this new archeological field, it will be exceedingly creditable to us in the eyes of the scholars of the world. The discovery and preservation of the buried records, which are likely to settle many of the disputed points of Biblical history, and largely augment our knowledge of the many races besides the Jews who have left their traces in Palestine, would be a scholarly achievement of the first importance."

MR. ZANGWILL ON THE JEW IN THE YEAR 2000 A.D.

MR. ISRAEL ZANGWILL, the English novelist and play

wright, has hitherto been regarded as a somewhat tentative and middle-of-the-road Zionist; but nothing could well be more positive than his convictions concerning Zionism and the future of the Jewish race expressed in a recent interview at his home in St. John's Wood, London, as reported in the London Daily Mail. Without pretending to be a prophet, Mr. Zang will says that "it seems increasingly probable that the Jews will return in increasing numbers to Palestine, their old and neverto-be-forgotten home"; and, he adds, "by the year 2,000 A.D. I don't see why there shouldn't be 2,000,000 Jews inhabiting the land, transforming it into a garden of beauty and fertility, and supplying it with harbors and railways, and a government of their own which will be the model government of the world." He continued:

"I am firmly convinced that the mission of the Jews is this: to be a people set on a hill-on Zion's Hill-whose social, political, agricultural, and religious condition will be the moral beaconlight of the world. From the laws of that community other nations will learn to govern wisely. From her social condition other nations will learn the science of sociology. From her spiritual supremacy other nations will learn the real meaning of religion. In short, I believe the hope of humanity lies in the development of the Jewish race after their return to Palestine.

"From the time of Christ until this generation the outside world knew practically nothing of the life and work of the Jews. For long centuries the Jew was persecuted by Christian and pagan in every country, and this very fact led to the preservation of his individuality. Frowned upon everywhere, the Jews drew closer to one another, intermarried among themselves, and had comparatively little intercourse with the outside world. And this was their salvation.

"Recently, however, the absolute freedom granted to them in almost all civilized countries has tended to destroy their identity as a race. They are no longer bound to one another by the strongest ties in the world-those of persecution-but have mingled with the general community; and the Jew is to-day seeking his own interests, financial or social, largely forgetful of his fellow Jews. The common idea that all Jews work unselfishly for each other is no longer true. They have imbibed the paganism of your so-called Christian nations, and every man is trying to get the better of the other. Five years ago this condition was absolutely alarming. It appeared as tho the Jewish race would shortly become merged with other races and disappear altogether, after its wonderful preservation during 3,000 years.

"Frankly, I may say that my hopes for the race lie largely in the political Zionist movement, whether in its direct or indirect effects. Under the enthusiastic guidance of Dr. Herzl it is ma king steady progress. Its first object is to raise sufficient money to obtain the land of Palestine from the Sultan, under whose suzerainty the movement would be carried out.

"Already about a million dollars have been contributed to this fund, and every city and almost every village in the world has its band of enthusiastic Zionists. I may state, by the way, that this money has not been contributed by the rich Jews generally, but by the poorer classes of Jews. The rich take little interest in the scheme. They are often men who have the bent for mere money-making and have largely lost their patriotism. They stand at the top of the social ladder in the world's chief centers of activity. Their position is secure, they have nothing to gain by the reclaiming of Palestine, and seem to care little for the plan. This, however, does not in the least damp the enthusiasm

of the ardent Zionists. The money is fast coming from every quarter of the globe, and it is believed that in a few years there will be a sufficient sum to accomplish our desires. Then, having gained possession of the land, we should not be so foolish as to rush great numbers of uneducated and unskilled Jews into the country, but would use Jewish shrewdness is sending skilled agriculturists, carpenters, merchants, and men and women generally, who, under the guidance of practical idealists, would form a sound basis of the model community that is to be."

