mercy to individuals, those barriers of class prejudice and distinction which would reserve the pursuit of happiness to the privileged few; it must effectually control immigration as it enters our great industries because of its tendency to lower the standard of living of the American workingman; it must crush out child labor for all time, and guard carefully the employment of women; it must regulate apprenticeship, and through innumerable other channels the labor union must control and direct economic and social forces if it is to save its members from industrial servitude second only to actual slavery in degradation to the individual and in injury to society.

done, is doing, and will continue to do more toward the prevention of poverty than all the charitable and philanthropic organizations in Christendom. It has done this because it attacks not the individual or 80cial effects but the economic causes of povcrty-it aims to prevent the effects by controlling these causes. The trade union seeks to secure for the working classes higher money wages; greater safeguards against sickness, injury and death in unhealthful and hazardous employments; insurance and relief benefits; less hours of work; better homes (not merely better houses); lower prices for the neeessaries of life (as through cooperative establishments and by opposition to "company" stores); more opportunities for their children in the schoolhouse; better clothes and food for their wives and little ones, and

President's Report.

Chicago, Ill., December 30, 1909.

To the Officers and members of the International Association, Greeting:

On the adjournment of the A. F. of L. convention at Toronto, I went to Montreal accompanied by Second Vice-President J. T. Butler.

There had been a general mass meeting called for the evening of the day we arrived. The meeting was called for general organization purposes, in which all the building trades alike were interested.

Though many of the general officers promised to be present, Brother Butler and myself were all that responded to the call. There were several hundred of Montreal's building trades mechanics present, and we received a warm welcome. Among the many speakers was an international organizer of the Bricklayers, who had been working in that vicinity several months.

There seems to be a disposition to make a united effort to get concerted action looking toward a thorough organization of all building trades men of Montreal. The necessity is certainly great enough, for a deplorable condition of affairs exists.

For the past several years the organizations have been worsted, one at a time, by the combined employers. The organizations held aloof until each in turn was attacked and its usefulness destroyed. The result of this selfish and mistaken policy is a disorganized condition, affecting all trades without exception. When the Ironworker, three years ago, was endeavoring to build up his organization and improve his working conditions, he not only failed to get the aid and sympathy of the other organizations, but in many instances members of the two largest trades did his work while he was on strike, thereby helping to discourage and defeat the Ironworker, who, if given the ordinary encouragement and aid, would have been a strong factor in building up a healthy and effective trade union movement in Montreal.

Notwithstanding the errors of the past. it is the imperative duty of all building trades men of Montreal to assist each other in every possible way toward building up a strong central body as an agency through which Montreal may be thoroughly organized. There is everything to gain and nothing to

lose by following this course; the present conditions are as low as it is possible to endure.

The bitter experience of the present and past few years ought to serve as an object lesson for a lifetime to those who think that the good will of their employer can be depended on to maintain fair wages and working conditions. The Ironworker is receiving from 15 to 25 cents per hour for 10 hours, the Carpenter receives 25 cents per hour, the Bricklayer receives 35 to 40 cents per hour.

These are open shop benefits and conditions, where each man for himself enjoys his full measure of liberty in bargaining for the sale of his labor, with a combination of employers. Men working under these barely living wages hesitate to invest a few dollars in the building up and maintenance of an organization. Yet it is their only remedy; they must place themselves in a position where they can bargain for the sale of their labor collectively. They must make the necessary sacrifices in time and money needed to be able to successfully cope with their selfish employers and look for the future to bring returns (which it surely will) that will repay them manifold in better wages, shorter hours and a higher standard of living.

Our membership in the states, who are enjoying on an average 50 cents per hour and an eight-hour day, a percentage of whom are inclined to find fault with their oranization and with those charged with the management of its affairs, ought to ponder over these conditions in Canada and to note the two hours longer time worked each day, with $1.50 less wage. The individual loss each day is double the average amount of money paid by our membership each month to maintain our organization. And yet our inconsiderate and thoughtless members continue to complain about the dues they are required to pay. Figure on any basis you may care to select, either yearly, monthly, weekly or daily and on a half-time ratio, it can be readily shown that the Ironworker who is identified with our organization receives large returns on the money he contributes toward its maintenance. The exact figures are 37 per cent. gain.

Based on the low average of 154 working days per year the Ironworker in the states earns $231 more per year than his Canadian brother. Twenty-five years ago the condition of the Ironworker in the states was on a

par with his Canadian brothers. Based on a membership of 10,000, the aggregate increased yearly earnings, through his organization, based on a 154-day year, is in round numbers $2,310,000. In addition to this, he enjoys a trade journal, devoted to his interests.

