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happen in the spring when it is time to plant sugar? Where will planters get money for that? You see what a crisis impends. The planter is at the end of his resources now; that is, he can have his present crop ground, but unless something is done for him, for Cuba, he has no hope for another crop.

"Now turn to this view of the case. On a plantation there are, say, a thousand employees. That means that fully 5,000 persons are dependent upon the plantation for their living. Stop work on the plantation-and whence will come the food for those 5.000?

"Are the men going to starve if there is any possible way in which to obtain food? There are communities of thousands in Cuba in which there are no police officers, and not a chicken or a cow is stolen from one year's end to another. Will this condition continue if you throw the people out of employment? No, both the cow and the chicken would go in a moment. And there you have brigandage. President Roosevelt knows how much trouble a thousand or five hundred men can make in a province if they set out stealing."

The New York Tribune (Rep.) says:

"Cuban purchases from the United States are decreasing, while Cuban purchases from Europe, especially from Great Britain and Germany, are increasing. That is the salient and significant feature of the situation. In 1899 we sold to Cuba $36,

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'A child's imagination is far more active than an older person's. And a child, even a very young child, knows the difference between fact and fancy, between dead literalism and the use of the imagination. It is therefore true that a child ought to be indulged in the proper exercise of his imagination or fancy in connection with Christmas and its enjoyments. But it is also true that a child, even a very young child, knows the difference between fancy and falsity, between 'making believe,' or pretending, and telling what is wholly untrue; and therefore it is not proper to overstep the line between fancy and falsity in dealing with a child, so that the child shall have his confidence shaken in the one whom he ought to trust absolutely. . . . . . .

"Christmas is the day observed in commemoration of the human birth of our Lord and Savior. It is fittingly observed by the giving of gifts, as Jesus was the Gift of gifts. The watching for gifts, at this season, and the wondering what they may be, meets the pleasant imaginings of the children. The securing and trimming of a Christmas tree, and keeping the sight of it from the children until Christmas Day, or the hanging and filling of the stockings of various members of the family after night has shut in on Christmas Eve, gives added play to the imagination of the little folks. Even the introduction of St. Nicholas, or Santa Claus, as a message-bearer and a gift-bringer, with words of 'make-believe' like those concerning 'Jack Frost' on the window-pane, may be accepted, without harm to any, if all be properly said by parents and understood by children.

"But if the children be previously told as a reality that St. Nicholas, or Santa Claus, comes in his sleigh, drawn by reindeer to the house-top, and then comes down the chimney to give his gifts, or fill the stockings, that is a falsehood, as distinct from a fancy as to an imaginary personality, and there is harm, and only harm, in the deception."

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EACH TO THE OTHER: "You first, my dear friend, you first!" -The Minneapolis Journal. 773,657 worth of goods, and in 1900 only $32, 197,019 worth, a loss of $4,576,638 in one year. This year the loss will probably be still greater. In the eight months ending with February, 1900, our sales to Cuba amounted to $24.415,649, and in the eight months ending with February, 1901, they amounted to only $19,050,457, a loss of $5,365, 192 in two-thirds of a year, or at the rate of $8,047,788 in a year. At the same time the British and German sales to Cuba increased from $11.855.915 to $13,446, 104, a gain of $1,590, 189 in eight months, or at the rate of $2,385,283 in a year. In 1900 the sales of those two countries to Cuba were three times as great as they were in 1895.

The Chicago Tribune thinks that Santa's gray hairs, if nothing else, should protect his august personality from the hands of the vandals. "He has lived to see automobiles preferred to reindeer as a means of locomotion," it continues, "and to have his travels through chimneys marred by the odors from gas logs, yet he has persisted in his benevolent habits in spite of these drawbacks, and it seems a pity to add anything more to his pack of miseries." The Louisville Post pretends to stand aghast at any proposal to limit Santa Claus's dominion. It says:

"That is the condition, as well as the theory, which confronts us in Cuba. It would seem to be high time for the farmers, manufacturers, and merchants of the United States to determine what they are going to do about it. There seems to be only one thing to do that will be consistent with both honor and interest. That is to make such a reciprocal arrangement with Cuba as will assure to us the major portion of her trade. Such an arrangement was made in 1890, under the direction of Harrison, McKinley, and Blaine, with the result that our sales to Cuba were doubled in two years. Republicans should not be afraid to restore the provisions of the McKinley bill. Americans should not refuse to free and independent Cuba that which they granted to a colony of Spain."