Mr. Zangwill finds in the great work of contemporary Hebrew scholarship, "The Jewish Encyclopedia," ground for his faith in a renaissance of Jewish spirituality, patriotism, and learning. To the first volume of this work, published a few weeks ago, we have heretofore referred. Mr. Zangwill, in conclusion, thus speaks of this work and its influence on the future development of the Jew:

"However, our salvation may lie in-as it will certainly be supplemented by-the other great force at work, the spiritual idea, which is represented by the above-mentioned Jewish Encyclopedia. That is going to be a wonderful production. Prepared under the editorship of a score of the foremost Jewish scholars of the world, it will open up sources of knowledge which were hitherto largely unknown to Jew and Christian alike. As the 'emancipated' Jews become familiar with their traditions, and the renewed possibility of a mission for them, they will tend to be linked together as the honored wardens of a great treasure. They will recognize the beauty and supremacy of their code of laws, of morals and of religion, and, tho they are scattered everywhere over the earth, they will be spiritually consolidated, and each one will be a sort of missionary to the community to instruct them in the principles of true religion and right living. This may be the mission of the Jews; a spiritual community scattered over the face of the entire earth, instead of a political community concentrated in Palestine. But both forms of influence on the world could be exerted simultaneously, since it is impossible for Palestine to absorb more than a nucleus of the Jewish race.

"Finally, let me say that I think the world is daily coming round to the Jewish conception of life. Christianity has proved a failure. Look at the Christian nations to-day, warring against one another like savages. What a spectacle is presented by the allied armies in China! The battle of the future is between the old Judaism and the new paganism. A sense of justice is what the world needs to-day-such justice as was preached and foretold by the great Jewish prophets, and, I believe, it will be left to the Jewish race-whether as a model community in Palestine or as a spiritual army scattered over the world-to supply this need, and to make justice supreme in the hearts of men.”

RELIGIOUS NOTES.

AT the opening exercises of the International Convention of Christian Endeavor Societies at Cincinnati on July 7, Secretary John Willis Baer announced that in the second decade of the history of the movement, the growth in the number of local church societles had been from 16,274 to 61,427. The increase in the past year had been about 2,000 societies, with 100,000 members. The total membership is now nearly 4,000,000 members. A WRITER has lately classed the "anti-Romanizing " movement of Kensit and his followers in the English church as at bottom more a movement against ecclesiastical domination than against doctrine and usage, except so far as these symbolize priestly rule. That this diagnosis of the case is not wholly groundless may perhaps be indicated by the following words of The Church Review (May 30), the leading organ of the Ritualistic party. It says, defining the relations of state and church: "Not only individuals, but nations and the rulers of nations as such, are to be brought beneath the yoke of Christ. Judicabit in nationibus. The acts of Government, legislative, administrative, disciplinary, are moral acts, and as such are, in the ideal community, equally subject to the authority of the hierarchy with the moral acts of individuals. In that ideal community establishment is no piece of machinery, it is the inevitable acknowledgment on the part of the nation of its subjection to the yoke of Christ in His Holy Church. We fear that some defective view of the authority of Holy Church underlies the contention to which we are referring. If, in fact, the days are passed in which Holy Church may assert her power as judge among the nations, it is no mark of progress; it is the reverse. It is the result of men's sin: sin within, which has divided Christendom and weakened the arm of the hierarchy in its dealings with the nations; and sin without, which has brought it about that citizenship and Catholicism are no longer inseparable ideas." The English Church has been often accused of Erastianism, but ultramentane claims have scarcely gone further than those made here.

FOREIGN TOPICS.

WILL THE AUSTRIAN KAISER BE CROWNED KING OF BOHEMIA?

THE

HE recent visit of Emperor Francis Joseph to Prague, the first in ten years, is hailed by the continental press as a sign that the reconciliation between German and Czech is progressing favorably. It is also looked upon as a distinct triumph for the new Austrian premier, Baron von Körber, and as an indication that the Emperor is inclined to grant the ardent wish of the Czechs that he be crowned king of Bohemia. While his reception was enthusiastic and evidently sincere, it is a significant fact, pointed out by the Journal des Débats (Paris), that the invitations to the public functions were printed, not in German nor in Czech, but in French. The Viennese journals, nevertheless, regard the visit as a happy sign of peace for the empire. It will "reestablish the prestige of the monarchy throughout Europe," declares the Neue Freie Presse. It really means that if the Germans and Czechs come to some satisfactory agreement, and bring about a lasting peace between themselves, the coronation of the King of Bohemia in Prague may not be long deferred. This, the Presse points out, would be the summit of Bohemian ambition, “just as a coronation at Budapest, thirty-four years ago, was the realization of the national aspirations of the Hungarians."

