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Beginning at the left, the first three men are Admiral Schley's counsel-viz., Judge Jeremiah M. Wilson, of Washington, D. C. (died September 24); Attorney-General Isidor Raynor, of Maryland, and Captain James Parker, of New Jersey. Next come the three judges-namely, Rear-Admiral Andrew E. K. Benham (retired), Admiral George Dewey, and Rear-Admiral Francis M. Ramsay (retired). Next is Captain Samuel C. Lemly, judge-advocate, and then Rear-Admiral W. S. Schley himself. Standing behind Schley is Mr. E. P. Hanna, solicitor of the judge-advocate-general's office.

THE SCHLEY COURT OF INQUIRY AT WASHINGTON.

his duty to bring the war to a close as soon as possible, using such measures as his environment suggests." "It is now certain," declares the Springfield Republican, "that the complete military subjugation of the stubborn Afrikander people will leave South Africa with wounds which generations will not heal." It continues:

"In view of the proud refusal of the British Government to make terms with the Boers and bring the suicidal struggle to an end before it can drag its length through a third year of bitterness and wo; in view of the obvious willingness of the other powers to let the war run on; in view of the actual military situation at the seat of war, it is not extravagant to say that a great crisis has probably been reached in the history of the British empire. Victory or defeat, in a military sense, one side-the war can not continue much longer without inflicting upon Great Britain a blow from which she may never recover."

I

"

EVIDENCE IN THE SCHLEY INQUIRY. NSTEAD of settling the "Sampson-Schley controversy," the hearing, thus far, seems only to have afforded the partizans of each side new material for the support of their claims. Admiral Schley's critics consider it proved that he acted with bad judgment and reprehensible hesitancy, while the admiral's friends think they see plainly that there was a conspiracy among his fellow officers to hamper and mislead him by withholding information. Every one seems satisfied, however, that the inquiry is being conducted in a fair and impartial spirit, and it seems to be generally admitted that it is better to have the controversy settled by official inquiry than to have it fought out interminably in the newspapers. "For the future historians of this period," declares the New York Evening Post (Ind.), "the court is certainly doing a great and lasting work."

The famous "loop" of the Brooklyn and the consequent danger to the Texas form but one point in the inquiry. Lieutenant

Commander Heilner, who was navigator of the Texas during the battle, testified that the danger of collision with the Brooklyn was the greatest danger to which the battle-ship was exposed during the fight. What the defense will offer on this point has not yet appeared. The charge that Admiral Schley maintained a loose blockade of the harbor, withdrawing to a distance of ten or fifteen miles at night, is disputed by officers who were there, and is not considered to be proven. The principal matters in dispute seem to be Admiral Schley's failure to find and blockade the Spanish fleet for seven days after it had reached Santiago, and his intention even then to leave Santiago for Key West to coal. The Boston Transcript reviews the incident critically as follows:

"We know now that the Spanish fleet arrived in Santiago harbor on the 19th of May, the very day on which the Eagle, thirty miles west of Key West, informed the flying squadron, then on its way to Cienfuegos, that on the 16th Cervera's squadron certainly was not at Cienfuegos. On the 23d of May Schley was at Cienfuegos, and was so confident that Cervera's squadron was in that port that, in reply to Admiral Sampson's despatches, telling him of the report of the arrival of Cervera at Santiago, he wrote: I think I have them [the Spanish fleet] here [Cienfuegos] almost to a certainty.' It was not until the next day, when Captain McCalla's reconnoissance demonstrated beyond all question that Cervera's fleet was not in Cienfuegos harbor, that Schley got under way for Santiago, which he reached on the 26th.

"Cervera's fleet had been seven days at Santiago. From the evidence that has been given it does not appear that Commodore Schley made any effort to find out whether his theory of the whereabouts of the Spanish fleet was correct until Captain McCalla took the matter into his own hands. This neglect to find out the actual situation in Cienfuegos harbor was the more remarkable as Lieutenant Sutherland in communicating with the flying squadron [Schley's] on the 19th of May had stated that there was a Cuban camp thirteen miles from Cienfuegos, from which the insurgents readily obtained information as to what was going on in the city and harbor. It was from this very

camp that Captain McCalla obtained proof that Cervera was not and had not been at Cienfuegos. Schley's judgment had proved at fault, and he had shown no energy in endeavoring to ascertain the facts of the situation at Cienfuegos.