"No child was ever the worse for Santa Claus. Kindness begets kindness; generosity begets generosity. Deceit finds no door here. As well speak of the injury done by Esop's fables or the Arabian Nights. If Santa Claus is to be abolished, then abolish Robinson Crusoe and Alice in Wonderland and Lamb's Tales from Shakespeare, and King Arthur, and all the legendary tales of loyalty and love, truth and valor. . . . .

"What, close the chimney to Santa Claus? What, refuse under orders to the police to permit the reindeer to use the roofs of our houses as their eternal thoroughfare? No stockings by the fireside! No watching for the first light of a Christmas morning! No fond delusions as to gift and giver! No tree made bright with stars of silver and lighted candles! No hushed awe at the sound of distant bells drawing nearer! No breathless watching of door or chimney! No stranger, yet friend, clothed in the furs of the north, his beard white with the snows of many Christmases, but his eyes bright with love eternal! None of these! No whisper from the young, I am glad you came!' No waiting for the dawn of truth dispensing truth's twilight! These are among the dearest memories of those who dare remember. These are the soberest, sweetest, truest influences that mold life and character, under whose teachings truths wake to perish never.'"

MR. CARNEGIE'S Christmas lasts all the year round.-The New York World.

CUBA'S letter to Santa Claus is a long one. Also, Cuba's stockings will be found over the fireplace Christmas, New Year's, Fourth of July, Sundays, holidays, and St. Patrick's day in the morning.-The Chicago News.

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ing to realize it. The Bible is one long series of such dreams, from the dream of Eden, the perfect country, at the beginning, to the dream of the New Jerusalem, the perfect city, at the end. The ancient Hebrews, forced to make bricks in captivity by the Egpytians, dreamed of a Promised Land, flowing with milk and honey, where there should be plenty for all, and where each man should enjoy the fruit of his labor. When finally under Moses they struck against their tyrannical employers and their great strike resulted in victory, they followed this dream across the desert, and that great law-giver tried his best to make it a reality, and the great Sabbath idea which he wove into his legislation had this object in view. In Egypt, the Hebrews had worked seven days in the week, as workmen still do in the Delta. The fourth commandment was a labor statute, establishing a six-day week, just as we pass laws fixing an eight-hour day. In Illinois they have declared an eight-hour factory law for women unconstitutional, because it takes away their inalienable right to work twenty-four hours a day. On that principle they would have to declare the fourth commandment unconstitutional, too."

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"And the Christmas festival has kept more of the original flavor of that gospel than any other institution of the church. It inspires still a genuine feeling of good-will toward men. The gifts to children and to friends, the good dinners in asylums and prisons, the gay Christmas-trees and lighted candles, are all symbols of a happier state of society of which we ought to go on dreaming until it is established on earth as it is in heaven, for what is heaven but the ideal toward which we should be strug gling? Yes, dreaming is the duty, perhaps the most important duty of man. The man who dreams right, points the way that the world will travel. If we ever lose that vision of justice and fellowship which has ever shown itself to the greatest poets and prophets and lovers of their kind, we shall become as the beasts of the field and cease to stand for humanity."

Two

PRINCELY GIFTS TO EDUCATION.