Austria wishes nothing to-day more ardently, declares the Fremdenblatt (Vienna), the organ of the Foreign Office, than that it may "speedily see an end brought to the deadly war and paralyzing political rivalry between Czechs and Germans." The Pester Lloyd (Budapest), Count Goluchowski's Hungarian organ, argues in the same vein and declares that it believes Austria's malady of internal strife now shows symptoms of losing its grip. Dr. Rieger, a veteran Czech statesman, former leader of the Old Czech party in the Reichsrath, however, expresses it as his opinion (Neues Tageblatt, of Vienna) that the visit of the Emperor is merely a "happy incident," and that it has no further significance than as emphasizing the fact that Bohemia is part of Austria. Referring to the persistent reports that Pan-Slavism has taken a strong hold of the Bohemian people, even to the extent of making them sigh for incorporation with Russia, Dr. Rie-. ger says: "Pan-Slavism is pure nonsense. It is true that the Czechs sympathize with other Slav peoples, but they can never forget that they are Western Europeans, permeated, like the Germans themselves, with Occidental culture. Their traditions, arts, and social order rest upon a Roman basis, while those of the Eastern Slavs have a Byzantine foundation entirely foreign to the Czechs."

French journals congratulate Dr. von Körber on his success in bringing together, if only temporarily, two of the most bitterly hostile of the warring elements of the empire. If the visit of the aged Austrian monarch to Prague, says the Temps (Paris), is, as it certainly seems to be, "a proffer of good will from Teuton to Slav, a half-promise of his coronation as King of Bohemia and the restoration of at least some of the ancient rights of the crown of St. Wenceslaus, the world will salute Austria-Hungary and congratulate her. Probably, however, it is merely a truce in the battle."

It is all interesting, and a bit amusing, says The Spectator (London) in reference to the situation, and it continues:

"The two nationalities vie with each other in expressing a loyalty which there is every reason to believe sincere; but the officials have to walk warily, as at the slightest sign of favor to either side the other one snarls angrily or sulks. Invitations are sent in French lest either Czech or German should appear to be preferred. There are solemn discussions as to which theater is to be visited first, ending in a decision for the Czech house, because the play is a new one. To judge from the accounts, civil

war would be imminent on the departure of the Emperor, but we read the accounts of rioting in Belfast, and are not greatly troubled for Prague. Part, at least, of the struggle goes on because both factions are aware they will not be allowed to fight it out." -Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

PAN-AMERICANISM

A

AND THE APPREHENSIONS IT AWAKENS.

NUMBER of European, Canadian, and South American journals are using the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo as an opportunity for giving expression to their views on PanAmericanism in general and the relation of the United States to other American nations in particular. The lesson of PanAmericanism for the smaller American states is simply this, writes Alcide Ebray, in the Journal des Débats (Paris): Watch the United States of North America, especially when she speaks of protecting you against the tyranny of Europe. He continues:

"If you want rapprochement with a non-South American country, look to your mother, Spain, rather than to the great invading republic of the North. Up to the present time, the so-called Ibero-American union has been more or less of a chimera. But it is much more capable of realization than the wholly visionary Anglo-Saxon alliance. Great Britain, being both a North and a South American power, can never seem quite disinterested in such a scheme. But Spain having abandoned all pretension to political influence in South America, and her intentions being therefore above suspicion, a rapprochement between her and her ancient colonies is comparatively easy of realization from an intellectual, moral, and economic standpoint."

Spain, declares the Epoca (Madrid), is still essentially an American nation, altho not such in a political sense. It says:

"Spain is an American nation, not only because of her historic antecedents, but also because of her present influence. To-day forty millions of men speak her language in the new continent and the Spanish emigration to the American republics keeps alive the love for the mother-land, strengthens the ties that bind the new states to the ancient European nation, and helps to proclaim to the world her continued existence, her language, her faith, her civilization, her spirit; all her virtues and defects live in her oversea children."