"But even this supine dependence on a theory sinks into insignificance beside his singular conduct in persistently starting for Key West after receiving the Navy Department's despatches, which he 'regretted' he could not obey. Admiral Schley, in a defense of his mysterious action at this time, has said that Captain Sigsbee told him that the Spanish fleet was not in Santiago. Captain Sigsbee testified yesterday that he told Schley that he had not seen the Spanish fleet, which is a very different thing from either saying that it was not in Santiago, or that he believed it was not in Santiago. But why should Admiral Schley have based his action on what Captain Sigsbee or any other officer similarly situated said?

"Why did not Schley make some effort for himself to find out whether Cervera's fleet was or was not in Santiago harbor? There were plenty of officers ready to do at Santiago what Captain McCalla did at Cienfuegos. There were known to be plenty of insurgents around Santiago. Subsequently no difficulty was encountered in communicating with them when an energetic effort for that purpose was made. Imagine Farragut leaving such a question in doubt when he had scores of young officers at his disposal who would have leapt at the opportunity for such special service.

"The testimony has not reached the point of uncovering Schley's motive in putting back to Santiago when once he had started for Key West. This is one of the most interesting points to be uncovered. The country has wondered what, if anything, happened on board the flagship to change Schley's determination to steam away from a port in which his Government had informed him that it had reason to believe the enemy's fleet was at anchor. ...

"Why Schley did not coal off Santiago is no plainer now than it was during the war. Admiral Cotton reports that when he reached Schley with the department's despatches the sea was so far from being rough that he went to the flagship in a small boat, and he did not cover his white or summer uniform with any stouter garment.

"The difficulty of coaling at sea appears to have been a perfect bogey of mammoth proportions to Admiral Schley's imagination. Tho he had a collier with him, he clung so tenaciously to the coal in his bunkers that he demurred some time at Cienfuegos to giving Lieutenant Wood, who had brought duplicates of despatches from Admiral Sampson, enough coal to carry the torpedo-boat Dupont back to Key West. Yet, after all, Schley did coal off Santiago. The reason for his turning back to Santiago after he started for Key West yet remains to be developed. The country would like to know the origin of Schley's second

thought in this respect which carried him back to his post of duty. When we know that we shall get at the key of the mystery. Meanwhile whatever may have been Schley's motive for his strange conduct, it may be safely said that it does not appear to have been 'too much zeal.'"

The papers on the other side of the discussion wonder why it was that everybody else on the fleet seemed to know the signal code of communication with the Cubans and to know that the Spaniards had left Cienfuegos, except Schley. The Washington correspondent of the New York Times sums up the evidence up to the beginning of this week as follows:

"1. It is charged against Schley that when he was sent to look for the Spanish fleet he delayed unnecessarily at Cienfuegos in spite of orders to go to Santiago. It has been proved that he spent about three days there, and that he received despatches from Rear-Admiral Sampson, some of which told him to go to Santiago, and others to remain at Cienfuegos.

"It is also proved that a secret code of communication with the Cubans, arranged by Captain McCalla, which was known to Rear-Admiral Sampson, was not communicated to Schley, and that if he had known this code he could have ascertained in a few hours that the Spaniards were not there and have gone on to Santiago.

"2. It is charged that when he did go to Santiago his progress was slow. It has been proved that his larger ships did not make the speed they might have made. It has also been proved that the smaller vessels could not go any faster than they did, and that Schley accommodated the speed of the squadron to these rather than abandon them. It is now a question of the court whether Schley was right in this, or whether he should have left his small ships to the mercies of the Spaniards.

"3. It is charged that off Santiago he turned back on the pretense that he could not coal at sea, when it was quite possible to do so. On this point there has been a conflict of testimony among the Judge Advocate's witnesses. Some of them have testified that he could have coaled with ease, some that it would have been difficult and dangerous, and some that he could have coaled on some days and could not have coaled on others. It has been shown that a few hours after he had turned back the weather moderated, and he then returned to Santiago and coaled.

"4. It is charged that the three scout ships which were detailed to stay at Santiago and find out if the Spaniards were there met Schley as he was coming to Santiago and told him that the Spaniards were undoubtedly there, but that notwithstanding this he made the 'retrograde movement' mentioned. This charge has not been proved by the Judge Advocate's witnesses. The captains of the scouts have admitted that they did not give Schley any information whatever, altho one of them had a despatch for

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Schley. They have also shown that they did not know whether the Spaniards were there or not until Schley discovered the Colon lying at the mouth of the harbor.