WO gifts that, as the New York Tribune says, "must excite wonder and admiration even among the American people," were made last week by Mrs. Jane L. Stanford and Andrew Carnegie. Mrs. Stanford's gift of $30,000,000 to the Leland Stanford University in California is said to be the largest gift on record to the cause of education, and, as the New York Evening Post says, it makes that university "the richest institution of learning in the United States, and probably in the world." It excites less comment than the smaller Carnegie gift, however, because the $30,000,000 has long been intended for the Stanford University, and because Mr. Carnegie's gift of $10,000,000 founds a new and unique institution. The Chicago Tribune, which keeps a record of great gifts to education, says that "during the present year 149 institutions of learning have been given sums ranging from $5,000 to millions," and that "the total to date foots up to $81,415,220!" This makes the year 1901 "the record-breaker" in this regard, it says, and it asks what other country on earth can equal it.

"The University of the United States," which Mr. Carnegie desires to found at Washington, is not to compete with other colleges and universities, but is to be a post-graduate institution, where men who have already completed the courses that other colleges have to offer can come to pursue original investigation. Says the Boston Transcript:

"There are at Washington splendid educational resources, and

the means of extending them; but they are unclassified, unsorted, and unsystematized. To search for knowledge there is like trying to find pearls in a junkshop. It may be there, but it is not accessible. With about $8,000,000 annually available for the promotion of scientific research, there is evidently an uneconomical employment of the money. It is not wasted. Doubtless the best use possible, under present conditions, is made of it. But the conditions are haphazard and clumsy. The situation may be likened to a splendid industrial plant all ready for the wheels to be set running, but standing silent and motionless for lack of power. Mr. Carnegie now comes forward and proposes to furnish the power."

Whether the "power" thus furnished is sufficient, however, is questioned by the Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune, who says:

"While $10,000,000 is a very large sum of money, yet those who are acquainted with the great educational institutions of this country do not regard it as sufficient to establish such an institution on a basis that will give it a world-wide standing. It has been said that this sum of money is equal to the endowment of Harvard University, for instance. While that is true, yet Harvard, it is said, in its buildings and grounds, has property worth probably $20,000,000. In addition to that, Harvard University

has about four thousand students, and each of these students is worth $150 a year to the university. This gives an enormous income, so it is probable that the $10,000,000 offered by Mr. Carnegie for this purpose would have to be supplemented in order to make the great university to be founded by him adequate to the educational facilities that would be expected from it. But this fact is not regarded as of great consequence by those who are friendly to the suggestion, as there is a firm feeling that the remainder of the assistance the university may need will be readily forthcoming in the course of time."

The Philadelphia Press comments on the Carnegie gift as follows:

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A research university the country needs. It is needed above all else in the field of education. Clark University promised to do much; but its endowment is inadequate, and other conditions, into which it is needless to enter, impose a narrowing environment. For its first fifteen years Johns Hopkins was primarily for research. It did much. None ever did more. But as its endowment diminished through the wreck of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and the claims of its undergraduate department grew, its resources for research were cut at both ends.

"To the measure of its resources, each of our large universities does something for pure research-Harvard probably most of all. Columbia in this field ranks close. Chicago is steadily productive. Research depends almost altogether on sheer ability. No university can stand far to the front in this field without conspicuous figures in its faculty who outclass the men in their calling. Research by dull men is but a dull thing.

"Able men a research university can secure. Men in it will not be dried up by teaching. They will be free from the exhausting pressure of classroom work. Their time will be enough at command for long, far-reaching plans. A stimulating atmosphere of fresh discovery will pervade such an institution. The pick of the land, not to say the world, can be secured for such a university as Mr. Carnegie proposes to found.

"Research is not much in the public mind. It is little endowed. But there is no science to-day in which there are not a group of problems waiting for the long, patient work of men with nothing to do but interrogate nature. If the government of the new institution is properly guarded, if it is placed in the hands of men guiding other universities, the new research university will cap and crown our whole system of education with one

supreme, beneficent, well-ordered place, where knowledge is sought solely for its own sake, independent of all other considerations. Such a university will raise the level of the intellectual life of the nation and carry one step farther the vital organization of its resources. Elsewhere men will study, teach, and learn. In Carnegie University men will discover and the world will learn."