España Moderna, the Madrid review, contains a long description of the Pan-American Exposition, closing with an impassioned appeal to Europe to come to the aid of LatinAmerica against the "perile yanqui." "Oh, Europe, France, Germany, England," it calls, "save us and the virgin South American continent from the barbaric Yankees!" The Prensa (Buenos Ayres), the Lei (Santiago de Chile), and the Union Ibero-Americana (Madrid) also contain articles pointing out the "Yankee peril." The South American Journal, published in London in the interests of British investors in South America, has a long article praising the Pan-American Exposition and calling the attention of Englishmen to the growing American enterprise in the Southern continent. The Discusion (Havana), commenting on the large German emigration to Brazil, and the talk about the Monroe Doctrine, declares that the United States must be watched in South America. For Cuba to fall entirely into the power of this colossus, it says, would be a great calamity. The well-known political economist, Pierre Leroy-Beaulieu, contributes to the Économiste Française (Paris) an exhaustive analysis of the relations, commercial and political, between the United States and the countries of South America. He says in conclusion:

"If they are shrewd, the Latin-Americans will understand that, from their point of view, the Monroe doctrine means not merely America for the Americans,' but 'South America for the South Americans.' The peril of foreign domination is much more likely to come to them from the United States than from

Europe. It would seem almost self-evident that since the Spanish-American war all sections of Latin America, with the possible exception of Brazil, would feel more in sympathy with Spain than with the United States. The course of the Yankees in Cuba has not been such as to inspire confidence in the Washington Government, and, with all due respect to the great qualities of the American people (respect we have often been glad to show), and admitting that it is quite natural for them to wish to extend their influence over the Southern continent, still we are convinced that, in the general interest of humanity, a certain diversity of civilization is beneficial, and, in the interest of the South American republics themselves, it is desirable that they do not concede to the United States any economic privileges which they see fit to withhold from their mother lands in Europe."

The Saturday Review (London) waxes wroth over Vice-President Roosevelt's recent speech on the Monroe doctrine. Mr. Bombastes Furioso Roosevelt, it says, has joined Senator Lodge "in defying all Europe and Great Britain to interpose their interference between the States and the overflowing affection of the forty millions of the South American republics." It continues:

"This is a very pretty picture, but it has about as little relation to the truth as the humanitarian pretenses on which the war against Spain was declared. Now the Monroe Doctrine triply exaggerated and the rejection of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty are the means by which South America is to be prevented from being snatched from the loving arms of the States. The 'two Americas' are to declare that Europe shall not enter in established colonies, or seek the partition of Central or Southern America. The States were bullying Venezuela a short time ago and Venezuela turned nasty. Now they will try to bully or cajole her into denying Germany the lease of a small island for a coaling-station. Soon Europe will not be able to speak in South America without asking permission of the States. But we fancy South America would prefer even the attentions of Europe to those of their friends on the North. It is pleasant for Europe to be menaced with the commercial fist and the mailed fist of America at the same time!"

Canadian journals are somewhat touchy on the subject of the Monroe Doctrine. We have no particular quarrel with the idea, says Events (Ottawa), that is, with it as stated; but we have a distinct quarrel with what it implies:

"If it means anything, it means that the United States does not want any old-world Power established in America, and its aim is

as much to get rid of those who are here as to keep out those who wish to come. It has succeeded in driving Spain out, and it would like to see the last of Great Britain, and that is why the Monroe Doctrine should find opposition in Canada."

The Telegram (Toronto) becomes very weary when it even thinks of the Buffalo Exposition. "Why should there be a PanAmerican fair at all, or why should Buffalo be the site of such an enterprise?" it asks, and it adds: "There are signs of public weariness at the tendency of every 'jerkwater' town in the United States to create an exposition which will shake the earth with its myriad wonders."