"5. It is charged that Schley's bombardment of the Colon was ineffective, and that he was out of range when he fired at her. The witnesses have testified that Schley was out of range of the Colon, but within range of the shore batteries. Schley claims that his real object was to ascertain the strength of the shore batteries by firing at the Colon, at the same time complying as far as possible with the orders given him not to risk his ships under the fire of the shore batteries until the Spanish fleet had been destroyed. It has been proved that the shots of the shore batteries passed over and near Schley's ships, and some of the witnesses have testified that they gained information of value by the reconnoissance, while others say that not much was learned.

"6. It is charged that when Schley blockaded Santiago he was in the habit of withdrawing his ships a distance of twenty-five miles at night. This charge has been completely disproved. The testimony against it is unanimous. Some of the witnesses have testified that the blockade was a little further out at night, but the preponderance of testimony was that it was further in at night. Testimony about the actual distance of the blockade from shore differs widely, and hardly any two of the witnesses agree. It has been proved that he kept picket vessels nearer in shore than the rest of the fleet by two miles.

"7. It is charged that during the battle of Santiago Schley made a 'loop' which endangered the Texas. It has been proved that Captain Philip thought the Texas was in danger and stopped his engines. It has not been established that she was really in danger, and the witnesses differ about the distance between the Brooklyn and the Texas when the latter stopped her engines.

"One witness says that it was 150 yards, another 250 or 300 yards, another 'less than a quarter of a mile,' and the Navy Department's chart makes it half a mile, but this chart has been branded on the witness stand by one of the officers who got it up as inaccurate and worthless. The Judge Advocate has not yet offered any testimony to show that the 'loop' was unnecessary or a bad maneuvre, but only that it endangered the Texas.

"8. It is charged that Schley gave no orders except to his own ship during the battle. It has been proved that he gave orders to the Oregon at least, and that the Oregon obeyed him.'

The President for Woman-Suffrage.-Altho the President does not have much to do with regulating the suffrage, a matter that is left pretty much to the state governments, The Woman's Journal (Boston) thinks that "the suffragists of the United States may be congratulated upon the fact that our new President, Theodore Roosevelt, is a pronounced friend of woman-suffrage." It gives as a reason for this belief the fact that when he was governor of New York he "showed the courage of his convictions by recommending it in his inaugural message to the legislature." The same paper goes on to say:

"Roosevelt is the first President of the United States since Abraham Lincoln who had expressed himself publicly in favor of woman-suffrage before attaining the Presidency. Cleveland proved himself favorable to it by actions rather than words, as he signed bills giving women partial suffrage in New York when he was governor of that State. Hayes favored it in his quiet way, and helped the senior editor of The Woman's Journal to get a woman's rights resolution through the National Republican convention of 1872. Garfield recognized its growing importance. He said: 'Laugh as we may, put it aside as a jest if we will, keep it out of Congress or political campaigns, still the woman question is rising on our horizon larger than the size of a man's hand; and some solution, ere long, that question must find.' Some other Presidents were believed to be more or less friendly to it, but Roosevelt and Lincoln have been the only ones to put themselves conspicuously on record.

"It is still fresh in memory what consternation Roosevelt excited among conservatives by his recommendation of woman-suffrage in his message to the legislature when governor of New York. And Lincoln said, in a letter to the electors of Sangamon County, Ill., published in the Sangamon County Journal, June

13, 1836: I go for all sharing the privileges of the Government who assist in bearing its burdens; consequently I go for admitting all whites to the right of suffrage, who pay taxes or bear arms, by no means excluding females.'

SIR

"COLUMBIA'S" VICTORY OVER THE

'SHAMROCK II."

IR THOMAS LIPTON'S "splendid failure," as the London Mail calls it, finds the press and public as ready as they were two years ago to give him anything he wants-except what he is after. "I would rather retain the friendship and respect of the American people than lift the cup," he declared on the day of the final race, and the American people, to judge from the press comment, also prefer that arrangement. Two years ago more fear was expressed that the cup might cross the water, but this year's Shamrock proved to be a far more dangerous competitor than her sister. In the last of the three recent races, in fact, the Shamrock II. covered the course in 19 seconds less time than the Columbia, the American boat winning on "time allowance," a fact, thinks the New York Journal, that “detracts a little from the serene satisfaction of victory." The Philadelphia Press says, however:

"The time allowance is as fair to one boat as to the other. If Mr. Watson had chosen, even before his last race, to remove ballast he could have lightened the Shamrock sufficiently so that the time allowance would be on the other side, and it is possible, taking the winds the way they were yesterday, that this would have given Shamrock the race. There is therefore nothing unfair, unsportsmanlike, or inequitable in the time allowance by which Columbia so narrowly secured her third success. . . . . .