PROVISIONS OF THE NEW SHIPPING SUBSIDY BILL.

THOSE

HOSE who remember the resolute fight that the majority of the newspapers, Republican and Democratic, made against the Frye-Hanna-Payne shipping subsidy bill in the last Congress will be interested to know that the new bill, introduced into the Senate on the 9th by Senator Frye, is meeting with a very cool reception. It is admitted by its enemies that the present bill is better than the last one, but such financial journals as the New York Journal of Commerce and Evening Post, and such Republican papers as the New York Press, the Philadelphia Ledger, the Chicago Inter Ocean, and the Chicago Tribune, and practically all the Independent and Democratic press, score the measure mercilessly.

Among the improvements in the new measure are counted the absence of the provision requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to sign twenty-year contracts to pay the subsidies to the shipowners; the new uniform scale granting the same subsidy rate to all vessels, fast or slow; the provision that a large fraction of the crew of a vessel receiving subsidy shall be Americans; and the requirement that each vessel subsidized shall carry one boy for each 1,000 tons gross register, to be trained in seamanship or engineering. A change that is considered to be for the worse is the omission of the proviso contained in the last bill that not more than $9,000,000 should be paid for subsidies in any one year. In the present bill no limit is placed. Other changes in the new bill are an increased rate for carrying the mails, graded according to tonnage and speed; an extra subsidy during the next five years for new vessels, and an annual bounty of $2 a ton

for deep-sea fishing-vessels, and of $1 a month for American citizens when engaged in deep-sea fishing.

The Baltimore Sun (Ind.) terms the measure an "unjustifiable grab," and the Detroit Free Press (Ind. Dem.) calls it "a brazen attempt to loot the Government." The Baltimore American (Ind.) remarks: "Congress has not seen fit to offer the farmer a bounty of fifty cents a bushel on his corn, nor has it deemed it necessary to offer to the wage-earner a ten-per-cent. increase of his daily wages. This would be positively horrifying to the majority of Congressmen, and yet in principle it is the same as giving away the money of the people to a trust for building ships." "If we can not build and sail ships in competition with the foreigner except at a loss," observes the Detroit Journal (Rep.). "the fact of loss is not changed by forcing the general taxpayer to make up the difference between the cost of running a foreign-built ship and one built and manned at home"; and the Chicago Tribune (Rep.), commenting on the same point, says that "the proposition to coax Americans by subsidy grants to engage in a losing business does not commend itself to sensible business-men, who do not like to see capital sunk in unprofit able enterprises." The Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.) says: "The American shipyards are full of work and can not take contracts for immediate delivery. The owners of American ships are prosperous. There is no scarcity of ships in the foreign trade, but, on the contrary, more ships than cargoes. Freight rates are extremely low, grain being carried across the Atlantic as low as a penny a bushel. The interest of exporters does not demand the passage of this bill. Its object is simply to pay certain people who are doing a remunerative business higher profits. There is no reason why one particular branch of business should be singled out for this sort of favoritism."

Turning to the arguments in favor of the bill, the Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph (Ind.) says:

"There is no argument or sophistry of the enemies of a ship subsidy bill that can make it plain why this Government should longer submit to the singular anomaly of being a great leader in the commercial and industrial world, and yet suffer only a trifling and insignificant portion of its great commerce to be carried in ships of American build and ownership. Senator Frye's measure is a hopeful indication that Congress will seriously address

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itself to the task of remedying this great national error during the present session."

The Salt Lake Tribune (Ind. Rep.) says:

We hope to see Senator Frye's bill passed; if not as he introduced it, then in amended form. All other branches of American industry are at their greatest activity and profit. They were put in that condition by the tariff. Without protection, our industries would be as dead as is American shipping. The time has come to endow that with new life, and to exemplity again to the world that the American principle, so much derided and scorned in Europe (but followed as to ships and in many other lines), is sufficient to revive and make strong American shipping, even as it has overshadowed the world with American manufactures."