The Pan-American idea, however, appeals strongly to another Canadian journal, The World, also of Toronto. Pan-Americanism, says The World, is the vogue of the twentieth century. The United States is the great champion of arbitration, and Canada agrees with her. Canada also believes in Pan-Americanism, which we use as "a synonym for harmony among the independent states of the American continent." Pan-Americanism ought to supplant the Monroe Doctrine. The World then elaborates its views as follows:

"The Monroe Doctrine had application to but a single American country. That was the United States. Pan-Americanism covers the whole of North and South America. It works for the peace and advancement of the whole Western hemisphere. . . . For our own part, we are prepared to go even further along the line of progress than has been suggested by the United States for the Pan-American states. We would make the opening of the twentieth century the occasion for settling all existing disputes between the American states, and even for an exchange of odd bits of territory and the establishment of permanent trea

-Discusion, Havana.

ties. . . . Why should the two countries not agree to recognize each other's special sphere, the one as the southern and the other as the northern power of North America? Alaska geographically belongs to Canada, as does also the northern part of the State of Maine. There is also a little piece of territory in the Lake-of-the-Woods, the socalled northwest angle, that ought to be Canadian territory. We propose that these irregularities should be straightened out. We do not ask the United States to give us anything without compensation. We would offer a full equivalent for these three pieces of territory. Just exactly what this equivalent should be we are not prepared to state, but we might suggest the transfer

DENTISTRY WITH OR WITHOUT ANESTHETICS.

Uncle Sam is bound to get some sort of a decision from the Cuban Con

vention.

-Discusion Havana.

of some of the British West Indies, and the giving to the United States a free hand to construct an Isthmian Canal."

Commenting upon these suggestions, The Sun (New York) and The Inter Ocean (Chicago) observe that Canada, not being an independent nation, can scarcely take the first move in making such a radical departure as an exchange of territory. If Canada, says the latter journal, desires to promote the PanAmerican ideal, she must cease to violate it by clinging to British connection. This seems to Events (Ottawa) like a covert hint at forcible annexation by the United States; but Canada, says Events, knows her rights and is able to maintain them.Translations made for THE LITERARY Digest.

A

A FRENCHMAN ON THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS.

FRENCHMAN has been studying the British House of Commons, and has given in the Matin (Paris) his conclusions over the initials P. M. G. The gist of these is given below: "Have you ever sat in the House of Commons and listened? No? Then you have missed the best of English comedies. I will describe.

"In front of me sits a gentleman in a long wig; in front of him two lesser gentlemen in lesser wigs. The great gentleman is called the Speaker. I don't know why. Perhaps because he never opens his mouth. The other gentlemen are his clerks; they suck pens continually.

"On the right hand of the Speaker sit many plump, red-faced, well-dressed Englishmen. These are Conservatives. On the left hand of the Speaker sit fewer, pale-faced, long-haired, tragiclooking Englishmen. These are Liberals.

"Let me describe their talk. One of the Liberals-he is a Welshman-gets on his feet. He is very white, very tragic. His hair is brushed as carefully as that on a lady's poodle, and with the same Sunday-school finish. He is young, and his hair announces that he is well pleased with the state of his soul. You feel that he would be really surprised if he did not go to heaven. What does he say? Listen. The British army is composed of the scum of the earth. The officers are savage barbarians. The war is a disgrace to England, and she will be punished for it— some day. His voice vibrates like one of the London Twopenny Tubes. His eyes flash, his arms saw the air. All around him the Liberals sit, white, silent, tragic-looking.

"But what is it we hear? My friends, we hear laughter, loud, red-faced laughter. It comes from the Conservatives. Look at their crowded benches. Are they not one broad grin, one big red face? The more the good young Welshman proves the cruelty of the British officer, the more do these Conservatives laugh, the broader do they grin. They are hard-hearts, these Conservatives.

"Another Liberal is soon what they call 'up.' He comes from Ireland. Black is his hair; black eyebrows, like the stroke of a quill-pen, press upon his eyelids. He has the white, tragic face, the flashing eyes; he has also the black beard. His clothes hang loosely on his frame; a lock of black hair slashes his white brow. He has a really beautiful brogue, and he has pulled out the tremolo stop.