"This philosophical view will not, however, prevent every American from feeling that he would have preferred that the Columbia had won on her actual time. She is, as we think no one questions, the better boat. She is undubiously the better running before the wind, she is the better beating, and while Shamrock has had a certain amount of superiority in reaching, it is doubtful if this would be clear if the respective merits of the boats were contested in a season's cruise instead of three races. Shamrock II. is by odds the best boat that ever came over here, just as Sir Thomas Lipton is himself the finest English yachtsman who has sought the cup, but now that the races are over it is clear that Mr. Watson has carried a little too far the overhang and reduction of wetted surface, the overspread of sail, increased by an ingenious evasion of the New York Yacht Club's measurement rules in the case of the Shamrock's topsail by starting the sail lower down the mast, and the exaggerated ballast within and without the boat. Independence, which is an American Shamrock, just as the Shamrock is an English Independence, would, it is now clear, have not done so well."

The New York Tribune says:

"Sir Thomas Lipton can rightly and truly say that he gave us a pretty good scare, tho without doing permanent damage. We can gracefully and with a strict adherence to fact admit the scare, for there is no denying that Shamrock II. is the best and handsomest craft that ever came after our most highly prized silverware. It has been a long and arduous, tho not wholly unpleasant, undertaking-this half-century hunt for the Cup; and there are two things now morally certain-first, that the United States will always put up a good fight to retain the trophy; and, second, that better boats than the two Shamrocks will have to do the taking when the Cup is bound out. . . .

"The champion of 1899 and of 1901 appears to be so near to perfection as to cause men to despair of ever surpassing her. It may be dangerous to assume perfection for any work of man's hands. Yet the fact remains, concrete and convincing, that neither her own builder nor his most accomplished rival has been able to improve upon the wondrous model of the Columbia. In that peerless vessel we may well deem the present type of racing yacht to have reached its highest efficiency. What other type may one day be developed, and in what respects it may be found superior to this one, we shall not venture even to speculate. Sufficient for the day is the triumph thereof. The Columbia has

proved herself the swiftest racing craft ever designed. If any one thinks he can improve upon her model he is welcome to make the trial, tho it would be difficult to offer him encouragement or hope of success. Other times, other men, and other boats may see the witchery of these autumnal race days made flat and stale. To-day the half-century's cycle closes with an achievement supreme and incomparable, and with a new significance to the exultant strains of Hail Columbia!'"

The story of the races for the Cup is told by the following table:

1851-On August 22 the yacht America won the cup from the English cutter Aurora.

1870-On August 8 the schooner Magic won from the English schooner Cambria.

1871-On October 16 and 18 the schooner Columbia defeated the English schooner Livonia.

On October 19 the Livonia defeated the Columbia, the Columbia being disabled.

On October 21 and 23 the schooner Sappho easily outsailed the English boat.

1876-On August 11 and 12 the schooner Madeline won from the Canadian schooner Countess of Dufferin.

1881-On November 9 and 10 the sloop Mischief won from the Canadian sloop

Atlanta.

1885-On September 14 and 16 the sloop Puritan defeated the English cutter

Genesta.

1886-On September 9 and 11 the sloop Mayflower won from the English cutter Galatea.

1887-On September 27 and 30 the sloop Volunteer defeated the English cutter Thistle.

1893-On October 7, 9, and 13 the sloop Vigilant won from the English cutter Valkyrie by a narrow margin.

1895-On September 7 the Defender easily outsailed Lord Dunraven's Valkyrie III., winning by 8m. 40s.

On September 10 the Valkyrie III. fouled the Defender shortly after the start. The English yacht defeated the Defender by 47s. Because of the foul the Defender protested and the protest was allowed.

On September 12 the Valkyrie 111. withdrew immediately after crossing the line, and the Defender sailed over the course alone. 1899-On October 16 the Columbia defeated the Shamrock by 10m. 8s.

On October 17 the Shamrock was disabled before reaching the first mark, and, according to agreement, the Columbia sailed over the course alone, winning the race.

On October 20 the Columbia won the third race by 6m. 34s. 1901-On September 28 the Columbia defeated the Shamrock II. by im 20s. On October 3 the Columbia defeated the Shamrock 11. by 2m. 52s. On October 4 the Columbia won by 41s.