The mortuary or funeral benefit fund is another advantage secured through organization. How many of our fault-finding members realize that the 15 cents per member per month that is included in the 40 cents per capita, and devoted to this fund, so that $100 may be paid for funeral benefits, requires 55 5-9 years at 15 cents per month to equal $100. We can all readily agree that the average Ironworker requires the, service of an undertaker, in a lower average number of years, than is required to accumulate $100 on payments of 15 cents a month. If the average dues of one dollar per month paid by a member were all credited to the death benefit fund, it would require 8 1-3 years continuous membership for a member to pay into that fund the $100 necessary to defray the expenses of his funeral. It is safe to say that few, if any, insurance companies would carry the Ironworker's risk for that period of time on such small payments.

Now many of our members realize that, out of the 40 cents per capita per month that they pay into the International treasury but 15 cents of each 40 cents paid in can be applied to general organization work or to the general expenses of the organization. Judging from the many requests for financial assistance made on the International, I am led to believe that many of our locals and members believe that we have the use of the whole 40 cents for general purposes.

I have set forth these figures to refresh the memories of our members at the beginning of the new year. This is usually the time that business institutions take an account of stock, preparatory to starting the new year's business. It might be well for our members generally to become more familiar with the working details of their organization, with a view to perfecting and extending its usefulness.

During my stay in Montreal I attended an advertised open meeting for Ironworkers, which was addressed by Second Vice-President Butler, Brother Joseph Ainey, organizer for the A. F. of L., and myself. We endeavored to awaken a more general interest among the Montreal Ironworkers as to the

necessity for organized effort, to better the conditions under which they labor. There was a fair attendance. I detailed Brother Butler to remain in Montreal and vicinity for the purpose of co-operating with the representatives of the several trades.

I found Organizer Ainey a very energetic. hard-working representative of the A. F. of L. As he speaks French fluently, he is a valuable aid, and one to whom we are greatly indebted for the fraternal and friendly interest he is taking in our efforts to build up and strengthen our forces in Canada.

During my stay in Toronto I paid a short visit to Local No. 4. They had a well-attended meeting. It was the first time I had the pleasure of visiting Local No. 4 since I became International president. Local No. 4 is making progress, yet in my opinion their dues are too low to enable them to accumulate sufficient funds to properly look after the work in their jurisdiction.

I was pleased to meet Bro. Thomas McGovern at the A. F. of L. convention. He was a delegate representing the New York State Federation. While he ably represented that body, his influence and vote could be utilized in furthering the interests of our organization.

The only reason more Ironworkers are not seen in the A. F. of L. conventions is their indifference and lack of interest in the work of state and city central bodies, a defect that would be to their interest to remedy.

On November 27th I left Montreal for Chicago, and on Monday, November 29th, was in session with the executive council of the Building Trades Department and remained in session eight days. During that time I attended a meeting of national officers that was authorized by the adoption of a recommendation made by the committee on president's report at the Tampa convention, which is in part as follows: "That the president of this body, with the general officers of all international bodies, whose locals are not affiliated with the central bodies in Chicago. meet in Chicago within thirty days to insist on their locals becoming affiliated with the Building Trades Council in Chicago, and try to bring about harmony in the building trades of that city." Pursuant to that recommendation a meeting of the officers interested was held, and a plan adopted which, if faithfully carried out, will bring about the conditions desired. Many questions of great importance were passed on by the executive

council, chief among them being the Steamfitter-Plumber dispute. On their failure to mutually agree on a plan, the Pittsburg decision was reaffirmed, and is now the law of the Department. As to the disposition of the other matters, the parties in interest will be notified officially by the Department officials.

The complaint of the Marble Workers against our members in Philadelphia relative to the setting of slate treads was taken up and the setting of slate treads awarded the Marble Workers. The returns from the circular letter I sent out seeking information on the subject would indicate that only by a few locals and on small jobs had our men done this work. As the Marble Workers have the setting of slate treads in their classification of work as submitted at Denver, they were in a position to present a strong case. As the decision is made and as it is in strict accord with the laws of the Department, I would strongly urge prompt compliance with same.

I held several conferences with the repre

sentatives of Local No. 63, looking toward their re-affiliation with our organization. I am pleased to report that our efforts were successful. It is now proper at the beginning of the new year to extend the right hand of fellowship to the officers and members of Local No. 63, to forget our past differences and to start a new record with undivided ranks, making the new year one of great advancement and prosperity for our organization and all its members.

On December 9th I went to Headquarters. Left there on December 12th for Pittsburg, Pa., to take part in a conference arranged through resolution passed at the A. F. of L. convention at Toronto. All the organizations upon whom the United States Steel Corporation is waging a war of extermination were represented at the conference; also a large number of others who are indirectly interested.

It was interesting to listen to the experiences of some of the organizations attacked by this giant trust and the lying subterfuges used by its agents to induce the members to