"We listen to him. The English soldiers are villains; the officers are blackguards. The English burn the farms of the good Boers. The English ill-treat the nice Boer women. The English cause the tears to fall from the eyes of the sweet little Boer children. Brutal English! Long-suffering Boers! One can see the flames leaping from the farm roof, and hear the wail of the women, also the yell of the nice little children. Blood swims before the eyes. Oh, it is terrible!

"Again there is laughter. Again the crowded benches are full of jovial, red-faced laughter. It is the deep chuckle of those Conservatives again.

"Let me generalize. The Conservative is one who attacks the Liberal for misgoverning the country. The Liberal is one who attacks the country for misgoverning the world. And between the two the business of the empire goes on.

"I enjoy the House of Commons. It is real nice to hear these English blackening their own characters. Does it not save us

trouble? They seem, all of them who are in earnest, to desire, more than they desire riches, that their country should be proved wicked and wrong. They have newspapers which are trying every day to prove this; and Englishmen buy them, read their own damnation there, pay their pennies to see themselves called savages, cut-throats, blackguards. There are thousands of these English toiling day and night to prove that their Sir Alfred Milner is the Old Gentleman himself. This is perhaps why they call their country 'Merrie England.' Does it not make you laugh?

"In England no one defends the empire. It is, perhaps, too big to be defended. And, indeed, when one sees these Conservatives laughing in the House of Commons, he begins to understand. After all, my friends, perhaps they are right. When one is attacked, is it not the best thing to laugh?

"Ah, these English! But they are not so stupid after all."— Translation made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

IS FRANCE ABOUT TO ABSORB MOROCCO?

THE

HE sudden appearance of two French men-of-war in the harbor of Tangier, and the despatch to Paris, London, Berlin, and St. Petersburg of "extraordinary embassies" of Moors, have revived, in a number of continental journals, the rumor that France is about to absorb Morocco. In April a French officer was shot by Riffians (subjects of the Sultan of Morocco) under very brutal circumstances. A money indemnity was demanded and the Sultan has given his promise to pay. But governmental and social disorder in Morocco has long been a thorn in the flesh of France, whose North African possessions (Algeria and Tunis) are closely involved, and many French newspapers are openly advocating a French protectorate as the only solution of the difficulty. Now, they declare, is the moment for the coup. The whole Morocco question is examined in detail by

a writer in the Correspondant (Paris). This is the propitious time for annexation, he declares. Germany appears to have abandoned her designs on the coast of Morocco; Spain is still very weak from the war with the United States, and Great Britain is paralyzed by her contest in South Africa. Morocco, he says, would be much more profitable than Algeria can ever be made to be; it is absolutely impossible to exaggerate its natural wealth. By possession of this region France's empire in North Africa would be completed, “bounded on all sides by the sea or the sand." It would be "a second, vaster, and richer France to become more densely populated than the mother country."

A number of Paris newspapers, including the Patrie, the Liberté, the Petit Parisien, the Autorité, and the Libre Parole, openly advocate immediate annexation; but the more sober conservative journals, like the Temps and the Journal des Débats, declare that France wishes only to maintain the status quo in Morocco, and that annexation would embroil her with the rest of the Europe and keep her hands tied for years. The Éclair (Paris), in an article which is generally regarded (says the Temps) as "an audacious fiction," declares that the Sultan of Morocco is willing and ready to accept a French protectorate, and that Germany, England, Italy, and Russia, which recognize that France has the predominating influence and interest in Morocco, will offer no objections to the protectorate. Says the Éclair :

"The question is to profit without delay by the advantage thus obtained, and so to act that the recognition of our preponderating position shall not remain a merely platonic fact. To secure this recognition by Morocco herself there would be no need for us to plunge into a war of conquest, which would, without doubt, be long and costly, and would certainly alarm the public mind. The Sultan is well aware that he can not count on the support of Europe."