Some of the "Topics in Brief" inspired by the result two years ago come in very pat just now. For instance:

IT looks as if Sir Thomas would be obliged to go home and do his drinking out of a tin dipper for another year.-The Chicago Record.

ONE beauty about yacht-racing is that it makes all other forms of amusement lock economical.-The Philadelphia Ledger.

IT is definitely and authoritatively stated that the Americans put something into the water in order to prevent the Shamrock from winning. The

news has leaked out that the something was the Columbia.-The London Globe.

WE are indebted, after careful and patient enumeration, to 157,000 contemporaries for the pleasant information that Columbia is still gem of the ocean.-The Baltimore News.

A NEW PROPOSAL FOR A PACIFIC CABLE. INCE the United States came into possession of the Philip

SINCE

pine Islands, the question of the construction of a Pacific cable has claimed a large share of public attention. President McKinley dealt with the subject in many speeches and official papers, and not long ago sent a special message to Congress directing attention thereto. Congress has considered several bills providing for the construction and operation of a Pacific cable, but the clash of plans and interests has thus far prevented action. A new proposal is now made which seems likely to bring the whole matter to a head. It is thus described by the Washington correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce:

"The Postal Telegraph and Commercial Cable companies, through John W. Mackay, have offered to construct the lines without any charge to the Government. All they ask is authority to land cables on the shores of the United States and on the shores of our new possessions in the Pacific, including Hawaii. They propose, if this authority is granted, to begin work at once and to have a cable in operation between San Francisco and Honolulu within nine months. The companies agree that Government business shall have right of way; also that in time of war, if necessary, the Government shall have full control of the lines. They agree also that the present rates on cable messages from the East shall be reduced from 40 to 60 per cent. The proposition is regarded as very fair, and is receiving the attention of the State Department, to which it has been referred by President Roosevelt. It is maintained by these companies that no action of Congress is necessary, but that the Executive Department of the Government has full right to grant them the privilege of landing cables. It is not proposed to have the Government in any way connected with the cable; no subsidy or other Government aid is asked."

The Denver Republican (Rep.) thinks that the Government will make a mistake if it does not accept this offer; and the Philadelphia Times (Ind.) declares that "such an arrangement has everything to commend it." When the question was being discussed at the last session of Congress, there was considerable sentiment in favor of government ownership, and Representa

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tive Corliss and others interested still favor public construction and operation. The Chicago Evening Post (Rep.), however, thinks that the present plan would be more advantageous than one involving public ownership. It says:

"It is impossible to see what objection Congress or the public can have to a private cable on terms so favorable to the Government as these are. It is not the policy of the United States to resort to public ownership except when some clear necessity dictates it and renders private ownership inexpedient, undesirable, or dangerous. If we object to government telegraphs and municipal telephone service, why should we demand a government transpacific cable?

"President Roosevelt is said to be considering Mr. Mackay's proposal. Whether he must obtain the consent of Congress, or has the power to grant the permission to lay and land the cable, is a question which the attorney-general will doubtless answer. The President may prefer to submit the proposition to Congress in any case; in that event it will become a public duty to advo cate acceptance of the liberal offer."

A

THE SOUTH AND THE PRESIDENT. PARTICULARLY friendly feeling toward President Roosevelt is noticeable in the Southern press, and the Republican papers of the North, noticing it, suggest that the new President has a splendid opportunity to form a white Republican party in the South-something that several of his predecessors tried in vain to do. The President is reported to have said to some of his visitors that his appointments in the Southern States will be made in accordance with the wishes of the people in the States affected, rather than in deference to the wishes of the politicians; and this is taken to mean that the rings of negro politicians who have controlled the Southern delegations to the Republican national conventions, and have devoted their efforts between elections chiefly to raids on the "pie counter," will be disregarded, and the best men be appointed to federal offices, irrespective of party lines. Booker T. Washing. ton is reported to have counseled such a course, in a recent interview with the President, and to have said that it will not only be "best for the party and for the public service," but "also best for the negro."