A

AN ISLAND FOR THE ANARCHISTS.

MONG the various suggestions made in Congress for ridding the country of Anarchists, none has attracted so much attention as Senator Hoar's proposal that they be banished to some far-away isle of the sea, where they can be allowed to work out their ideas without harming anybody else. Anarchist gatherings in Chicago and New York, in the last two or three weeks, in which the name of Czolgosz has been cheered, have added to the feeling that some repressive measures should be taken; but there does not seem to be any general agreement upon a remedy. The New Orleans Times-Democrat thinks that Senator Hoar's plan "will enlist the approval not only of the American people, but of all peoples whose governments have been assailed by the red hand of Anarchy," and adds that it demonstrates once more that he is "in intellectual insight and in moral height, equaled by few members of the higher branch of the national legislature." On the other hand, the New York

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Times calls it a "wild proposition" that is "utterly out of harmony with all civilized and modern ideas."

The scheme is indorsed by a number of conservative and influential journals. The Chicago Evening Post says: "This is certainly an interesting and original suggestion, and if this free and popular Government should, after full discussion, decide to adopt it, there is little doubt that Germany, France and otherfar less advanced-countries would gladly cooperate." "The experiment is well worth the trial," declares the Chicago Journal, "and we most sincerely hope that Senator Hoar will reduce his suggestion to the form of a bill that Congress can pass." The Kansas City Journal paints in vivid colors its idea of what would happen on Anarchy island. It says:

"As a matter of fact, an Anarchist community, conducted upon Anarchist principles, would be a diminutive hell. Might and greed would rule supreme. There would be no protection of life or property and no respect for any human rights. Murder, rape, plundering, and every species of outrage would make short work of the settlement-if the wretched group of castaways should. ever attain to the dignity of a settlement. There would be no industry, no production, no means of sustaining livelihood, for who would be at the trouble of laboring when there was no security for the results of labor? Starvation would speedily claim as victims the few who succeeded in resisting the encroachments of their desperate fellows. The Anarchists know all this. They would regard as appalling any effort to take them away from the protection of laws and government they hate. They don't want to be deported. They don't want to be segregated upon any island or anywhere else. Already in New York they are searching for legal obstacles to save them from the operation of the legislation proposed in Congress.

"What the Anarchists desire is the privilege of remaining under a civilized government with full license to assault its rulers and its institutions. Illogical as such a demand is, that is what they insist on and what they will strenuously contend for. But

"ANARCHY ISLE," SUGGESTED BY SENATOR HOAR.

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-The Chicago Record-Herald.

the American people have tolerated that condition of things as long as they are going to. The evil is going to be remedied, and it is going to be remedied speedily. Congress may or may not adopt Senator Hoar's plan, but it will handle Anarchy with a strong hand. The disciples of Most and Goldman have assassinated one President too many."

Many papers agree with the New York Times, quoted above, that Senator Hoar's scheme is ridiculous. The New York Evening Post declares that "it is hard to discuss the matter seriously," and the Springfield Republican observes: "Mr. Hoar's Anarchy island would teach no new lesson-not even to the Anarchist of any intelligence. Whether it could serve any other useful purpose is decidedly doubtful. At least as effective in restraining violent Anarchy, and no more oppressive, would be a home prison, and to this conclusion the discussion of the matter will finally circle around." Other papers wonder how the officers will tell an Anarchist when they see one. "Anarchy of certain sorts," remarks the Chicago Record-Herald, "boasts that it is mild and gentle and that it would not harm a fly, much less a human being. Anarchy as a general term is too indefinite to serve for a criminal definition." And the New York Sun says: "If there were any physical mark by which the Anarchist and the potential assassin or incendiary could be identified, the idea of a distant penal colony might be a promising one. As it is, the proper subject for deportation could be identified in most cases only by his own confession, or by a process

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