France has no ulterior designs in Morocco, declares the Journal des Débats (Paris). She simply desires a definite demarcation of the frontier between the French possessions and Morocco,

and to secure its protection. The other European Powers interested fully understand the situation and have preserved the most reserved and correct attitude. The southwestern section of Algeria, however, must be reorganized so that no further Riffian outrages will be possible. The République (Paris) calls for a policy of greater firmness toward the Moorish Government, but also for a very clear intimation that the French Government is not pursuing a policy of conquest. We French are not longing for conquest, observes the Temps, but "our privileged position in Morocco is based on both geographical and historical considerations, and we must uphold it." The Drapeau, organ of the Patriotic League and usually extremely chauvinistic, declares that the question is far from settled, and warns the Government against the "madness of an adventure in Morocco." It says fur

ther:

"To attempt to conquer the country would be utter madness. We should have ten million fanatics against us, who would not sell their skins any more cheaply than the Boers in South Africa. Now the Boers, with women and children included, did not number more than 250,000, and we know how much blood and gold this handful of heroes has cost the British empire. London and Berlin are well aware of our danger, and would be delighted to see us caught in such a trap."

The Petite Journal argues in a similar view. Let us halt in time, it says. "Germany smiles amiably at us to entice us down the dangerous slope."

The German press has very little to say on the subject, altho there are some criticisms of the Éclair article in the Berlin journals. As Tangier, the principal seaport of Morocco, is almost directly opposite Gibraltar, the Hamburger Nachrichten wants to know what England intends to do about it. The Independance Belge (Brussels), on the other hand, pooh-poohs the Éclair article, but maintains that Germany's commercial interests in Morocco should call forth some statement from the Berlin Government. The nation most vitally concerned in the future of Morocco is, of course, Spain. While France has given Spain assurances that the status quo, political or territorial, shall not be altered in Morocco, yet, says the Epoca (Madrid), Spanish statesmen are on the alert, and would view with marked displeasure any attempt to establish a French or any other European protectorate over Morocco.

The British papers do not appear to regard the matter as having yet reached a serious stage. The Daily Graphic (London) warns France to keep her hands off Tangier, and The Pall Mall

Gazette (London) hopes that the British Foreign Office will "watch the doings of her neighbor across the Channel in Morocco, one of the most naturally rich corners, one of the very few unparalleled divisions of mysterious Africa."-Translations made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.

The Republic of the Soul. From La Escuela Moderna (Madrid) we take the following very ingenious comparison of the human soul to a republic such, for instance, as that of the United States:

"The soul is a true republic. Its government is popular, elective, alternative, and responsible. Public power resides in the intelligence, in the will, and the conscience, that is to say, the intellect legislates, the will executes, and the conscience, as an inappealable tribunal, administers justice in the entire territory. The municipal power resides in the senses, which exercise their authority under the immediate sanction of the general powers of the republic.

"The population is divided into two great classes, the sentiments and the thoughts. The memory constitutes a national establishment, which is at the same time a public archive, a library, and a museum of antiquities. In this office is also gathered the history of the country.

"The soul is an essentially revolutionary country, by reason of which the government is unstable; one sentiment governs as quickly as another, and as the institutions are eminently democratic, all battle for the control of the republic. There are above all two warring political factions, which are ever in conflict, Virtue and Vice. Fortunately the conscience holds its sessions so promptly that the mind is pacified and public order is established, and after it has analyzed the deeds and instructed the court, the sentence is pronounced irrevocably in accordance with the moral code. These decisions are then placed in the archives of the Memory for the legal effect of remorse.

"This republic maintains relations of amity and commerce with other countries. There are international wars, in which the press is generally the field of battle.

"A secret is a political prisoner whose flight may plunge the republic into serious international conflicts. In general the following qualities are also found in the republic of the soul: Diplomacy, in education; Tyranny, in caprice; Politics, in curiosity: Public Debt, in gratitude; Anarchy, in madness; Coup d'État, in repentance; and the politics of the heavenly kingdom, in individuality. An undeception is an earthquake which knocks ideas and sentiments in the head.

"Moral: This republic can alone be happy when governed by Philosophy with a cabinet of good sentiments."-Translation made for THE LITERARY DIGEST.