One reason for the uncommonly friendly feeling of the South for the new President is thought to be the fact that his mother was a member of a distinguished Georgia family, and two of his uncles officers in the Confederate navy. "The fact should not be forgotten," says the Galveston News (Dem.), "that the President of the United States is half Southern, and, more than this, is better acquainted with the Southern people, by a personal contact with them, than any President since the time of Andrew Johnson." The Richmond Times (Ind. Dem.) says:

"Mr. Roosevelt is in a better position perhaps than any President has been since the war to ignore sectional differences, and he has a great opportunity, which we believe he will improve, to wipe out the last vestige of sectionalism. Of course there are some cranks at the North who will upbraid him for pursuing such a course, but all good American citizens in all sections of the country will applaud him for the honest and courageous sentiments that he has expressed, and will further applaud him if he carry out his determination to be no respecter of persons, so far as the question of locality goes, in making his appointments.

"We save the point that the South asks no favors whatever at the hands of Mr. Roosevelt. But each and every Southern State stands upon its rights, and insists that the President of this country must not make discriminations."

The Washington Post (Ind.) remarks that "it is easy to understand that Mr. Roosevelt, with his daring and impetuous nature, appeals to the Southern imagination," and it can see that "he might, without much effort, win thousands of Southern men to his following in any great and patriotic cause"; and it can see, also, that "his opportunity to make Republican converts

in the ordinary course of politics is the most brilliant that has presented itself to any party leader in the past." The opportu nity is waiting.

"Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and the two Carolinas-to go no further now-are fallow fields for Republican exploitation if only a Master Sower were to pass that way. Hitherto, the problem has been handled by bunglers-by politicians, not statesmen. The great Republican leaders of the North have worked the Southern States not to create for their party a nucleus of respectability and strength, but to secure delegates for the nominating convention. There has never yet been an effort, at once intelligent and sustained, to attract desirable recruits or even to receive them properly when disposed to come over to their own accord. Take, for example, the case of the Louisiana sugar-growers, the most powerful and influential class of citizens in the State, representing fully three-fifths of the taxpaying element and involving in their prosperity or failure the financial and commercial destiny of New Orleans. How were they met by the Republican managers in 1892 and 1896 when they wished to join the party in a body? It is an old story, which made thoughtful men grieve at the time, for the planters were given the option of staying where they were or of entering an organization controlled by a group of insignificant negro politicians, their former slaves and servants. As a matter of fact, the local managers did not want these new recruits. They had a compact, ignorant, venal following, easily deliverable at conventions, and bringing them in return the federal patronage of the State. And it is equally true that the national managers cared infinitely more for this sordid traffic than for the acquisition of States and the strengthening of the party upon high and patriotic grounds.

"What is true of Louisiana is true of all other Southern States in which the ferment of political emancipation has been at work. In no instance has the Republican propaganda been conducted by unselfish and farseeing men. All over the South are thousands upon thousands of important citizens, who represent the substance, the culture, the civic responsibility and pride of their communities, and who realize that the protective policy of the Republican party constitutes their progress and prosperity; yet these have been steadily discouraged and ignored by that party's lieutenants, and for the base and petty reasons we have indicated. Mr. Roosevelt may be the evangelist who is to straighten out these miserable tangles and disinfect the noisome slums. We hope so with all our heart. But Republican stupidity in the South has become proverbial. The leader who transforms it into a dispensation of enlightenment will be great, indeed."

TOPICS IN BRIEF.

OH well, Sir Thomas, don't you care-
What if you fail to gain the prize?
Next year, with sporting ardor stirred,
You may erect the Shamrock Third
And come again and advertise.

-The Chicago Record-Herald. NEW JERSEY demands the immediate suppression of all unincorporated lawlessness.-The Detroit News.

SOME good man like General Shafter ought to be engaged to sit down on anarchy.-The Memphis Commercial-Appeal.

WE hope our friend Lipton will make allowance for the fact that it has become a matter of habit with us.-The Detroit News.

BESIDES the Brooklyn's loop, there seem to be a good many loops in the testimony before the court of inquiry.-The Baltimore American. Aguinaldo's body-guard has surrendered. Evidently the chief has recommended the board at American headquarters.-The Washington Star. IF it was as difficult for Admiral Schley to coal at sea as it is for most of us to coal on land his explanation should be accepted.-The Omaha WorldHerald.

THE man who gets the job as body-guard to the President will always feel safe, as Mr. Roosevelt will see to it that no one harms the guard.-The Chicago News.

Of course if Mr. Roosevelt had known that there would be such a demand for incidents of his early life he would have created more of them.The Chicago Tribune.

THERE is something pleasant about the news that four little beds have been added to the sleeping accommodations of the White House. -The Cleveland Plain-Dealer.

AN American firm has published a book on the private life of the Sultan. It does not contain any illustrations showing Abdul Hamid in the act of paying his bills. -The Denver Republican.

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